Jan. 27, 2024 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the Political Cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, known across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the Political Cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
Welcome back, everybody.
One more hour in our broadcasting month, Saturday evening, January the 27th.
We're back now with our friend Taylor Young, a member of the editorial staff at Antelope Hill Publishing, Antelope HillPublishing.com.
We have entered into a partnership with our friends over at Antelope Hill over the course of the last year, year and a half.
And as you know, usually the last Saturday of each month, we feature a different writer, a different book from Antelope Hill.
And give me a home where the buffalo roam and the deer and the antelope play.
That's where we are now.
Absolutely right.
Well, anyway, Taylor is back with us now, and we'll say hello to him.
Taylor, how are you?
Hello, I'm doing great.
Very happy to be on here again.
First one this year, and I'm very excited.
All right.
Well, it's great to have you.
And this book, I really enjoyed all of the authors.
Taylor is the one we actually work with.
I'll give you a little behind-the-scenes information.
Taylor is the one we work with to book a lot of the different authors there at Antelope Hill, and sometimes he appears in his own right as well.
And I've enjoyed all of the books that we've talked about and all of the different personalities.
But this book especially, I think, for me personally, struck a particular chord of interest.
Brand new, just released, Generation 68, as in 1968, The Elite Revolution and its Legacy.
Now, this was written by Carrie Bolton, and I'm just going to read the first paragraph of the back cover here.
Marked by cultural revolution and bold new ways of thinking and living, including revolutions in philosophical thought, economic practices, and cultural touchstones such as music and dress, the 1960s ushered in a new era.
However, in Generation 68, The Elite Revolution and its Legacy, prolific author Kerry Bolton argues that the supposed grassroots, quote-unquote, youth revolt of the 1960s was anything but, instead of a bottom-up revolt of the youth, it was in fact a top-down revolt of the elites.
Now, this was interesting because, you know, certainly we focus on so much the so-called civil rights movement, how that was all a staged produced thing.
And I never really looked at the white side of the so-called countercultural revolution of that time.
Yeah, see, I lived through this, Taylor, and it's, you're right.
It was sold as being some type of bottom-up youth revolution, you know, starting with the Mario Savio-led free speech movement at Berkeley in 1964.
And the days of rage, the Democratic presidential nominating convention in 1968 is basically where the Democratic Party got a new set of leaders.
The old typical labor union, socialist slash communist standard Marxists were replaced by the cultural Marxists.
But the cultural Marxists, to me at least, didn't seem like they were ready to take over.
When they actually got control in the next presidential election, they had a historic loss, 50, I mean, 49 states to one with George McGovern.
But they've stayed in power.
Am I wrong with my assessment there?
Tell me, well, if any of that is missing the point.
No, no, it's spot on, I think.
I mean, it's very interesting.
One of the things the book talks a lot about is how, just like you're saying, you had kind of these more old school Marxists or communists who really, you know, were part of the Soviet Union or grew up in its shadow.
And, you know, they were part of the influence of the Soviet Union on the world in its attempt to create the worldwide communist revolution.
And so what the U.S. did through the CIA particularly during this time period was just manufacture a new leftism, like you called it a cultural Marxism, that was sometimes it was more anti-Soviet than it was basically anything else.
Certainly than it was, you know, attached to what you would think of as like traditionally leftist issues like labor rights or decolonization or whatever.
But, you know, this was entirely a top-down manufactured by an intelligence agency as well as, you know, big individual donors and stuff like that, people like the Ford Foundation and the Rockefellers.
And this whole movement, this new left movement was manufactured basically entirely to support America's foreign policy goals and America's foreign policy agenda, which included undermining the Soviet Union, and then moved on from that to undermining America's own allies and taking some of those leftist or new left narratives like decolonization and stuff like that and applying it to the British and the French.
And all of it is just to decrease the influence of anyone other than America on the world stage.
And then at the same time, domestically, like you alluded to, there was a cultural revolution going on where there was an attack on what remained of traditional American society and collective American society.
And there was a push for commercialization and this, you know, this pretty degenerate individualized culture that really ruined the country in a lot of ways.
