April 26, 2025 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the Political Cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, known across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the Political Cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
Rolling down Blackwoods, Tennessee by Way, one arm on the wheel, holding my lover with the other.
A sweet soft southern thrill.
Worked hard all week.
Got a little jingle on a Tennessee Saturday night.
Couldn't feel better.
I'm together with my Dixie Landy light.
Spend my dollar neath the mountain moonlight.
Hold her up tight.
Make a little loving.
A little turn of dove in a Mason Dixon night.
It's my life.
Oh, so light.
My Dixie Landylite.
I love our people.
I love this program.
I love this time of year on the show after hearing that song.
We may extend Confederate History Month for another month.
But folks, we are not just celebrating those four war years.
We are celebrating all of the South, and we will continue to do that year-round.
And we are certainly doing that this hour.
It is really once again, another honor to say that we played a role, a small role, in, I think, a groundbreaking research article that analyzes voting patterns using hard data and unique analysis in ways that I have not seen previously explored by other observers in our movement.
The conclusions are not something that I've really heard discussed, but we're going to have an in-depth discussion about exactly what that research was, what those findings were, what it means with the author of this particular piece.
And you may be surprised to find the author is Courtney from Alabama, but you shouldn't be if you knew her educational background, what she got her degrees in.
She is a research analyst in part and certainly someone very good and adept with numbers and statistics and data and values.
And we'll welcome her back to the program now.
Courtney, how are you?
I'm good.
How are you?
Thank you so much for having me back on to talk about this article more in depth now that it's out.
Well, you're always on with us during Confederate History Month.
You're a regular throughout the year, most often on special occasions, but not exclusively so.
But you are always with us in April.
And this time, this just and right at the last minute under the wire, this article finally came out.
And you had been working on this for how long?
I mean, but it's certainly, it's certainly, I think, I think it ties in well with our ongoing conversation this month about Southern culture.
But when did you first start writing the article or first start researching for this article?
Oh, geez.
I would have to go back.
It's like you would usually have a real good memory of stuff like that.
But I would have to go back and look at when I first started reaching out to Hunter Wallace about where he got his data when he wrote that wonderful article right after the election on how white women around the country voted.
I think it wasn't long after the turn of the new year that I reached out to him and started, you know, it was somewhere between the new year and the Valentine's Day show.
So, well, it had to have been before the Valentine's Day show because I kind of gave a sneak preview on it then.
I'm trying to remember when you first, because you had reached out and you were talking to me about some of these things that we're about to get into.
And I'm not going to tease this forever.
We're about to get into it, folks.
But I think, and I encourage you to write an article.
I said, you should write an article.
And if you write an article that just presents a very well-defended structured piece that reinforces all of these arguments, because I shared with your conclusions just when we were talking about them, that I would try to help get it published.
And that was really the entire entirety of our contribution to it: Courtney came with this idea.
And I said, you should write something about it and I'll help get it out there.
But that had to be right after the election.
I mean, this is actually something.
The point is, this has been something that has been in the hopper for several months.
Yes.
And I don't know if it's okay for me to go ahead and give a little more credit now without going into too much detail.
But yeah, Hunter Wallace, I basically got the data from him.
You know, he did his article on only white women and how they voted around the country.
I wanted to do it on both white men and white women around the country by region, how they voted.
So I give him credit for providing the data for me because otherwise, gosh, I had such a hard time finding it.
He's wonderful with that.
And then he did a wonderful analysis within the article about, you know, about how, not to give too much away, but how religion impacts how white people vote around the country.
And that's kind of one of his big things.
He did a great job on his section of the article.
And then if it's okay for me to go ahead and give credit to Mr. Jared Taylor, who helped, you know, I'll admit, you know, at first my article was really, really long.
And I, you know, I kind of meandered with some of my explanations and everything.
And he kind of cut it down to where he knew, you know, the average audience in our circles, you know, what would keep their interest.
So he did a lot of editing for me, and I really appreciate that.
So here is, I was just going to say very quickly, just this logical progression of how this came to be.
And you say, well, it's just an article.
What's the big deal?
There's articles posted every day.
Not like this.
Not like this.
This is a truly scientific, a scientific research paper.
Courtney was talking to me about some of these things that she was looking at, and I encourage her to write an article.
She goes to Brad Griffin, who is a data miner par excellence.
I mean, literally, if you had, imagine a gold mine, but it's just filled with data.
