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Nov. 28, 1995 - Bill Cooper
56:54
Kennedy #3
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Time Text
Light the power of the power.
Use the power of the power.
Light the power of the power.
Use the power of the power.
I will see you more.
I will see you more.
You're listening to the Hour of the Time.
I'm William Cooper.
Tonight, ladies and gentlemen, we will continue with our ongoing series of the political life, the presidency, and the fascination of John Fitzgerald Kennedy. - Great.
The hour of the time is brought to you by Swiss America Trading, who specialize in non-reportable, non-confiscatable hard assets.
Real money.
The Constitution for the United States of America gives Congress the responsibility to coin money.
It specifically says in the Constitution, coin money.
Now, if you want further clarification, you can go to the statutes at large in the United States Code, which specifies exactly what money is.
And ladies and gentlemen, money, according to the law, is a specific weight in measurement and purity of silver coin.
That when this specific weight in measurement is met, this is called a dollar.
You see, those little scraps of paper that you're carrying in your wallet today are not money.
They are not dollars.
Any more than an ounce can be milk.
You see a dollar is a description of a unit of weight and measurement of purity of a silver coin.
The law also states that money can be an equivalent value in gold coin.
The Constitution for the United States of America, in Article One, outlines the specific limitations, restrictions upon government, one of which is, no state shall tender in payment of debt anything other than gold or silver coin.
Now, ladies and gentlemen, that is the best example that I can give you.
That our Constitution is not in effect, is not operating, is not in force.
And there are many others.
And all this eventually has to come tumbling down because it's built upon a lie.
And as with all lies, when the foundation of the lie is exposed, everything that has built upon it will come crashing down.
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If you don't make this call, if you cannot assure them, and you fail to take the responsibility to do it now, then you don't really love them at all.
Thank you.
Thank you.
There is no doubt whom the Republicans will now nominate.
But nonetheless, Wednesday evening, every delegate is in place to cheer the announcement from the podium.
that Vice President Richard M. Nixon has been unanimously nominated to be the candidate of the Republican Party for the Office of President of the United States.
The next day, Thursday, is all Richard M. Nixon's.
He is the man who will succeed White B. Eisenhower next January.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Richard K. Nixon.
Normally an off-the-cuff orator, Nixon has prepared his acceptance speech thoughtfully, and many will think of his best effort of the year.
I can only say, tonight, to you, But I believe in the American dream because I have seen it come true in my own life.
When Mr. Khrushchev says our grandchildren will live under communism, let us say his grandchildren will live in freedom.
And I pledge to you that I personally will carry this campaign into every one of the 50 states of this nation between now This unprecedented pledge of a 50-state campaign will later bind Nixon to his performance.
He then concludes, With faith in America, with faith in her ideals, and in her people, I accept your nomination for President of the United States.
And now Richard M. Nixon, like John F. Kennedy, is halfway down the road.
Only two are left.
Only one can win.
While the candidates plan, a new census counts the nation.
Americans number over 180 million.
Spectacular growth.
Marked on cards, sorted, sifted, analyzed by computers.
The figures floodlight past decades.
Nixon and Kennedy now have a precise new picture of the past.
How they read it for the future is what counts.
The great cities of America, says the census, are shrinking.
Americans are moving to suburbia.
Two-thirds of all the growth has been there.
Information vital to political planners.
But spinning figures create still another movement.
Eighteen million American Negroes, one-tenth of the nation, are on the move.
Fifty years ago, 90% lived in the Old South.
The new census says half now live north and west, and mostly in the big cities of the major states, where their votes are critical.
Such movements can be registered.
Others cannot be.
Politics are affected by the differing ways Americans choose to worship.
One quarter of the country is Catholic, the rest mostly of Protestant origin.
Both candidates believe such differences should not influence votes, but they must plan realistically to neutralize prejudice.
Each digit is an individual American with an individual past.
Both candidates must try to reach the individual in the mass and turn him from the past to face the future.