So that's a lot of what the book is about.
Well, you know, to put it in the baldest terms possible, it was an anti-white movement.
Everything that the left did pretended to be something that it was not.
For example, the civil rights movement was not pro-black, it was anti-white.
The feminist movement wasn't pro-woman, it was anti-male.
The homosexual rights movement wasn't pro-homosexual, it was anti-homosexual.
And, you know, down the line.
And that's what they were basically deconstructing society according to like the authoritarian personality pamphlet written by Theodore Adorno back in the early 50s.
And Herbert Marcuse and people like this were like the thought leaders of cultural Marxism in America, and they wanted to mobilize the students as a revolutionary cadre, and also all minorities.
And see, the old-fashioned leftists like Hubert Humphrey, you know, they basically got knocked out and they've never gotten up off canvas since.
That's where I saw what was going on.
I remember the Chicago 7.
In fact, I did a project in college where I interviewed people to get their ideas about the Chicago 7.
And down here in Memphis, it was almost unanimously negative towards them.
But that didn't matter because the people in charge of the media wanted to portray them as heroic.
You had all these so-called heroic groups like the Simbiones Liberation Army and the SDS Weathermen and stuff like this that were supposed to be seen as avatars of a brave new world.
And it was a time of great turmoil in the Democratic Party and what threw the Republicans into the presidency.
And, you know, they basically stayed in for over 10 years or maybe even 12 years.
Well, basically, from Nixon until, I guess, Clinton, the Republican Party won all the presidencies.
Am I missing something here?
What do you think?
Sorry.
Yeah, well, it definitely was a huge part of the civil rights movement, this whole elite work.
Yeah, and there's some very interesting information on that in here as well.
I mean, I learned that MLK's bail when he was jailed in Montgomery was personally put up by Nelson Rockefeller.
So I didn't know that before.
But they just talked about Rockefeller Republicans.
You know, back then that was the liberal branch of the Republicans.
Barry Goldwater was a conservative group.
Yeah, and that's a part of this as well, the kind of like Goldwater reaction and some of the reaction on the Republican side that took place to this.
And they were in power for a while.
But I think that, you know, even when we look in hindsight, like the cultural effects of this movement were so, they were so effective and they were so total that, you know, the same ideas ended up permeating the Republican Party ultimately as well.
I mean, the Republican Party hasn't been pro-white in, you know, arguably ever, honestly, but certainly not in a long, long time.
And it has been just as committed in many cases to the same kind of cultural pushes toward degeneracy and the undermining of American culture as you.
Lie too, about that being the see.
The problem was the elite on both parties had been converted to this.
All right, let's take a quick break right there.
I told Taylor via email earlier this week that Keith, having been between the three of us, one who is actually there and present for the 1960s, would be great to have on for this particular interview, and we're going to continue to talk about the book, this newest release at Antelope Hill, Generation 68, the Elite revolution and its legacy, by Kerry Bolton Stature.
This is a comprehensive book, 25 chapters, nearly 400 pages.
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Why does the left lie constantly?
Because they get spiritual power from lying.
The lies come from Satan, the father of lies.
John 8, 44.
Here's how the political lying process works.
Satan provides the beast with a lie.
Then the more they use the lie, the more spiritual power they get.
Look, the media is a lie multiplier, and this multiplication gives more evil spiritual power to the beast.
And that can overwhelm and even deceive the body of Christ, especially when the body is being disobedient to the head.
The churches today are incorporated, so they're subordinate to human government.
They obey the beast and do nothing to restore our national relationship with God.
And the government shall be on his shoulders.
Isaiah 9:6.
That verse is not for the present-day church.
Rather, it is for the end time church, the body of the line of Judah.
A message from Christ Kingdom Ministries.
All right, we're back with Taylor Young of the Antelope Hill Editorial Board, antelopehillpublishing.com, talking about this new release.
Very interesting, Generation 68, The Elite Revolution and its Legacy.
And we talk often about the content at Antelope Hill, how good it is, but it's not just the content.