I mean, Brad would be the guy that you put a hard hat on and send in there with the pickaxe because nobody can work through this kind of stuff like he can.
So when Courtney and Brad teamed up on this, I knew something incredible was going to come out.
And then it took a while.
I mean, it took a few months.
But when I knew that it was done, I called Jared last week.
Jared was driving back to his house, called him before the show last week.
I said, Jared, I got something I want you to look at.
I want you to do me a favor.
I want you to consider running it.
And it came out yesterday.
So without further ado, what was this article all about?
Because I think it's going to make some waves.
It is up at American Renaissance right now.
That's where it's making its debut after a modest embargo of exclusivity.
It's going to pop up at other places as well.
And we're going to try to give this some heavy saturation.
And I'm going to be working to do that.
But what was it that motivated you?
I mean, what is the overall argument of this article that you and Brad worked on together?
And why is it important?
So I don't think, okay, so the overall idea is that white people in our country are far more divided by region than we are by sex when it comes to how we vote.
And the reason I think it's important to examine this and write an article on it and post, you know, my data and graphs and figures and everything is because this is a point that gets overlooked way too much.
We focus too much on the overall national sex gap, you know, after every election.
And it's usually only under 10 percentage points.
So we make such a huge issue about it.
Meanwhile, we have these regional gaps that are up to like over 30 percentage points.
And I'm not exaggerating.
I'm about to go into the data again.
You know, and, you know, I gave a sneak preview on Valentine's Day, but now I'm going to go into further analysis.
But the data is there.
I provide the Fox News link in the article where the original raw data by state is.
Anybody can go behind and check me.
But basically, yeah, I averaged the state averages together, you know, and then came up with averages by region.
Is it okay for me to go ahead and go into all this?
Yeah, what we're going to do, Courtney, I just communicated with our producer over the monitor that we share here in the studio.
We're going to skip this first break so we don't have to interrupt this.
Folks, this thing, check it out.
Again, just now, hot off the press at American Renaissance, but this thing is full of, I think, incontrovertible evidence of what Courtney's about to share with you.
Full with maps and charts and graphs and all kinds of things to prove her points.
But her points are interesting.
And again, her basic hypothesis was that we need to be looking at how whites vote by region, not necessarily by sex.
And she'll go into why she believes that is so important and what the raw data proved.
Courtney, take your time and do it.
Thank you.
Thank you so much.
So yeah, I came up with an average by region based on the raw state by state data that Fox News provided.
Thank goodness Hunter Wallace provided me with that link.
They go into excellent detail, like with each demographic, how they voted, white men, white women, excellent detail on everything, all the way down the line, state by state.
I pulled the percentages of how white men and women voted in every state.
And not only did I graph the raw state data alone, which itself is impressive, like I graphed, I put up a table with all the states.
I excluded Hawaii because it had insufficient data.
And, you know, who cares about Hawaii anyways?
I mean, let Japan have Hawaii.
I mean, but anyway, anyways.
But it's no surprise that they have insufficient data there for white people and how they vote.
But anyway, so I left Hawaii out.
But basically, yeah, I graphed all the other states, you know, and in detail of how white men and women voted.
And then I also averaged all the states together in each region, doing an average by region of how white men and women voted.
And I came up, you know, and I'll go through the percentages again.
I got my actual figure here in front of me where it's all graphed.
But basically, you know, at the top, 72% of white men voted for Trump in the South.
770% of white women in the South voted for Trump.
That was the second group after Southern white men who voted for Trump in the highest percentages.
And then after that, there's three regions that kind of fall in the middle, and I kind of graphed them in order of their overall averages, you know, averaging how both sexes voted, both white sexes voted overall, because otherwise it's a little confusing.
But next, the overall, when averaging white men and women together, the Midwest comes next with the second highest percentages.
But basically, they had 63, 63% of white men voting for Trump there and 55, 55% of white women voting for Trump there.
Alaska comes next.
I put Alaska by itself as a region because it's a statistical outlier for the Pacific Coast.
The way they vote in Alaska has nothing to do with the rest of the, how the Pacific Coast voted, so it didn't make sense to put them together.
So Alaska is treated both as a region and a state in this article.
So in Alaska, 64, 6-4% of white men voted for Trump.
53, 5-3% of white women voted for Trump.
The Interior West, it was 61% of white men, 6-1, who voted for Trump.
55, 5-5% of white women who voted for Trump.
The Northeast, now when you get to the Northeast and the Pacific Coast, the percentages start to jump down a lot more, especially when comparing it back to the South.