Nixon, with running mate Henry Cabot Lodge and his staff, plan a campaign that will amble through August, speed up in September, concentrate on seven big states, then teach in an all-out effort just before election.
They begin by consulting with President Eisenhower.
Ike makes it clear he'll give all help asked, but that Nixon is free to run his own campaign his own way.
The president will make three television appearances.
He is ready to do more, but no further requests are now made.
At Hyannis Court, Kennedy rests and plays while the Republican Convention holds national attention.
This is the moment of stunned sale and family.
A moment of cool pause before plunging on to the scorching climax of electoral clash.
His summer cottage now becomes a national headquarters.
Chief of Central Intelligence, Alan Dulles, comes to brief Kennedy on those secrets of American foreign affairs that must be kept out of partisan politics.
He also received a visit from Lyndon Johnson, now his vice-presidential partner, to shape political strategy.
Johnson must win the South.
Kennedy will try for the big states of the Northeast and California.
But Kennedy's theory of pacing differs from Nixon's.
They believe in starting early, running hard all the way, then running harder than ever at the end.
Before they can start, Kennedy must return to Washington, where a dreary summer session of the Senate traps him in attendances.
Impatiently, Kennedy and his staff make the best use of these tedious Washington days in planning.
It is also a good time to patch party feuds.
Mr. President, Mr. Secretary of Commerce, what caused you to decide that Senator Kennedy was ready for the Congress?
Well, the Democratic National Convention decided to nominate him for President.
That's all the answer you need.
The National Democratic Convention is the law for the Democratic Party.
And I'm a Democrat, and I call him the Lord.
Streaking home to California, Nixon is free in early August to be first candidate off the mark.
Overnight across the broad Pacific to Hawaii, Nixon sets the jet pace of the 1960 campaign.
These August days are marked for Nixon by two episodes.
The first, a nasty crack on his knee in an automobile cavalcade, which he ignores.
The second, his foray into the deep South.
He decides to be the first Republican candidate ever to visit Atlanta, Georgia.
To his delight and surprise, the Georgians strung the streets in a fantastic demonstration.
Republicans realized that the solid Democratic South may be a myth of yesteryear.
But at the end of August, Nixon lies in Walter Reed Hospital.
His injured knee has become dangerously infected.
Dead ridden, he must re-plan schedules, crowding the days ahead to the utmost, hoping to keep his 50-state pledge.
Well-wishers, including Eisenhower, come to cheer him up.
Yet the two weeks' time lost is irreplaceable.
An impatient Kennedy is freed when the Senate primary closes on September 1st.
Now he sprints to overtake Nixon's summer travels.
But this is not barnstorming in the primaries.
These are the finals.
This is for history.
Kennedy gropes for the phrases that tongued his urgency to trumpet his call to the nation.
A special train carries his party through the golden valleys of California.
With a click of its wheels on the tracks, he begins to find the phrases of his students, soon to be familiar.
But I'm not satisfied as an American to see us stand still when other countries move ahead.
I think it's up to us to grasp the future, to recognize the responsibility that we have in our own generation to move ahead.
As he continues triumphantly through California, he hears of murmurings back east that disturb him.
His religious views are again being questioned.
He decides to meet the issue head-on by accepting an invitation to speak in Texas.
Flying there, he prepares to make his climactic statement on religion before the Greater Houston Ministerial Association on September 12th.
Let me stress again that these are my views.
But contrary to common, ill-thinking usage, I am not the Catholic candidate for president.
I am the Democratic Party's candidate for president, who happens also to be a Catholic.
I do not speak for my church on public matters, and the church does not speak for me.
If I should lose on the real aid, I shall return to my seat in the Senate, satisfied that I tried my best and was fairly judged.
But if this election is decided on the basis that 40 million Americans lost their chance of being president on the day they were baptized, Then it is the whole nation that will be the loser, in the eyes of Catholics and non-Catholics around the world, in the eyes of country, and in the eyes of our own people.
Now it's Nixon's turn to catch up.
A jet sweeps him out of Washington the same day Kennedy speaks in Houston.