I mean, I guess that's the most important part, but of almost equal importance is the fact that it is presented well.
It is presented sharp and attractive, and you need that when you're attempting to put forth a message.
Reading again a little bit more from the book, the author Kerry Bolton, echoes the assessment that both the left and its supposed antithesis, capitalism, share in their roots a rebellious spirit against authenticity.
And he goes on to stress how the manipulation of the so-called youth revolt played a primary role in what has brought us to the modern predicament, a world completely lacking in objectivity and authenticity.
Generation 68 exposes the phoniness of the 1960s youth revolt for what it is and delves into its various aspects and effects, including the Cold War CIA origins of certain youth movements, hip capitalism of Woodstock, Hare, and Hollywood co-optations, federal agency and founding, funding for radical groups, including the Students for a Democratic Society, the SDS, the 68 revolts in Paris,
the United States, and Prague, and employment of new leftists in the Peace Corps, Vista, etc.
You remember any of this, Keith?
Remember it all.
And I remembered, too, that it kind of all grew out of the civil rights movement.
The left struck gold with the civil rights movement.
They became righteous and holy and like Caesar's wife beyond reproach because of that.
And the South, which was on the other side, who knew the racial realities that were, you know, going to raise their ugly heads regardless of what the laws were, they were looking for a home.
They used to be part of the old Democratic coalition and a vital part.
They're the reason why, you know, from the Herbert Hoover administration, from the Roosevelt administration on until in the 50s, they were in charge because of the South and the votes that Southerners brought to it.
But after the civil rights movement, it became clear that it had been a complete rout of the forces of conservatism.
They were looking for a home and they got into the Republican Party, but they forgot that the Republicans were the liberals before the Democrats were the liberals.
And I think, you know, people like Nelson Rockefeller and Richard Nixon were really liberals.
They had always been liberals on racial issues, for example.
So basically, as weak as the new left was, they were stronger than the cobbled together Republican coalition.
Well, we're going to go through some of the 25 chapters just to give you an idea of the contents of the book.
Now, you can actually read along for yourself at antelopehillpublishing.com.
You can click on this title and then browse through the table of contents.
But back to Taylor Young, our guest.
Taylor, Antelope Hill is very selective about what it chooses to publish.
Why was this something that you wanted to get out to the reading public?
Well, I think it's a very important book.
There's a lot of information here that is very relevant, very informative to how we got to where we are.
And you can even glean from the table of contents.
It's very, very well researched.
There's a lot of information packed in here about different groups and different people and different events.
And I think it does a really good job at putting it all together and giving you a full picture of how total this cultural revolution was and how totally controlled and top-down created it was.
And I think it really goes to show that all this stuff, like the civil rights movement and the color revolutions abroad and the changes that have taken place in American society and on college campuses and all that, it really came from these people, to a large degree at least.
They attained power first and then they used that to create these supposedly organic looking movements to continue to destroy ultimately their own country.
I mean, when you kind of step back and look at it, it's a very strange thing to think about that you have your own elites trying to destroy your own country and undermine their own people.
Like Keith said earlier, this is ultimately, it was an anti-white revolution.
And it's kind of a strange thing to consider when you step back and look at it, but that's what it was.
And that brings us to where we are today and what we have to deal with.
Well, it was like exactly as you said, it was disguised as being some grassroots uprising.
I remember there was a movie that came out about this time called Wild in the Streets, where apparently they were going to kill everybody over 30 and whatnot in the movie.
It was a silly kind of, you know, worshipful look at the youthful left at the time.
But it wasn't so much a youthful left as it was a Jewish left.
And that has become the great taboo, the thing that you cannot mention.
As Voltaire supposedly said, if you want to know who rules over, you ask who you're not allowed to criticize.
Well, all of that was going on.
Most of these new left people, you know, there are a few exceptions like Tom Hayden, but most of them like Abby Hoffman, Jerry Rubin, were Jewish.
And they were the ones that were taking center stage.
And quite frankly, the fact that they were Jewish was not advertised.
And people were wondering what the heck is going on.