52, 5-2% of white men in the Northeast voted for Trump.
43% of white women in the Northeast voted for Trump.
45% of white men on the Pacific Coast voted for Trump.
And then 44-0% of white women on the Pacific Coast voted for Trump.
So, you know, when you look at both ends of the graph and you see, you know, you got 72% of white men in the South voting for Trump, along with 70% of white women in the South voting for Trump.
And then at the other extreme, you got like white men and women in the Northeast and on the Pacific Coast only voting for him in the 50s and 40s.
I mean, these are major regional differences.
And, you know, it's southern white women voted for Trump in higher percentages than white men in any other region.
And that's clear when you look at my first figure in the, or my second figure in the article.
White men in the South voted better than anybody else in the country.
White women in the South voted better than anybody other than Southern white men.
So anyways, that's one of the biggest takeaways on regional differences.
There's other ways I can go into this and break it down.
And let's see.
And another thing that's interesting, and again, Mr. Taylor kind of edited my article and took out, you know, some things that might have been a little unnecessary in the descriptions.
And I'm glad he did that because it makes it a lot easier to go through and for the reader to read.
But one of the things I explained before, well, it's still in the article, actually, but we removed, we actually took Virginia out of the southeastern data or out of the southern data and had to put it with the northeast because it was such a statistical anomaly for the rest of the south that it did not fit in with the rest of the south percentages.
So we had to put it with the northeast.
And some people might not think that's really fair, like I'm purposely boosting the South's overall percentages, but I have to say this.
By doing that, I helped to the Northeast because Virginia had the highest percentages out of the Northeast.
Well, I mean, but you do it both ways.
I mean, you do break it down regionally, but you also break it down state by state.
So people can plug and play however they want to when they're looking at this.
That's true.
That's very true.
And I can go into, let's see, I can go into the states next.
I think I've said enough about regions.
How much more time do we have?
We skip that break.
So we've got about 10 minutes, but I just want to, well, continue on.
I don't want to jump to the, hey, this is to me, or to me, what were the biggest and most shocking, not necessarily shocking, but just the takeaways that I think people are going to be talking about when they read this.
And again, I had the opportunity to see the draft that Courtney and Brad put together, go into detail about the data and methods used, the results, the regional results, state-by-state trends, also voting gaps between white men and women within regions and states versus just by sex alone, the gaps, some discussion.
I mean, it is just very well done.
This would be at home at any prestigious university or research paper of this caliber.
So continue on with more of those findings, Courtney.
I really, I really appreciate that.
So, so yes, there's also moving further into the paper here, there's a really elongated table from top to bottom that is in here that I put together that lists every single state, like every single state percentage for white men and white women back to, you know, in different columns right next to each other.
The percentage in every single state going from highest to lowest of the percentage of white men in each state who voted for Trump and white women in each state who voted for Trump.
And I'll do the opposite of how we did in the article, and I'll, you know, start from the lowest state first.
But basically, if you look at, and I'm not saying I'm going through every one, obviously, but when you look at the table, I color coded it by region.
I have every state listed for both sexes, but I also have it color-coded by region.
And you see, it's obvious.
Like at the very top, it's a lot of red, which represents the South.
And then you start to see a little bit of the Midwest and Interior West overlap, those states towards the bottom of the southern states.
And then in the middle is kind of a lot of Midwest and Interior West and Alaska is thrown in there.
You get to the bottom, and it's very northeast and Pacific Coast heavy.
And that's the same for both sexes.
You know, you got white women in the South at the very top of this table, you know, with very high percentages in their states compared to white men on the Pacific Coast and in the Northeast, you know, who are at the very bottom of their side of the table, the men's column, with very low percentages compared to what the white women in the South had.
But anyways, I'm just going to go over, I'm going to talk about the lowest state here real quick, but the lowest percentages, and I hate, I feel bad saying this because I actually have a good friend in the movement from Vermont and James knows him too.
But so poor Vermont, I have to pick on here.
White men voted, is that number right?
Okay, anyways, in the table, it says 37% of white men in Vermont voted for Trump.
I thought it was 35, but maybe 37 is correct.
I mean, I checked all these numbers so many times.
That's another thing I want to stress.
I went back to the original Fox News data and compared it to my data so, so many times.
I didn't want any errors in this.
But, anyways, 37%, 35%, kind of the same idea.
