Dec. 10, 2022 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the Political Cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, known across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the Political Cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
You dasher and dancer and prancer and thicks, Comet and Cupid and Donner and Blitz.
But do you recall the most famous reindeer of all?
Rudolph the red-nosed reindeer had a very shiny nose.
And if you ever saw it, you would even say it glows.
All of the other reindeer used to laugh and call him names.
They never let poor Rudolph join in any reindeer games.
Keith Alexander, I bet you're a fan of the singing cowboy.
Tell me you're not.
Oh, I absolutely love that music from the late 40s, early 50s.
I think that's when America hit its cultural apex.
That's right.
I would agree with, well, you know, are we talking about the 1850s or the 1950s were good?
I agree.
I do agree.
I think that the great watershed where things started going south was May the 17th, 1954, when the Brown decision was unleashed on the unsuspecting populace of the United States.
That's absolutely right.
And I know my dad's a big fan of Gene Autry and a big fan of this show.
Dad never misses a show.
I can't even say that.
Every now and then, even I'm out.
My dad always listens no matter what's going on.
And I, you know, that song that's funny.
I think Rudolph, Rudolph and Blitzen, they sound like a couple of reindeers that could end up on the SPLC's hate watch list with names like Frosty the Snowman.
Well, welcome back to the show.
We're now to our featured guest of the evening, and it's great to have him back so soon.
He was on with us last month as we sort of broke down the midterm elections results and got into the whole discussion of Trump versus DeSantis.
Patrick Martin did a great job.
You can read him over at Identity Dixie.
And he's back tonight to talk about his book.
We'll give him a little bit more lengthy bio in the next segment, but he's got a brand new book that's out, and we want you to check it out.
And it's A Walk in the Park, My Charlottesville Story.
Patrick, thanks for coming back, and really excited to have you this hour for the purpose of learning more about your work.
Well, thank you very much for the invitation.
I really appreciate it.
I'm really excited to talk about the book and everything that kind of led up to it.
Well, I want to give you, this is going to be sort of, I guess, in a way, a little bit of an autobiographical hour.
And I think it's very interesting.
And we've covered Charlottesville so many times on this program, and there's never been a wasted minute of it, regardless of who we're talking to Charlottesville about.
And we've had many of the participants, many of the key figures.
We were actually, we actually had somebody there live boots on the show.
Oh, it was probably, we've said this many times.
It was probably our single best show.
If you had to pick one show out of all the shows in 18 years, which one would you say?
Hey, if you got to listen to one show, listen to this one.
It might have been that Charlottesville show, I think.
It was just so raw, so real.
We were live on the air with a man on the ground.
Keith and I were in the studio back here.
And three hours of just unadulterated eyewitness testimony that completely, completely flies in the face with the sanitized official narrative.
And Patrick, I can't wait to hear your first person accounting and what led you to write the book.
I wouldn't say it was sanitized.
I'd say it was dirtied up by the mainstream.
No, no, no.
I mean, you know, right.
Well, however you want to.
Yeah, you get what I'm saying, though.
So this book was just released last week, Patrick.
So I'm going to get out of your way.
We're going to give the rest of the hour to you.
It details your personal story regarding the events of August 12th, 2017 at the United Right rally.
And it's going to describe, and it does describe your progression from middle-aged middle-class father with a well-paying job to a member of the so-called dissident right and how it led to how all of this led you to be a participant on that fateful day at Charlottesville.
So take it away, Patrick.
Well, thank you very much.
And by the way, it's good to hear your voice there, Keith.
Although, as far as the booking's concerned, really what I cover is how and why I moved from what I would call myself a constitutional conservative, someone I was always raised to respect the Constitution.
I was raised to love the United States, venerate the United States as such.
My family is kind of split.
I've got my American family has both southern and northern roots, but my Irish family is really off the boat from Ireland and coming to the United States in the late 1930s and had really no skin in the game as it pertains to the North-South divide.
And, you know, for me, it was always about America, America, America, joining the Marine Corps, serving the military and the U.S. government after I went back to school.
And then finding that, and this is what I chart in the book, is watching the destruction of the United States in real time.
It sounds like we may have lost Patrick there.
I'll let our producers...
Go ahead, Patrick.
Sorry about that.