And in a place like Memphis, for example, we didn't have a lot of student radicals.
You had a few guys growing their hair long because they wanted to get laid, tried to pretend like they were hippies and whatnot.
But it was a mile wide and an inch deep.
Nobody really believed in that stuff.
And we were wondering, we thought that basically the whole country had gone mad.
You know, the Yippie movement and the days of rage and Chicago's Democratic mayor Daly, you know, coming in and cracking skulls and whatnot.
That was, you know, that was exactly what they wanted, but it was a complete misrepresentation of what was going on.
You were right.
It was an elite revolution, not a grassroots revolution.
Yeah, and to your point about the Jewish influence, I mean, you know, if you read through the book, there's so many Rubens and Cohens and other such names.
It really, it definitely, I think, helps to explain what really happened here, that this was basically an elite that did not identify itself with the people of this country, and so it had ultimately no mercy on them.
Well, they tried to pretend like something like the Port Huron Statement, which is what the SDS weatherman came up with as their agenda for change.
That had nothing at all to do with what was going on.
The decisions were being made on Wall Street and Madison Avenue.
Yep, and there were so many of these organizations that were directly funded by Wall Street and by people who made their fortune on there.
I think actually one of them, again, I didn't know before, was the NAACP was conceived of and funded by a Wall Street.
Yeah, well, it was.
It was a Wall Street Jew.
I forget.
I think his name was Cohen or Cohen or something like that.
Well, every president of the NAACP up until Ben Hooks of Memphis in the mid-70s was a Jewish male.
Not a black, but a Jew.
Yeah, that's crazy.
And what they also did, on the other hand, was they kind of elevated or pushed along some of the more radical black movements like the Black Panthers and Black Separatism and so-called black nationalism, which the book makes the point that in many cases there's really no serious ideology to speak of there.
These are just thugs that are using these new Marxist terms as cover.
And they would use that and they would point to that and say, hey, like America, this is the other alternative, like this, or you have, you know, so-called moderates like MLK.
So it was kind of the start of this dialectic where they didn't really present people with any option other than to take this cultural revolution and go down either the hard road or the even harder road.
Well, see, MLK was a complete invention.
And the reason he was in Memphis, where he was assassinated, was because he had been famous for being able to have these protests and not have them devolve into violent uprisings.
Well, in Memphis, at the time, they had a group of young Turks called the Invaders that infiltrated the ranks of the marchers.
And as soon as they got started, they just started breaking out windows, stealing stuff and whatnot.
And it was a major embarrassment to the civil rights, I guess, you know, head table.
And King had to come back to Memphis to prove that he could actually be in charge of a nonviolent march, which was supposed to happen, you know.
And in the meantime, he got assassinated.
And of course, the assassination had to have some major league help.
You have a criminal, James O. Ray, who couldn't even knock over a liquor store or a convenience store without being caught the next day.
He'd never been out of the country.
He eludes an FBI dragnet, goes to Canada, then he's never been out of the country before.
He manages somehow to get a passport and go to Europe and stay there for a couple of months until he's eventually captured in England.
But see, none of that makes sense.
None of that, you know, is within the realm of possibility.
Something was going on.
It's just, you know, assassination, you know, people are talking about what will they do?
Will they assassinate Trump if he gets elected?
Well, they've been assassinating people basically since the William McKinley assassination.
You know, the same group.
And, you know, Martin Luther King is probably one of them.
And see, all of this was disguised and supposedly grassroots lone wolves doing stuff like this.
And that's just, you know, it beggars belief.
We'll be right back with Taylor Young of Analyth Hill Publishing discussing the brand new book.
You can buy it tonight, Generation 68, The Elite Revolution and its Legacy.
We're going to get into some of those chapters and talking points right after this.
A Russian military transport plane that was carrying 74 people, including 65 Ukrainian prisoners of war, crashed today in a border region near Ukraine.
Everyone on board was killed.
A Russian state news agency reported that the POWs were being transported to the border region for a prisoner exchange.
Marijuana sales in Michigan were high last year.