So, 37% of white men in Vermont voted for Trump, and then 33-0% of white women in Vermont.
I just want to interrupt very quickly just to highlight one thing.
And that is so interesting that out of all of the 50 states, the lowest vote totals for Trump came in this all-white Vermont: 37% for men, 30% for women in Vermont.
Where when you go to some of the blackest states, Mississippi and Alabama, those are the highest percentage of white people voting for Trump.
I mean, there's something, there's something certainly interesting in a discussion point there, but go on.
Yeah, so thanks for adding that.
So, yeah, Vermont's at the very bottom.
The next highest state, and is, and again, I'm not going to go through all of them, but the next highest state is 43% of white men in Massachusetts voted for Trump, 35% of white women in Massachusetts voted for Trump.
So, you know, and I can keep going up, but as you can see here, like in the Northeast, and you would see the same thing in the Pacific Coast percentages, too.
It's not just white women voting for Trump in low percentages, but white men in those two regions, you know, are voting terribly also.
Very, you know, it's ridiculous.
And then, and then, you know, you kind of, let's see, what, let's see, I'm just looking here for a second.
But yeah, basically, you get up to, so, so, those are kind of at the bottom.
And then, you know, at the very bottom, you know, there's some, there's a few northeastern states and, you know, with the lowest percentages.
Then you move up and we start getting into some Pacific Coast percentages.
So, like, I could talk about Oregon, Oregon, 45, only 45% of white men in Oregon voted for Trump compared to 42% of white women in Oregon.
I mean, again, you know, obviously the biggest differences here are between regions and not between how the sexes vote in each region overall.
And then, you know, from there, you know, once you get out of the Northeast and the Pacific Coast.
Hold on, Courtney, hold on right there.
I want to ask you a personal question, though, because people need to understand why is it so interesting that this data?
I mean, it is interesting, but there's a reason that you did this research.
There was something personal to you about that where you wanted to prove that it wasn't white women that were sinking the franchise, basically, that it's a regional thing and it's even a faith-based thing.
And this article definitely provides evidence for that.
But why was it important for you to convey that message?
I, you know, as everybody knows, I'm very pro-Southern.
That's one of my, and I am answering your question by going into this, but I'm very pro-Southern.
That's one of my biggest identities when I come on this show.
It says a lot about me.
And it just, it kind of has always bothered me how, I mean, and I'm about to go into the percentages in the South that are the top of this table that just blow these other percentages out of the water when looking at state by state.
But I just, it just seems like within our movement, within our circles, we don't really, we kind of shy over the topic of how much better the South votes compared to the rest of the country.
And we kind of give excuses for it, which I'll go into later in the discussion section.
And it's not really talked about, even though these are major percentage differences when you look at state-by-state differences, especially.
And It was always odd to me how after every election, you know, we make the main talking points in our circles after every election are that white females vote like under 10 percentage points less for Trump than white men do overall.
Overall, I just don't, I don't know.
I never understood why such a huge issue was made out of that.
When you look at the data I looked at here and you compare region by region, again, like overall regional averages, like the differences are over like 30 percentage points that time between regions.
Like if you compare the Pacific Coast averages to South averages and how white people voted, when you look at state-by-state percentages, which I'm going to get into more in a minute, you're getting close to differences of 50 by zero percentage points when you compare how white men and women voted in a state like Alabama on the Pacific and how white men and women voted in the war.
All right.
We've got to take a quick break.
We're going to get to some conclusions and some takeaways and why we decided to spend an hour on this article.
We haven't even gotten to that yet.
We are.
I think you can see where we're going.
Stay tuned.
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Breaking news this hour from Townhall.com.
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Russia has attacked Kyiv with an hours-long barrage of missiles and drones, killing at least nine people, injuring more than 70.
It's Russia's deadliest attack on the Ukrainian capital since last July.
It occurs just as peace efforts are at the brink.
Ukraine's president, Vladimir Zelensky, says he's cutting short his official trip to South Africa and returning home after a Russian strike on Kyiv killed at least nine people and injured more than 70.
The Russian attack on Kyiv came hours after weeks of peace negotiations appeared to be coming to a head without an agreement in sight.
President Donald Trump lounged out at Zelensky on Wednesday, accusing him of prolonging what he called the killing field by refusing to surrender the Russia-occupied Crimea Peninsula as part of a possible peace deal.
Zelensky has repeated many times during the more than three-year war that recognizing occupied territory as Russian is a red line for his country.