And Nixon tries to gobble the continent in a single week.
From Baltimore to Dallas and San Francisco.
From Portland to Boise, Grand Forks, Peoria, St.
Louis, Atlantic City, Roanoke, and Omaha.
From Omaha to Council Bluffs, Red Oak, Des Moines, Sioux City.
On and on he campaigns in this frenzied first week, driving himself from dawn to dusk.
Scarcely recovered from his sickbed, he catches a cold, runs a fever which he valiantly disguises, but keeps right on.
Nixon, too, has a theme which simplifies the message he is trying to press into the emotions and votes of Americans.
There is one issue that Americans are thinking about as they vote for president and vice president.
Thank you.
Whatever part of the country they come from, whatever group that they may be a part of, there is one issue that they're thinking about everything else.
And that is, which of the two candidates for the presidency, which of the two candidates for the vice presidency, can best give America and the free world the leadership that will keep the peace without surrender and extend freedom throughout the world?
This is the signature in the sky of a revolution.
A revolution Americans call television.
Ten years ago, only four million homes had television.
Now it reaches into 44 million homes.
It is about to show its last effect on politics.
Congress has made possible direct TV debate by presidential candidates for the first time.
And Chicago will be the theme of the first great debate.
Okay, I just want to make sure that we're getting the record right.
Okay, take one and two, please, right here.
In the studio, producer Don Hewitt prepares for the arrival of Nixon and Kennedy.
Representatives of the candidates inspect and approve each detail of preparation, down to the shade of gray in the painting of the set.
Vice President Nixon is the first to arrive.
He has campaigned right through this morning, and paused only this afternoon for solitary rest without staff or entourage in a hotel room.
Now he listens while the rules of TV debate are explained.
Well, I think we're just supposed to stand here.
Right?
Right.
Good.
Incidentally, I think what Howard would like to say, the first question now to Senator Kennedy, you may not want to get up until he's finished.
Then once you've got enough to comment on, then you're up for the rest of the year.
And Howard will hit the gavel if somebody ignores him.
What does the cut mean?
Get out Grace.
Five seconds.
Right?
So what I mean is you want to quit quickly?
The cut is, that's it.
And Howard will give you a few seconds over the cut and then back to me.
Sure, sure.
Well, I don't mind.
Now, David, will you hit the one minute switch, please?
Can you hear me now, speaking?
Is that about the right tone of voice?
It is a pleasure to be here tonight and to participate in this program, which opens up a series of discussions, sometimes known as great debates.
Good evening.
The television and radio stations of the United States and their affiliated stations are proud to provide facilities for discussion of issues in the current political campaign by the two major candidates for the presidency.
The Republican candidate, Vice President Richard M. Nixon, and the Democratic candidate, Senator John F. Kennedy.
The audience for this debate is almost too huge to measure.
This is the first of four.
Researchers will claim each debate caught the attention of almost 70 million Americans.
Smith, Nixon.
In the election of 1860, Abraham Lincoln said the question was whether this nation could exist, half slave or half free.
In the election of 1960, and with the world around us, the question is whether the world will exist, half slave or half free.
The subject of this debate is domestic affairs.
Kennedy has spent a relaxing day at the Ambassador East Hotel with his brain trusters, preparing as if for a college exam.
Kennedy directs himself not so much to Nixon as to the unseen audiences of the nation.
Nixon, however, in debater style, addresses himself chiefly to Kennedy.
Smith, Senator Kennedy.
The things that Senator Kennedy has said, many of us can agree with.
There is no question but that we cannot discuss our internal affairs in the United States.
The Nixon campaign has stressed his superior maturity and experience.
But face to face, the two men seem evenly matched.
With this debate, the Nixon claim is shaken.
Moreover, ill at ease, under strain, dressed in a suit of grey that blends into the background, Nixon in this first debate leaves a disappointing image in the minds of millions of Americans.
For years, men will argue who won or lost the debate.
But political analysts will agree that these TV debates were the most important single episode of the campaign.