A report from the Michigan Cannabis Regulatory Agency says that sales of cannabis were over $3 billion, which is higher than the alcohol sales in the state.
As expected, not everyone is happy with that news, with some upset about marijuana's effects on the social problems in the state.
If you're curious, that total works out to just over $300 per person in the state of Michigan.
Former President Donald Trump won New Hampshire's Republican presidential primary yesterday, defeating former South Carolina Governor Nikki Haley in New Hampshire and moving him closer to a rematch with President Biden this fall.
Trump's campaign celebrated his win by sending a fundraising text to supporters declaring this race is over.
And just a little note to Nikki.
She's not going to win.
Haley says she's not going anywhere and plans to stay in the race.
Western China reeling from aftershocks after a 7.1 magnitude earthquake yesterday in a remote part of the country.
About 12,000 people were staying in tents and shelters.
Three people were killed, five injured, hundreds of buildings were damaged.
The death toll is considered relatively light thanks to the low population around the epicenter of the quake.
This is USA News.
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The Honorable Cause of Free South is a collection of 12 essays written by Southern Nationalist authors.
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The book invites readers to understand for themselves why a free and independent diction is both preferable and possible.
The book pulls in some of the biggest producers of pro-South content, including James Edwards, the host and creator of The Political Cess Pool, and Wilson Smith, author of Charlottesville Untold, Arkansas congressional candidate and activist Neil Kumar,
host and creator of the dissident mama podcast, Rebecca Dillingham, author of A Walk in the Park, My Charlottesville Story, Identity Ditches, Patrick Martin, and yours truly, Michael Hill, founder and president of the League of the South, as well as several other authors.
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Hey there, TPC family.
This is James Edwards, your host of the Political Cesspool.
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All right, back with Taylor Young talking about one of Antelope Hill Publishing's most recently unveiled titles, Generation 68, The Elite Revolution, and Its Legacy.
Carrie Bolton wrote it.
Taylor Young on tonight to promote it.
And there is a lot of content here, Keith Alexander.
I was wrong.
I said 25 chapters.
I stopped short.
It's 31 and nearly 450 pages.
Let's go through some of the things that are addressed in this book.
And really, there's nothing that isn't addressed from that era that this book doesn't cover or touch on.
This is a true watershed.
The 68 Democratic Nominating Convention was ahead of it.
Well, this is some of the aspects of that so-called revolution that the book tackles.
Building the liberal international order, Freudian PR, interstage left, the critical theorist.
This is talking about, of course, Herbert Marcuse, Keith, who you've talked about many times.
The origins of the new left, student world federalists, World Assembly of Youth, International Student Conference, Students for Democratic Action, Students for a Democratic Society, the Establishment Agenda, the Port Huron Statement, sponsoring campus tumult, the Peace Corps, the Goldwater Revolt.
Now, that was a very interesting chapter in all of this.
But the New Reconstruction, race, riots, and oligarchs, Harlem and Columbia.
Continuing on, Saul Alinsky is covered in a chapter.
Sex, Drugs, and Rock and Roll.
Obviously, you know what they're getting into with that in the period of the late 60s, hippies.
Eugene McCarthy, Wall Street and Vietnam, the Chicago 7, or was it 8?
The explosive issue of student restlessness.
Germany, new left defined by Nazi past, and then a legacy and a conclusion.
But I think early in the book is something I want to touch on, Taylor, and that is the significance of 1968.
You look at all of this.
Let's talk about the significance and what of those chapters and that myriad of topics that this book comprehensively covers.
Two-part question.
What was the significance of 1968?
I know we've been talking about it already.
And of all of the things that the book covers, what sort of fascinated you the most about that time and the American experiment?
Well, it was a very, I think like Keith was saying a minute ago, it's a very pivotal date for this whole transformation and for the various movements and the people that took part in it and that kind of put it together.
I think in line with that, one of the things that fascinated me the most about the book, I think we kind of alluded to this a little earlier, but you really had, it's amazing to me the way you had in this new left movement, you had this synthesis between like capitalism and capitalism's ability to degrade culture and to atomize society,
and at the same time, leftist narratives and leftist kind of just like a cloak over things like decolonization, stuff like that, you know, world government pushing stuff like that.