I'm Karen Chavas.
Meanwhile, the Russian attack drew a rebuke of Russian President Vladimir Putin from President Trump, who said he was not happy about it at all and that Putin should stop.
Also at townhall.com, former House Speaker Newt Gingrich said on Wednesday that House Republicans are facing an opportunity that could determine their political survival.
Bernie Bennett with that story.
The National Republican Congressional Committee said 26 House Democrats are vulnerable in the 2026 midterms, giving Republicans an opportunity to grow their slim majority in the chamber.
During an appearance on Fox, Gingrich said the party must unite and finalize key legislative priorities by Independence Day if it hopes to maintain its majority in 2026.
Gingrich also pointed out the importance of President Donald Trump's involvement and said that the president must secure GOP control of both chambers to implement his second term agenda.
Bernie Bennett in Washington.
On Wall Street, the Dow had 418 points, the NASDAQ composite, adding 373 now.
More at townhall.com.
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I've met a lot of great people throughout TPC's 20-year run, and one of the very first was Michael Gaddy.
He was down on the border with the Minutemen Project back in those days, calling into the studio from a payphone with live reports.
He was fighting to preserve our nation then, and he still is.
Let me ask you something: Does true history matter to you?
Would you like to know authentic history or what is taught in government schools and universities?
The choice is yours.
Michael Gaddy has on display at his Substack a wealth of information from original source documents on both the founding era of our country and the South's Second War for Independence.
Check him out at Michael Gaddy, G-A-D-D-Y dot substack.com.
If the truth matters to you, you won't regret taking the time.
Join the conversation now at michaelgaddy.substack.com God tells us in Hebrews 10.25 that we should gather together to worship Him.
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Join us every Sunday at the TemplarChurch.com and especially on the first Sunday of the month for Holy Communion.
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God bless you.
Song, song of the south.
Sweet potato fine.
I shut my mouth.
Gone, gone by the wind.
Well, congratulations once again to Brad and Courtney for this important and wonderfully researched article.
Getting some great play this weekend at American Renaissance.
By the way, a nice featured article status.
Join the conversation there about what we're talking about on the radio this evening.
Go over there, leave a comment, tell Courtney hello.
And I think you will enjoy it.
It's one thing to hear about it on the radio, another thing to read it and to really digest it with all of the graphics.
And she's going to continue her analysis now.
And in the last segment, we're going to get to some conclusions and big-time takeaways that I have from this.
Go, Courtney.
Thank you so much.
So I'm just going to quickly give a quick summary so I can move away from the state table section.
But yeah, going from bottom to top and just giving the overall idea, in the Northeastern states, there were no, Well, the Pacific Coast states, there were no percentages in any state for either sex, for either white men or women, that reached 50%, 5-0.
For the Northeast, there were no percentages in any state for either sex that reached 60%, 6-0.
The Midwest and Alaska, the percentage was 70%, 7-0.
No states reached that percentage for either sex.
The Interior West had one state, Wyoming, that did reach 70%, 7-0 for both sexes, 73% for white men, 72% for white women.
Now, the South is the most interesting.
This was the only region where you had individual state percentages for both white men and women that reached into the early 80s.
And this was also the only part of the country where you had the strange anomaly where in three different states, the white women voted for Trump in higher percentages than the white men.
And that's in Alabama, Mississippi, and even Georgia.
Now, the last time I was on and talked about this, I only focused on Alabama and Mississippi because they have the highest percentages in the country overall, not just for white women in their states, but like for anybody, like when comparing white men too.
Both white women in Alabama and in Mississippi voted for Trump at 83 percentage points.
So, and that's, you know, those are the highest state percentages, not, you know, those are the highest state percentages for either white men or women anywhere in the country.
So, so basically we're going from the south where it has percentages in the early 80s when looking at state percentages all the way down to the northeast when you have percentages as low as the 40s and 30s.
Now, I do want to say something really quick about where the voting gap between white men and women tend to be the largest.
And I go into this in the article too.
And in a lot of this, it seems to be the biggest problem in the Northeast.
It could be that white women in the Northeast are responsible for why there's an overall nationwide voting gap overall.
It's not because of Southern women for sure, a Southern white woman for sure, or even white women in the Midwest, Interior West, or Alaska.
They didn't vote for Trump in as high of a percentage as white Southern females did, but they still voted over 50% for him in those areas.
It was only on the Pacific Coast.
Well, I don't mention the Pacific Coast here.