I've been asked by the candidates to thank the American networks and the affiliated stations for providing time and facilities.
Overnight, TV has given Kennedy star quality.
Public response soars.
Friday afternoon, October 13th, and the Pirates win the World Series with Drew Macarofsky clouds the ninth-inning homer.
Now, by the folklore of politicians, nothing can distract a nation's attention from the presidential finale.
As October beckons to cold November, Nixon campaigns with his wife by train through the Republican Midwest.
His staff is scheduling him more sensibly than in the first tormenting stanzas of his cross-country dash.
In this friendly region, he begins to bring his campaign to peak as planned.
And as Nixon develops his gloves-off style, the final election round begins to sizzle.
This is what he said.
He said, I am tired of reading in the paper what Mr. Khrushchev is doing.
I am tired of reading in the paper what Mr. Castro is doing.
He says, I want to be able to read in the paper what the President of the United States is doing.
I wonder if what he's saying is, if he had stopped talking and started reading, he'd find out what President Eisenhower is doing.
I don't care how many rescue squads they send to hell picnics and travel around the United States.
I don't care if Cabot Lodge and Nelson Rockefeller and Barry Goldwater all prop him up and push him forward, and I don't care if they ask Huey, Landon, and Hoover to advise him how to win!
The point of the matter is, a team doesn't run for the president.
One man runs for president, one man runs for vice president, and the country makes its decision.
The president of the United States, Mr. Eisenhower, dragged him in twice, but they're not gonna drag him in a third time.
They say, recudiate Eisenhower.
And may I say, I am sick and tired of hearing my opponent run down the President of the United States and his administration.
Oh, I know.
I know.
After he hit them below the belt, he said, well, I didn't do it.
I didn't mean Eisenhower.
I meant Nixon.
To show how desperate, to show how desperate and despicable this campaign has become, They're handing outside the fence plant a poster which says, Jack Kennedy is after your job.
I'm after Mr. Eisenhower's job.
In that little boy manner he has, very innocent, he said, he said, you know, if I'm elected president, I'll consult, I'll consult with President Eisenhower about how to stop this slump.
He'll have a chance to consult with Eisenhower when he'll be a Senator of the United States and not President of the United States.
He tells us now that he's the man to stand up to Khrushchev, even though I can't persuade him to come into a studio and engage in the fifth debate and stand up to the American people.
I do not believe that we can afford to use the White House as a training school to give a man experience at the University of Massachusetts.
Now if we can just send him back to California for four more years and study up, we're going to make a good public servant out of him.
He shows an ignorance economically which disqualifies him from even being considered as President of the United States.
The Vice President of the United States says that he will go to Eastern Europe if he wins this election.
I will go to 1.16.
Thank you.
Thank you.
The End
Ladies and gentlemen, you're listening to part three of our continuing series.
I I'm William Cooper, and this is the Hour of the Time, brought to you by Swiss America Trading.
They specialize in hard assets, non-reportable, non-confiscatable, real money.
And to prove that, I'm going to read to you directly from the Constitution for the United States of America.
And I want you to listen very, very closely.
In Article 1, Section 8, it says, the Congress shall have power to coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures.
Now, ladies and gentlemen, nothing can be clearer than that.
But just in case you still have a problem here, let's go to Article 1, Section 10, where it says, and I quote, So enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation.
Grant letters of marquee or reprisal.
Coin money.
Emit bills of credit.
Make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts.
Pass any bill of attainder ex post facto law or law impairing the obligation of contracts or grant any title of nobility.
Notice, ladies and gentlemen, that it talks about money as being gold and silver coin.
It talks about Congress having the responsibility, the power, to coin money.
Money is, in fact, according to the law, a specific weight in measurement and purity of silver coin.
And when the spec...
Therefore,
those... Scraps of paper that you have in your wallet are really worthless, ladies and gentlemen.
They are not money.
They do not meet the requirement and cannot even be exchanged for real money.
They can no more be a dollar than an ounce can be milk.