And really what it all came together to do was just to serve America's foreign policy interests at the time.
So America, through this, was able to attack the Soviet Union, attack it from the left, and then it was able to transition that into attacking all other competitors basically and all other remnants of national sovereignty around the world and to create its modern empire built on Wall Street and its interests and total free trade,
the destruction of trade barriers and national barriers around the world, and even military interventions in places like Libya and Iraq and so on and color revolutions all around the world.
And all of this was supported and it was put into action in many cases by these supposedly leftist student movements and these supposedly Marxist student movements.
And, you know, not that there's any value to Marxism kind of in and of itself, but it's just pretty amazing when you kind of step back and look at what they pulled off here and the way that they got all these supposedly revolutionary movements and supposedly revolutionary organizations and students to just be American imperialists for the benefit of Wall Street.
Well, you know, Taylor, they were drunk with power from the civil rights movement successes they'd had over the past decade before from the mid-50s into the mid-60s.
And they had to take over the Democratic Party and get out the old guard socialists, communists, leadership typified by people like Hubert Humphrey.
But there was no place for the conservatives to go after Goldwater got routed.
What was left after Goldwater in the Republican Party were a bunch of people that had been leftists before.
You know, they used to have the black and tan Republican clubs.
In the South, all the black people that could vote as they could in Memphis were Republicans, at least through the late 50s.
And there was no real conservative opposition that was organized into a political party.
You know, Richard Nixon certainly was not a conservative.
He was one that basically gave the green line on affirmative action to the EEOC, which is one of the most disastrous policies for conservatives and for white people that the government has ever passed.
And Gerald Ford was another go-along, get-along type of standard issue Republican from the old days.
Was Goldwater what he was cracked up to be, Keith?
He was more so than, let's say.
He wasn't George Wallace.
He wasn't George Wallace.
But, you know, I like the story they had about when he went to Michigan and a supporter was taking him to the country club to play golf.
And at the golf country club, they said, we're sorry we don't allow Jews to play golf here.
And he said, I'm only half Jewish.
Can I play nine holes?
But, you know, see, he was left-wing, but on the other hand, he was not.
Well, not Goldwater you're talking about.
No, no.
I mean, he was not a left-winger.
He was definitely a right-winger.
But like so many, he made something of an exception for the civil rights movement.
And what the South and the true conservatives throughout the country were looking for was someone that would actually oppose the civil rights movement.
They couldn't find it.
And, you know, the more things changed, the more they stayed the same.
Basically, if you got because of the reaction of the public in the electorate to what happened in 68, most of the people in the country were conservative and wanted a conservative alternative, but both parties were dominated by liberals of various stripes.
So that's where we got into the predicament we're in today.
White Paul.
I think it's very fascinating what you were saying earlier, Keith, about you pointed out that you had this somewhat of a racist influence for a while in the Democratic Party, and then that was kicked out by this cultural revolution.
And when some of these people try to go to the Republican Party, it's like you said, I think people forget the Republican Party was the original liberal party.
So there was no place for like you were saying, yeah, for the more conservative, more pro-white views to be expressed.
And that's remained the case.
And I think that goes again to why I think this book is so valuable and so important is because we are still living with the impact of all this.
to a large degree, we haven't actually yet figured out an answer.
We haven't come up with a political expression for a response to this.
It's like you were saying, people were looking for some way to oppose this and some political force to oppose it and they didn't find it and so they lost.
And we have not yet constructed it.
So I think it's another thing that makes it show up.
We had people like George Wallace come as a third party because of this search for an authentic voice for the right.
And what people I think are now coming to realize is that the whole civil rights movement was a fraud.
It was an exercise in gaslighting.
They wanted to make people in the South and elsewhere ashamed of being segregationists.
Well, segregation is normal and natural.
Birds of a feather flock together.
And, you know, basically, black people have shown that they're segregationists too.