I'm going to focus on the Northeast because on the Pacific Coast, the voting gap was small because both sexes were equally liberal.
And that's something I go into.
So the overall regional voting gaps, like the South had the lowest voting gap overall when comparing regional averages between white men and women.
The South only had a voting gap of 2%, which isn't surprising, both sexes voting overwhelmingly for Trump.
The Pacific Coast had the second highest voting gap between white men and women of 5%, where white men and women are equally liberal on the Pacific Coast.
As expected, the Midwest and Interior West, you know, again, you had both sexes voting mostly for Trump overall when you look at the overall regional percentages.
But as expected, their voting gaps get a little bigger than what you see in the South.
So in the Midwest, you see a regional voting gap of 8% between white men and women.
In the Interior West, it's only 6%.
Now, I'm going to mention Alaska real quick.
This is kind of a fluke.
I don't know why this happened, but Alaska, for some reason, had the largest voting gap, even though both sexes voted mostly for Trump.
It was 53% for white women to 64% for white men, which came out at 11%.
So it just so happens to have the largest voting gap for whatever reason.
It could be a fluke, even though both sexes voted mostly for Trump.
So I listed that, but I'm not regarding it as significant.
The significant region I want to talk about here is the Northeast.
It had the second largest voting gap after Alaska, regional voting gap between white men and women after Alaska of 9%.
It also has the most, it also has the highest number of states where you have white men and women voting in different directions.
White men voting for Trump at a percentage in the 50s, and white women going in the opposite direction in the low 40s a lot of times.
And I think most of the time when white women were voting as low as the 30s, I think the white women were voting pretty well, or the white men were voting pretty low with them.
I would have to go back and look at all that in the table.
But the main point here is the Northeast had the largest overall voting gap, regional voting gap between white men and women.
It had the most individual, large state voting gaps.
It had the most states in its region with large voting gaps.
And it had the most instances where not only was there a voting gap, but you had white men and women voting in opposite directions.
And I can just give some quick percentages here.
Connecticut, I mean, this is absurd.
Connecticut, well, Rhode Island had the largest voting gap of 19% between white men and women.
You would never see that anywhere in the South.
Connecticut had the next highest voting gap between white men and women of 18%.
New York and Illinois, now Illinois is an example of a Midwestern state.
Again, you're going to see a couple of states in the Midwest and in the Interior West that kind of have this situation, but it's rare in those two places.
It's really the Northeast where you see this so much.
And in Alaska, the Pacific Coast, and in the South, you really don't see this happen at all, really, for reasons I already went into.
But yeah, New York and Illinois both had voting gaps of 14% within their states.
And again, all these examples I'm giving, like Rhode Island, Connecticut, you know, again, not only is there a large voting gap, but the white men and women are voting in opposite directions.
With the men voting for Trump, the women voting against him.
New York and Illinois, you see that same split in direction and also a high voting gap of 14%.
Delaware had a voting gap of 13%, where again, you see the same split.
And then at the bottom of the states that had the large voting gaps, again, you have Alaska at 11%, which I already went over.
You have both sexes there voting mostly for Trump.
I think it's kind of a fluke that they have such a large voting gap.
Alaska is at the top for regional voting gaps only because it's just one state by itself.
And I don't think that's really fair.
But when looking within the state voting gaps, it's near the bottom of the large voting gaps.
Nebraska was another state that had a voting gap of 11% for whatever reason.
That's another Midwestern state.
But again, there, both sexes voted mostly for Trump with that voting gap.
New Jersey is the other state at 11% here with a voting gap of 11%.
But again, New Jersey and New Jersey, you see the same situation as in a lot of the rest of the Northeast where you have white men voting mostly for Trump and white women against him.
And I think those are the main things I really wanted to go over with voting gaps within states and regions.
The Northeast is really the biggest issue here.
White women in the Northeast are the ones who should be getting attacked the most after every election for any nationwide voting gap that exists.
I mean, to be honest.
Again, what about white men?
And what about white men in the Northeast, as you have proven here beyond any debate or shadow of doubt?
The cultural differences between regions vary much more than by gender.
The white men and the white men in Vermont, as you just mentioned, for instance.
I mean, we need to be taken to task as well.
That's true.
And that's an argument I've always made.
I do think that women tend to, I think women tend to kind of follow what their men do in their region.
It doesn't really make sense to complain about the liberal white women in the Northeast or the Pacific Coast when the white men in those two regions seem to be just about equally liberal.