They are worthless pieces of paper you can't even use them to write on because they're covered with ink.
And, in fact, In truth, they are only worth what the sheeple agree to exchange for them.
You see, the entire economy, the entire money system, if you will, and I hate to use that word because we do not have a money system anymore.
We are in blatant violation of our own laws, our own constitution, which is the greatest proof that I could give you.
That the Constitution is not, in fact, enforced.
And if you were really listening when I read Article 1, Section 10, listen to this one more time.
Article 1, Section 10.
No state shall enter into any treaty.
Maryland just signed a treaty, ladies and gentlemen, with the United Nations, on her own, bypassing the government of the United States of America, which has the sole power to enter into treaties with foreign powers, foreign nations, or with any other state.
The Constitution strictly forbids the state of Maryland to do what it has just done.
It's another piece of proof that the Constitution is not in effect.
Our entire lives, ladies and gentlemen, today is based upon a lie.
We have no money.
We do not have a Republican form of government as guaranteed by the Constitution.
Indeed, the Constitution has been thrown to the winds.
As it always happens, as it has always happened in the history of the world, when the foundation of this system is exposed as a lie,
When everyone finally gets it through their head that they have been living a lie, that they have been fooled, conned, cheated, when they realize that the wealth of the nation has been stolen right out from under their eyes, this whole structure will collapse.
You see, because it is built upon a lie, the biblical metaphor would be the house that is built upon the sand instead of the rock.
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Thank you.
My opinion is that there ought to be a Negro in the cabinet, and I'll go further on Nixon's predictions that if Nixon is elected, there won't be a qualified Negro in the cabinet.
But Negro aspirations sputter over simpler demands.
Martin Luther King, the Negro leader, is arrested in Atlanta at a restaurant sit-in, then sentenced to hard labor.
Negro leaders fear for his life.
Notified while campaigning, Kennedy recognizes the crisis.
He decides to telephone directly to Mrs. King, promising support.
Next day, the weight of Kennedy's opinion is felt in Georgia.
He is released safe on bail.
As word spreads, Negro votes shift to Kennedy in the weeks before elections.
With ten days to go, Nixon trails periodically in the public opinion polls.
He joins the President of the White House for a final strategy session.
They decide how to throw Eisenhower's personal magic into the campaign.
Observers speculate about Ike's dramatic intervention.
Can Ike transfer his popularity to another candidate?
Can he too close to Nixon by this last-minute effort?
There is no question in your mind.
In fact, there seems to be only one individual who's bewailing America's strength and weakness, and he happens to be a political...
The only one who's doing this kind of worrying is a political candidate, and he's not here tonight.
I'm Leonardo D'Amico, and the Blitz TV campaign has closed the gap.
This is the climactic last weekend of the election, but Nixon feels he must fly to Alaska, so he has only three electoral votes to keep his 50-state pledge.
It's the first time in the history of the United States that a candidate for the presidency of either party has visited all of the 50 states in this country.
I come to the Bronx as an old Bronx boy.
I used to live in the Bronx.
I agree it was the Riverdale Inn of the Bronx, but it was the Bronx.
No last minute claim diverts Kennedy from the urban heat where the electoral votes were packed.
From New York, he barnstorms through his native New England.
In New Haven, he pauses to speak as a Harvard man to the Yale man.
Then on he rolls through crowded industrial cities.
The big jet fleets Nixon back from Alaska on Monday with only a day to go before elections.
In Detroit, a last treat parade and the last speech of candidates.
I say to you, consider the qualifications of the two men running.
Consider them From the standpoint only of America, forgetting all other considerations, and the decision that is made, I am confident tomorrow, it will be done, it will be best for America, it will be best for the world.
It is this message with which I close my last speech as the Vice President of the United States.
After 65,000 miles of travel, 150 major speeches, he ends with a four-hour telethon in Detroit, and the final TV appeal from Chicago.
A night flight will carry him home to Los Angeles, and Richard M. Nixon's campaign will be over.