Yeah, go ahead, 15, 1954.
Yeah, absolutely.
So, you know, it's right that there's sort of this deal.
America was so fantastic at one time, and then it begins to carve away at its institutions.
And we sort of get some of that back during the Reagan years.
And I really now look at the Reagan years.
At the time, I didn't.
Of course, I was raised.
I'm a Gen Xer.
I was raised to really love America, you know, Americana.
Again, I watched all the Rambo movies, the Top Gun movies.
I wanted to go out there and fight the bad guys, be the bad guy, go after them.
And when I went to a, you know, when I was looking at this as a whole, you see that the U.S. was really beginning to collapse and beginning to really fall apart, so to speak, in the 1950s, 1960s, 1970s for sure.
Again, we live back in the 80s.
But then the 2000s, it seems to be a rapid descent very quickly into what would become a shift to the left that was so extraordinary and so fast that I chart this in the book, going from Ferguson to the Ferguson riots, you look at what happened with the Trayvon Martin matter that occurs and how it progresses where you start to see if you don't vote for Barack Obama, you're a racist,
to all of a sudden, if you support the South, if you support the continuation of the CSA battle flag in public spaces, you're obviously some kind of big bad guy.
You're a Nazi by 2015 to have a quote-unquote Southern governor tearing down the CSA battle flag from the top of the South Carolina Statehouse.
And then all of a sudden, you now have this race to eliminate the South very quickly.
And it was an awakening for me when I watched as really what I started out as a small blog and a Facebook page in 2015 where I tried to explain.
And of course, back then I thought you can talk about these things objectively and have conversations with folks.
None of that existed anymore.
All of a sudden, things like the tariff of abominations was out the window.
There was no reason for what this was other than to be these evil white imperialists who wanted to destroy these poor black folk.
And that was the only narrative that was acceptable as it pertained to the slavery narrative of the South.
Not that Southerners wanted to carve out their own destiny, had a right to their own destiny, had a right to determine their own future.
And it became infuriating.
And I went further and further, deeper and deeper.
It's amazing you say that, Patrick, because I had hosted a party, a Christmas party last night, and a woman said, I can't support you Southerners.
I can't, you know, be in support of enslaving people.
And I just shook my head.
How'd she end up at your party?
Well, I'm going to get to the answer that she's a northerner and is.
All right, we've got to take a quick break.
We got to cut off.
We'll be right back.
A walk in the park.
My Charlottesville story.
Find it on Amazon by Patrick Martin.
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I'm James Edwards, and I want you to go to antelopehillpublishing.com.
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sbtechguys.com Here comes Santa Claus right down Santa Claus Lane.
Dixon and Dixon and all his reindeers pulling on the rain.
Bells are ringing, children singing, all is merry and bright.
So hang your stockings and say your prayers because Santa Claus comes tonight.
Well, really, every Saturday night is like Christmas here on TPC with this embarrassment of riches that we have when going into our pool of guests.
Very happy and honored to have Patrick Martin back on the program tonight to talk about his book, A Walk in the Park, My Charlottesville Story.
All you got to do, as we are talking to Patrick over the course of this hour, is go to amazon.com and there in the search field, type in the very simple phrase, A Walk in the Park.
I've done it on two different browsers, and his book is the first return on both.
So you should be able to find that too.
A little more background on Padrick, our guest, and the author of this book that we're talking about this evening.
He is a devout Christian, a dedicated Southern nationalist, obviously an author, also a podcaster for Identity Dixie, a Southern National Confederation of Content Producers.
He holds a master's in Islamic law and studies.
Now, that's a topic for a whole other interview.
Also, an MBA in international finance.
He has traveled to 78 countries on behalf of the American Empire before said empire turned on him.
Today, he and his wife own four companies on two continents that employ doxxed dissidents in several states and countries.
And he resides along with that family in the great sunshine state of Florida.
Patrick, you were talking in the previous segment about some of the cultural degeneration and deterioration that you had witnessed that I think you're going to tell us led you and led in your decision to attend the Unite the Right rally.
Yeah, that's right.
The issue that I find is that the way I looked at it, and this really is a deeper topic, and I go into this in the book, is that the reasons for my personal reasons for going to Charlottesville was that the removal of Southern monuments is clearly not about just the South in general.