Now, that's mostly true on the Pacific coast.
As I said before, they actually had a small voting gap, but it was with both sexes being just about equally liberal.
Oh, I hear the music already.
We are going to take a break.
When I come back, when we come back, when I bring this back, I'm going to take a few minutes at the top of this next segment to give you my takeaways and breakdown of this.
And again, join the conversation about this article.
It's going to make some waves and it's going to appear at other places as well.
But right now, visit amran.com.
Get in the comments section and show us your support.
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One, two, three.
It's time to die.
Today, I have stood where once Jefferson Davis stood and took an oath to my people.
It is very appropriate that from this cradle of the Confederacy, this very part of the great Anglo-Saxon Southland, that today we sound the drum for freedom, as have our generation of poor bears before us done time and again down through history.
Let us rise to the call of freedom-loving blood that is in us and send out an answer to the tyranny that clanks its chains upon the South.
In the name of the greatest people that have ever trod this earth, I draw the line in the dust and toss the gauntlet before the feet of tyranny.
And I say segregation now, segregation tomorrow, and segregation forever.
Wasn't that long ago when the crowd cheered?
We were talking about the differences between regional voting patterns and gender-based voting patterns.
And I would just like to say this when I read all of this, the biggest takeaways, of course, in the findings that Courtney and Brad compiled for this research article was to me that white women in the South voted for Trump at a higher clip than white men in every other region of the country.
And more than that, astonishingly, white women in Alabama, and was it Alabama and Mississippi, they voted at a higher rate for Trump than even white men in those states.
That's astounding.
That's absolutely astounding.
So when you have this antagonism in even some ranks of our own cause against the South and against Christianity, you might as well reverse your position and thank the South because without them, without us, look at what the country would be.
I mean, it's very clear.
So how does this parlay into our Confederate History Month coverage, our coverage of Southern history this month?
Well, I think it's obvious, but I'll shine a bright spotlight on it.
The findings of this research article, even though it's just an examination of voting patterns, prove that there is an entirely separate nation here in the South that still exists to this day.
I mean, of course, we say all the time, one of the most fundamental prerequisites for being an independent nation is to have an entirely separate culture to be fundamentally different than that of your geographical surroundings.
And in the South, you still have that.
And this is just further evidence and new evidence presented newly right now that we are talking about.
And people say, well, you know, you remember that article, James, in 2016 where they attacked you for saying Hillary shouldn't be president because she shouldn't be the head of her household, much less of the national household.
And furthermore, women shouldn't even have the right to vote.
I don't take that back.
I don't think women necessarily should vote.
I don't think they should vote at all.
And I don't think it's even a problem for people to come together and there'll be a head of household that votes for that family.
I think that that's perfectly fine.
I think my wife and Courtney would agree with that.
But I am thankful that we have people like Courtney who can go out there and vote and counteract one of these votes in Alabama, for instance, for Doug Jones over Roy Moore that some of these white liberal men in Alabama were doing, although, you know, they're certainly very much a minority there.
Here are the conclusions, though, from the article itself.
Whites are far more divided politically based on region than sex.
Southern white men have more in common politically with southern white women than they do white men in other regions.
And as we just established, white women in the south even vote better than white men in every other region.
Regional differences are largely a religious headcount.
Again, what makes the southern culture?
Why are we so different?
Well, one of the biggest reasons, of course, is the fact of evangelicalism, of Christianity, of fundamentalism here in the South.
I mean, the South self-identifies as Christians far more than any other region.
All of that goes into it.
We are a separate people, still distinct to this day.
Again, check out this article at amran.com.
It'll be popping up elsewhere.
I just think it reinforces a lot of the things we talked about, even though it's examining voting patterns.
The purpose of it is to examine voting patterns, but there's a lot of other takeaways you can take from it.
So, Courtney, final word to you, and thank you again for coming on.
And thank you again for your months-long work on this project.
Thank you for that analysis, James.
And I'll wrap this up really quickly.
And I definitely agree.
I do want to make it clear to the audience also.
I agree.
I agree that in a perfect society, a perfect ethnostate, that women shouldn't vote either.
I mean, I definitely agree with that.
And in a perfect situation, as these voting patterns suggest, you know, if the country would divide up by region, it seems like we should go in that direction when you look at how different the regions are.
Obviously, within each region, white men voted more for Trump than white women within each region.
So in each region, I think, you know, the white men should dictate, you know, the voting.