At the Boston Gardens in the Old North End, where Paul Revere set out on the ride that began American history, John F. Kennedy speaks on election eve to his own Bostonians, I'd like to have you meet my two sisters and sister-in-law.
My sister-in-law lives in California.
And her husband-in-law.
and the Hunter Keel office.
The sister-in-law Shriver from one arm.
The wife of my brother, Ted Healy, our Western manager, is the job.
This is the most responsible time in the life of any citizen of any free country.
And I do not run for the office of the Presidency after 14 years in the Congress with any expectation that it is an empty or easy job.
I run for the Presidency of the United States.
Because it is the center of action.
And in a free society, the chief responsibility of the President is to send to all the American people the unfinished opportunities of our country.
After the noise, silence.
After the two-month campaign, the hush of a decision.
No bands march on election day.
No trumpets call Americans to the polls.
Mostly they stand in line quietly, shuffling slowly through the 164,000 polls, where a pencil mark, a lever pulled, sums up heritage and impulse, hope, greed, and fear.
Almost a million Americans have died in battle to defend this way of life.
The weather on November 8, 1960 was excellent.
Good enough to invite 68 million citizens, more than ever voted freely at any other time or place in history, to answer the call of the candidates.
At 9.30, the candidate lands in Hyannisport for the last rally, the last glare of dawn, the end of a hundred thousand miles of adventure.
From here, by the shores of the Atlantic, he can wait a day at home behind palisades and police.
When he emerges again, he will come either as president or also ram.
Trophy in another man's career.
By the shores of the other oceans, Richard Milhouse Nixon is likewise seeking solitude.
Ducking reporters and crowds, on election day, he flips across the border to Mexico.
And while the nation ponders his fate, he lunches on tacos and enchiladas with Tijuana's mayor, Hijo del Cabo Alemán.
And now begins the time of waiting.
At Hyannis Fort, the National Guard Armory is converted to a press room where reporters relay what treads of news the long day brings to the Kennedy College system.
How the Kennedy brothers are playing touch football.
How a nationwide telephone net has been established in Bobby Kennedy's home.
From Nixon's press room in the Los Angeles Ambassador Hotel comes similar trivia.
But no one yet has a clue to the votes.
Normally, the suburbs and small towns vote early, and they usually vote Republican.
The working men of the big cities and their families, who vote Democratic, do not vote at the meeting.
So the first returns tonight, as always, indicate Republicans ahead.
Nixon leads by a shade in popular votes.
He also holds an early lead in states with 173 of the 200 in Mega Man President.
Now, as dusk falls over Hyannis Port, the atmosphere at headquarters in Bobby Kennedy's cottage grows tense.
All await Connecticut, the first major industrial state of the East Coast to report.
At 7 in the evening, Connecticut closes its polls.
By 7.30, the report is in.
A Kennedy smash victory.
With reporting at 8.12 Eastern Standard Time, the odds are 11 to 5 that John F. Kennedy will be elected president.
As other eastern states follow in a rising Kennedy tide, Eisenhower goes on TV to encourage Republicans in the far west where polls are still open.
Hello there horse one, smelling the smoke of battle.
I just couldn't keep still.
The only way, the only way that battles are won is keeping fighting right to the last minute.
And they've got everything to fight for.
Kennedy's popular lead is now over a million and mounting rapidly.
Kennedy seems to be well ahead in states with 343 electoral votes.
More than enough to elect him if this early lead stands up.
Between 10 and 11, the Kennedy tide seems irresistible.
But inside the cottage, the pros read returns differently.
For now, as the Midwest and Rocky Mountain states show first tallies, Kennedy people detect a mixed-encounter vibe rising.
This will be no sweep.
This is to be touch and go.
And I was so happy to see that we were now 52 point something and a few minutes ago we were 54 against us.
Justin Morton points out, And I was so happy to see that we were now 52 point something, and a few minutes ago we were 54 against us.
So, it's working out all right.
From midnight on, as the Kennedy leads shrinks, waiting becomes torment.