Well, let me rephrase, it's not about a history issue.
This is not about trying to get justice, so to speak, for the enslaved or the descendants of the enslaved.
This is really about tearing down the South in general.
And it became very clear that this was becoming the strategy of the far left for years, for decades, generations.
In fact, the very reason for the war between the states was clearly about a group that refused to allow the expansion of federal power, that wanted to maintain the integrity of states' rights, whatever those states' rights may be.
And that has been a theme in Southern political discourse for the better part of the two centuries, even more.
Before the American Revolution, the South was already beginning to build an identity that was unique on the North American continent.
And the reason that the left needs to tear down these monuments, you need to tear down these heroes, these icons, is because they are constant reminders of Southern defiance to collectivism.
And this collectivism is collectivist trend has grown stronger and stronger and stronger on a decade-by-decade basis, immediately, especially after the, again, the war between the states, which was really about that battle between will we be able to preserve our integrity, our state's rights integrity, or will a more powerful federal government led by a radical Republican Party come in and force us to do things.
And now today, taking down those monuments is all about trying to rip apart Southern identity, rip apart Dixie, rip apart that identity of individuals that have stood as a block against communism, have stood as a block against leftism.
They've constantly been the ones that said a lot of folks, and it drives me crazy when you hear these like Dinesh Tasouza types that will say, oh, the South there.
The Klan, the Dixie.
Guys, the Dixie crats were more conservative than any Republican that is standing today.
Any Republican stood 20 years ago.
Well, you know, Patrick, this is Keith.
Let me just say this.
It's really even simpler than that.
It's not, it's like we've said about every left-wing movement that has, you know, come down the pike since 1954.
The civil rights movement wasn't pro-black.
It was anti-white.
This move to take down southern monuments and the flag, that's not helping any black person in any way.
That is to harm white southerners.
Agreed.
Agreed.
Well, and why?
What's the reason?
White Southerners have been a continual block to stop Marxism wherever it is found.
If you look at the what and think about this for a moment, here's really interesting thoughts on the statistics of southern military participation.
During World War I, the South was underrepresented on a state-by-state basis as it pertained to World War I volunteers.
I did a report on this, a piece on Identity Dixie, maybe about four years ago about these statistics.
World War I, the South did not contribute as many fighters as other northern states.
In World War II, because there was such a large draft, it was about equal.
A little under in certain states, a little over in other states, but about equal.
But Vietnam, on the other hand, the South all of a sudden comes out and fights.
And they wind up fighting in a much larger proportion of numbers.
When the United States strategy shifted in 1945 from one that was essentially an isolationist state prior to World War II to one that may have fought wars on behalf of capitalist expansion, which again, Southerners did not embrace and not agree with, whether they were the banana wars of the 1930s, whether it was World War I.
They didn't agree with this stuff.
But when it became a struggle against communism, the South was overrepresented in every conflict since and has been overrepresented in the enlisted ranks, especially when it became a volunteer military force.
The South has been anywhere from 44 to 52% of the United States enlisted military.
Why?
Southerners are deeply and vehemently against Marxism.
It is who they are.
In order to destroy, you want to get to a Marxist conclusion in the United States, you have to destroy the South.
You have to destroy white Southerners who are in your way.
You have to destroy their right to own guns.
You have to destroy their ability to shoot those guns.
And you have to destroy the reasons, the cultural reminders that these people, the Southern people, are always going to be the bulwark.
This is going to be the wall that you're going to have to pass if you want to get to Marxism.
And that is why they've been tearing down these monuments.
And what drives me crazy is to watch this, to hear the silence of supposed conservative Republicans do absolutely nothing to preserve the heritage of a region that has voted as a block for Republicans at least since the 1960s.
It is absolutely a travesty of justice that they would turn their backs.
And there's only one reason for it.
And it is clear as day, this is a war against white Southern culture, white Christian Southern culture.
It's been that way.
These are the fighters against Marxism.
These are the fighters against collectivism.
And they can't stand it.
They can't stand the fact.
And so when I decided to march at UTR, I knew the reasons why.
Charlottesville wasn't just a regular town.
This wasn't New Orleans.
This wasn't Charleston.