You know, they should be the only ones voting in each region.
But, you know, when we're all crammed together in one country or one large nation, it makes sense to point out, you know, and give credit where it's new.
It's like, you know, white women in the South are voting better than white men in these other regions, and we should talk about why, at least, you know, considering how the system currently is.
Yeah, if you go all the way back to the founding, of course, not even all white men could vote.
If it was just tax paying landowners of good character, the good character thing would be key.
Now, you'd have almost nobody voting white men or any other race or gender.
But continue on, Courtney.
Right.
And, you know, just real quickly, like in my analysis, I'll let the reader read.
James already talked about the evangelical Christian aspect.
You know, evangelical Protestant Christians.
You know, they're always the denomination that votes for the Republican Canada, even nationwide.
I think over 90% of white evangelical Protestants in the South, over 90%, I mean, that's almost within the margin of error, voted for Trump in 24.
Incredible.
Well, yeah, the percentages are definitely large.
I mean, that needs to be pointed out.
White evangelical Protestants always vote larger than any other denomination, even when looking just at white people.
And, you know, they're mostly concentrated in the South.
That's one angle, and that's kind of what Hunter Wallace goes into in his section of the discussion.
Some quick things I want to go over is: you know, I hear people in our circles give the excuse that, well, the North has more, you know, cities than the South does.
And that's not true anymore.
I mean, I go into this in the article.
That's not true anymore.
The South probably has more large cities at this point.
And we also have more people.
And we also have plenty of cities where most whites still vote red.
So that argument doesn't make sense.
Another argument that comes up a lot is, oh, well, the South keeps getting redder because white people that are fleeing blue states up north are making it redder.
And, you know, I don't see how that can be true either, because when you look at the three states in the South with the most transplants, which are North Carolina, Texas, and Florida, those have the lowest percentages in the entire South of white people who voted for Trump.
The states with the highest percentages are the ones like Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana that don't have nearly as many transplants.
So I think it has something to do with the innate nature of the native Southerners down here.
Not just, you know, when you look at our religion, but also, you know, we're also largely of the descended from the founding stock down here.
That could have something to do with it, and we should examine that more.
Another thing I want to say that I didn't really go into in the article is I really think, I really think Southern white men are doing, they're doing something down here different from other white men, where they just have more authority over their women.
And I think that's a good thing.
You know, I think it's, I always think it's funny when I read these articles where feminists are trying to figure out why southern white women vote the way they do.
Like, well, we vote for the patriarchy.
And I read one article, and this one feminist came up with an explanation.
She said, oh, I know why.
It's because down there, white women know that their fathers and husbands will beat them if they don't vote the right way.
It's like, okay, if that's what you want to think, okay.
But I do think white men down here are not beating their wives.
But what I'm saying is they do have some authority over women down here, even though it's kind of hidden.
I mean, it could be just with the tone of their voice.
When I was growing up, I was always afraid of my dad, but it was in a healthy way.
He wasn't abusive, but I did not want to get in trouble in our household because I didn't want to have to deal with him.
He had strong authority in our household within my marriage.
Which you need, you need, I mean, everybody needs masculine leadership, but there needs to be a masculine head of household for kids, for everyone.
And within my marriage, within my marriage, if I get into an argument with my husband, I always know when at the point that I need to shut up.
Like his tone of voice changes.
And I'm like, oh, okay, it's time for me to shut up now and back off.
I think there might be something like that going on more down here where men just have, you know, and I look at my family, like going all the way back to my great-grandparents, you know, husband and wives within my extended family, great-grandparents, aunts, uncles, mom, and dad.
Even within my marriage, it's like the husband always had authority over his wife, and the wife was always very submissive.
And sometimes the husband would be very harsh with his wife and very blunt.
And a lot of people today would not support that.
But a lot of it was very old-fashioned, how they worked with their wives.
But, you know, again, the husband always had it for work.
Well, you know, I played that George Wallace clip, and if people couldn't, I meant to say a line about that.
And the line was, the South was different then and it is still different today.
And that was the reason I added that in there after Sweet Home Alabama, Courtney from Alabama, our guest.
And again, independent nations must be different culturally, spiritually, and in other ways from their geographical surroundings.
The South still is that as we wrap up Confederate History Month 2025 this evening.
Again, Courtney and Brad, a salute to both of you for your work on this.
I know it has been painstaking.
It has been very long.
And now the fruits of those labors can be found at amran.com.