Kennedy's electoral vote freezes at 265, four votes short of majority.
Victory in any one of four states, Michigan, Minnesota, California, or Illinois, can give Kennedy the presidency.
But at the armory, minute after minute, hour after hour, the news and TV nets wait for decision on these hairbreadth races.
And none comes.
Instead, shortly after three in the morning East Coast time, midnight California time, the network stringed the country the picture of the Vice President coming to speak from Los Angeles.
I am sure that many are listening here who are supporting Mr. Senator Kennedy.
I know too that he probably is listening to this program.
And while the...
As I look at the board here, while there are still some results still to come in, if the present trend continues, Mr. Kennedy, Senator Kennedy, will be the next president of the United States. Senator Kennedy, will be the next president of the United I...
I...
I want Senator Kennedy to know, and I want all of you to know, that certainly if this trend does continue, and he does become our next president, that he will have my wholehearted support in New York City.
Stoically, hope fading, but not yet conceding, the Vice President retires to wait the last close returns and the last reprieve from the dismissal of history.
On the other side of the continent, at the armory, Press Chief Salinger voices Kennedy's response to press and nation.
I left the senator just a few minutes ago to complain to his house to go to bed.
And he plans to get up around 9-15 tomorrow morning.
The Center will have no statement to make until we hear further from the Vice President.
The question was whether the Secret Service has begun to protect the Center, and I said not that I know of.
From your Washington apartment, Chief of Secret Service Urbanus Baumann will have two telephone lines open to platoons of Secret Service agents at Hyannis Fort and Los Angeles.
At 545, Michigan's 20 electoral votes go to Kennedy for a majority of 285, which elects.
Bauman decides to move his 8-5 platoon to guard the next president.
The candidate still sleeps in the flood-lit compound as 16 Secret Service agents infiltrate the grounds and throw their security ring around the man they must now protect with their lives.
Though the margin is thin, By morning, it is unmistakable.
At noon, John Kennedy comes to the armory to face his country, as President does Ignace.
And I have sent to President Eisenhower the following wire.
I am grateful for your wire, and good wishes.
I look forward to working with you in the near future.
Vice President Kennedy also reads his exchange of wires with Vice President Nixon, then ends his press conference with this pledge.
And I can assure you that every degree of mind and spirit that I possess will be devoted to the long-range interest of the United States and to the cause of freedom around the world.
So now my wife and I prepare for a new administration and for a new baby.
Thank you.
Kennedy slowly leaves the veteran reporters who have followed him for thousands of miles.
He accepts congratulations, offers greetings to those suddenly shy, but they and he know it is farewell.
As president, he must walk alone.
January 20th, 1961.
After a night of deep snow, Inauguration Day.
As custom requires, the old president accompanies the new president from the White House down Pennsylvania Avenue to the Capitol, where America's laws are made, and where the oath of office is administered to presidents.
In the rotunda gathers an escorting procession, justices of the Supreme Court, the bland old man of the Democratic Party, and other figures in the history of 1960.
The outgoing administration takes its honorable place.
So does the new vice president.
And so do all the rest.
Do you, John Fitzgerald Kennedy, do solemnly swear...
I thank the sterile Kennedy to solemnly swear that you will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States.
I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States.
And will to the best of your ability.
And will to the best of my ability.
Preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States.
Preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States.
So help you God.
So help me God.
And now there is the distance around him.
The majesty that must surround the chief.
Freely won, freely given.
He has started somewhere with a hand in the streets, a snows of the past.
He ends with a handshake in the snow.
So, power of God.
We observe today not a
victory of party, but a celebration of freedom, symbolizing an end as well as a beginning, signifying renewal as well as change.
For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath of forbearance prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.
The world is very different now, for man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life.
And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe.
The belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution.
Let the word go forth from this time and place Good night, ladies and gentlemen.
Please don't miss tomorrow night's part four.
And God bless you all.
Thank you.
Don't miss tomorrow night's episode of the Hour of the Time.
It's a killer!
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