Charlottesville is the very beginning.
It's the birthplace of a southern zeitgeist where Thomas Jefferson, his hometown in Monticello, made hometown.
He created the University of Virginia in 1819.
He created Charlottesville to be an epicenter of new libertine thought, of a constitutional framework, of a new idea that would, that ultimately wound up finding its way into the Southern zeitgeist through other universities throughout the South.
So if you wanted to destroy Southern heritage, you wanted to destroy that Southern intelligentsia, you go after the one, the epicenter, the birthplace of it.
And the birthplace of that is Charlottesville.
And that was why it was so important to the left to tear down those reminders.
Anybody going to that school, anybody who's visiting that town, anybody who's looking at that Thomas Jefferson heritage, that Jeffersonian heritage, it was important to tear that down because by tearing that down, you're getting it's one of the beginning framework of where Southerners began to carve out a unique identity as opposed to those who you found such as Alexander Hamilton, John Jay,
Federalists that were in New England and New York states and areas of the North where you have a very different identity, one that wanted to have a more collectivist union, one where federal power was much more entrenched.
And it was there where the South winds up carving out its philosophical framework, which would already begun beginning as early as late 17th century in Virginia with things like the Bacon Revolution and so forth.
So Bacon's Rebellion.
So this is where, this is why Charlottesville was so important to me to take a stand and why I was very proud to march in with the league.
Well, let me ask you this, if I could, please.
Now that you've got the benefit of 2020 hindsight, if you could move yourself back in time, would you still march in Charlottesville or not?
Yes.
Tell us why.
Tell us why after the break.
What a teaser.
I mean, is this guy, Keith Alexander, a pro or not?
Asking a question like that right before a break, we'll let you consider what Patrick's answer might be, and then we'll go to the man himself and get it right after this.
The book is A Walk in the Park.
My Charlottesville story available at Amazon.com.
Order it tonight.
Get it before Christmas.
A walk in the park.
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Just like the ones I used to know, where the treathus glisten and children listen to here Christmas.
Well, I bet the truth, ladies and gentlemen, and let me just say again, and from the heart, what a message from a kinder, gentler America.
Very special privilege and honor it is to share this special season with you, to be here on the air with you at Christmastime at any time, all the months of the year, all the seasons, but especially at Christmas.
It is great to be here together and to be with such a great guest tonight, Patrick Martin.
I am reading now from his message there, I guess, sort of like a foreword or an introduction.
Patrick writes, This book is dedicated to the men and the women of the dissident right, wherever they may be found.
They are sacrificing for a cause bigger than themselves, their posterity.
They are not paid in the riches of this world.
They suffer today so that their descendants will not suffer tomorrow.
Patrick, that is a beautiful and heartfelt sentiment.
This is a fast and punchy book, ladies and gentlemen.
It clocks in at a very lean 149 pages, and it's broken up into three parts.
Padrick sharing his Charlottesville story, his transition into becoming a Southern nationalist.
We've talked about that a little bit already this hour.
The march at Charlottesville itself.
And then part three, what happens next?
It's all included in the book, A Walk in the Park.
Get it at Amazon.com, A Walk in the Park, Patrick Martin.
And, you know, I remember, of course, covering the Unite the Right rally on the night of the event and just really a shock and awe broadcast.
Obviously, nobody anticipated the levels of treachery and the traps that had been laid, the true collusion by the government and the law enforcement of the state of Virginia and the city of Charlottesville and even the federal government.
I had a little bit of that because I'm a baby boomer, Patrick.
And I saw up close and personal the actual civil rights movement and its so-called peaceful protest.
And I knew the whole thing was phony.
I knew that the whole thing would not work.
Yeah, that's fair.
But what happened, what actually happened at Charlottesville, I mean, we really did expect it to be.
We knew there was going to be some shenanigans from the terrorists, the anti-fund, the Black Lives Matter contingent.
But I did fully expect, especially with the ACLU even going to bat and the judge granting an 11th hour victory in court for Jason Kessler and the right for dissidents to actually have the rights to free assembly and expression and to be able to go to a public park and give a talk.
I expected that the speakers would speak and that we would speak to them about what they spoke about that night.
Nobody, obviously, obviously anticipated the trap that had been laid and had been set.