They want separate graduation ceremonies.
They want separate dormitories.
They want separate courses of study.
And no one complains about any other group's segregationist instincts except for white Gentiles.
Well, interestingly, talking about Taylor was talking about the parties, of course, that flipped and how people like us were left without a home in either, you know, for so long.
And it was George Wallace.
That was the last time you had anyone other than a Republican and a Democrat carry states in a presidential election.
You know, Ross Perot gets so much attention for getting a significant percentage of the vote, relatively speaking, but he didn't come close to carrying a state, whereas George Wallace carried several.
So anyway, just something to think about as we head into the last break.
The Civil Rights Movement was a way to split the white population, which is what the left wanted to do.
Quick timeout, one more segment with Taylor Young.
Hello, TPC family.
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Generation 68, Taylor Young, kicking off a brand new year of collaboration with Antelope Hill in their first appearance here at the end of January.
Keith, again, I rattled off the list of chapters, which certainly kicks over every stone and examines what the scene was on the ground back during that unfortunate time.
I don't expect you've committed all 31 chapters to memory, but what was something that maybe jumped out to you a little bit?
Well, about the Port Huron statement and the members of the so-called Chicago Seven and how these people were hyped as being these great revolutionaries and these brilliant people that were putting stuff together.
Quite frankly, the Chicago Seven couldn't organize a two-car funeral.
These people were total inventions of the media, the Jewish controlled and run media.
And that's who was behind all of this.
And that was not advertised.
And I don't know if people knew it back then but were afraid to say it or whether they were just duped.
But nonetheless, it was like it was part of the Jewish takeover of America.
America's government, America's entertainment industry, America's news media, both print and broadcast, academia, everything has been taken over.
And this was like the great consolidation.
This is where they basically didn't come out and say they were Jewish, but this is where the real takeover came.
Certainly want to get back to our fantastic guest, but I got a question for you because we talk about this time period so much.
Love the music, you know, early 60s, late 50s.
You go back to 1958, from 1958 to 1968, what was it about that particular decade that made conditions ripe for all of this to have occurred?
Well, Jewish power and influence had grown to the point where they felt comfortable flexing their muscles to really course you had a nation distracted by Vietnam too.
A lot of this happened.
But see, my opinion, and I think we've shared this before, I think that about 1957 was the height, the apex of popular culture in America.
The movies, things like this, they were still somewhat controlling Hollywood through the censor boards.
People like Lloyd Binford in Memphis, my late wife's grandmother was on that censor board.
And if they thought that a movie was morally objectionable, it wouldn't be seen in half of America.
And back then, that would basically cut the profit margin of Hollywood in half.
And that kept Hollywood somewhat under control.
But again, pretending to be great avatars and defenders of the First Amendment.
Right, exactly.
And now we see just how Jewish power and influence really, but not if it's something that's objectively critical.
Taylor, back to you on this.
I guess, you know, Taylor, you and I weren't around then, but we came later.
What would you say, though?
What was it about that particular time in American history, that particular decade, particularly the late 60s, where it just seemed all of it?
It was from 1958 until 1968 and 68 is where it was consolidated and made permanent.
Taylor, to you.
Yeah, well, I think it does to a large degree just go back to the end of World War II and the defeat of Europe, you could say, by America.
And when that's your starting point, it's like, well, what kind of identity can America and its newfound power and influence really choose for itself?
It's a lot more difficult to try to go back and say, well, actually, we do want national sovereignty.
We do want hierarchy.
We do want some of these traditional values and these things that we've contributed to defeating and siding with the communists to do so.
So I think that that is a very significant part for what ultimately set us up for failure.
The powers that wanted that result got there, got their wishes.
They became ascendant in this country and they then enacted this cultural revolution to solidify their position, basically.
And you're right, too, that, see, what people don't understand what it was not necessary for all this change to be made just because we won World War II.
They could have won World War II and then relatively speaking.
And basically rested on their laurels, but Jewish power and influence had other interests in that.
And, for example, right after World War II, you had Sweat versus Painter, which got rid of restrictive covenants.
No, excuse me, that was a black law school applicant who Texas had a black law school, but he said that wasn't on a par with the University of Texas and he wanted to go to the University of Texas.
Then you had, I'm trying to think of what the one was with the restrictive covenants in St. Louis on real estate, where basically you had to sell your house to a person of the white race.
That was knocked down.
Those are the two early victories.
But of course, the home run, the grand slam was Brown versus Board of Education.
And the left found that they could circumvent the constitutional order where laws are supposed to be made by the legislature through the Supreme Court.
But in doing so, like in Brown, they totally ignored due process.
You know, due process is basically deciding appellate cases on the bases that they are normally decided upon, like starry decisis or legislative history or, you know, other things, you know, constitutional legislative history, things like that.
Well, they just totally disregarded that and dreamt up a decision based on some half-baked sociologist paper by a black sociologist.
And see, that type of departure was going and making changes, and people that understood, you know, how the government was supposed to work were aghast at what was going on.
But, you know, they didn't control the media.
They didn't control the newspapers or the television stations or the podcasts or the magazines and stuff.
So all of this stuff just got, you know, ramrodded through.
And of course, yeah, a lot of stuff going on legislatively speaking in the courts, of course, the Civil Rights Act, so on and so forth, so-called.
And all originally with the courts.
And then after the Civil Rights Act of 64, then the legislature got in.
All right.
So, Taylor, final word to you.
And I got to say, it's nights like this that remind me why we do this.
And nights like this that make me proud that we do this.
And I want to thank Taylor Young again for the working partnership that we have with them.
Why is this, to put it into summation, Taylor, to bring it to a close, why is this book, Generation 68, something that people should have on their bookshelf in their home library?
Well, again, like I said, I think it's because it's very important and it is a very relevant book and it does a lot to help explain where we are today and how we got there.
You know, Keith was talking about how with Brown versus Borden and other decisions, you had this seeming throwing away of norms and procedures that we used to have.
Well, where else did you see that?
You saw that at Nuremberg.
And, you know, basically, it's exactly like you were saying.
You know, a lot of people, a lot of especially Americans and the British and other Gentiles, they thought, well, we've had wars with each other.
What's one more?
And what has actually happened is that in hindsight, this one was very different.
And the outcome was very different because of the ability of Jewish power to capitalize on it and take American influence and use it to its own ends.
And that's a big part of what this book helps to explain and describe.
So, you know, definitely would recommend that people get a copy and read about it.
In an important way, America lost World War II, and this is how we lost it.
All right, Taylor, final, well, I guess I said final word.
How about a final, final word with about a minute remaining?
Let's look ahead.
We say it with every guest we've had on over the course of the last couple of months now, it seems at least.
Looking forward to 2024, really hard to predict some of the things that may happen.
What's going to happen at Antelope Hill over the course of the next year?
What are you working on?
Well, we got a lot of great books lined up.
We're going to be releasing a couple more books in the near future.
We have some books about Russia and some elements of Russian history.
We're going to have another book coming out soon that's related to communism in early 20th century Europe.
And besides that, we've got a lot more.
We've got translations from Germany, from Gregor Strasser, from Ernst Rome, from the Nuremberg Rally.
We'll have another book by British journalist Wyndham Lewis, Paleface, The Philosophy of the Melting Pot, coming out later this year.
We'll have another kid's book about Napoleon.
So there's a lot, a lot to look out for.
And I encourage everyone to look out for it and to check it out.
Check out our website, what we've got already.
Check out this book, definitely, Generation 68, and keep an eye out for everything we've got coming.
We will, and we'll be in touch with them every month.
Taylor, thank you so much for wrapping up our January here on TPC.
We will talk to you again soon, my friend, and anyone else you send our way.
Look forward to it.
Thank you guys so much.
Always great to be on here.
Our pleasure.
Enjoyed having you on and keep the good books coming.
Fantastic conversation.
Fantastic guest.
Fantastic show tonight.
Jose Nino.
I thought we did okay ourselves in the first hour, Keith.