It was indeed a trap.
Take us there, Patrick.
Let's go there now, if we could.
We have you for this segment and one more.
What was your personal experience that day like?
It was definitely very interesting.
For me, because I lived in Virginia for a very long time.
In fact, I own houses in Virginia at the time of the march, as well as being in Florida.
So I had homes in both states.
And so I was back sort of home in a way.
I went to my MBA at William and Mary right down the road.
I had friends in Richmond, very good friends of mine in Richmond, some business colleagues of mine.
And the night before, well, I did not know anything about the torchlit march.
I was not really involved in all the dissonant community stuff.
I mean, a lot of this was pretty much new to me.
Now, I was familiar somewhat due to my, I went to 2016 Amran conference.
My wife and I heard you, Mr. Edwards.
Of course, it was one of the better speakers.
By the way, I actually mentioned that in my book, you're one of the better speakers.
I saw that.
Thank you for that.
I appreciate you saying it now, and I did see it in the book, and I appreciate you saying it and writing it.
Yes, it was, it was, and that was really when I first began kind of listening and hearing more about what was going on.
Then at that point, I really wasn't sure.
So by 2017, it was a lot of stuff was going on, and folks saw, for instance, the Milo Yiannopoulos attempted speech in, I think Berkeley it was, February 2017, somewhere around that timeframe.
In January 2017, Richard Spencer was punched in the face.
So there were these folks who were on the sort of the dissident right sphere that were being attacked all over the country.
And I sort of expected that there was going to be some problems, but I also expected that the police would do their job, line up between the rows, and maybe some things would be thrown at each other and people would yell some names.
But that would be about it.
We'd listen to some speeches and we'd be able to march out.
Nothing could have prepared me really for what really occurred.
The night before that, I met with a bunch of friends of mine in Richmond.
We went to a fairly expensive steakhouse supper.
We went on Morton's of Chicago Steakhouse in Richmond, had a great supper, had some friends, and they asked me, why are you up here in Richmond?
I said, well, I'm here to protest the removal of Robert E. Lee and Stonewall Jackson out of Charlottesville.
And these are guys that are, some of them were my classmates, some of them were business colleagues, all of them Southern and all of them very, they were, they were very supportive of it.
These are not guys that said, I can't believe you're going to march in with those Nazis or nothing of that nature.
Really was I'm here to listen to a couple of speeches and I'm here to stop this removal, the destruction of Southern history.
And we talked about that.
He really became the focus of the conversation.
I only found out about the torchlit march when I got back to my hotel room.
And then the next day when I drove up, ironically, when I drive for longer distances, I love listening to Christmas music.
So one of the songs I was listening to was White Christmas, which of course will lead into the segment.
And there I was in a kind of surreal moment where I'm driving from Richmond to Charlottesville, and I've got my tactical vest next to me, and I've got my baton, and I'm in my League of the South uniform, my boots on, and I'm humming away at Bing Crosby's White Christmas.
And as we get up there, there was a rendezvous point.
It was a large parking lot.
And I met league folks.
I saw their NSM folks.
I saw their folks from TWP, et cetera.
And these were not my necessarily flavors of nationalism.
But I wasn't against anybody supporting the mission, which was, to me, the continuation, preservation of the South in general.
That's how I viewed this mission.
And I think that's how the League saw this mission.
And so I was able to walk around a bit.
I was right next to the officers, the security officers, while they were talking to the police officer, police liaisons at that parking lot.
They kept saying, if you march in this way, you will not be confronted.
We have it protected.
But you have to march in this way.
You have to park here.
You've got to march there.
Then you will be able to go into that park.
You will not be confronted.
You will not be attacked.
We will have the police on standby.
They will be in place to give you a safe passage.
And so I was somewhat confident.
And my car was empty.
I brought in with me a number of NSM fellows that drove in.
We went to the parking lot and we all got lined up.
And what I found was interesting.
I was ready to go march in with all the other league brothers.
And there was a woman who worked for the league at the time.
She was a nurse or she had some kind of medical training.
I don't know if she was necessarily a nurse specifically, but there were a group of females that had decided that they were going to provide medical support to anybody that needed medical support if things got hairy.
And she came over to us and there was a couple other folks, a fellow from Georgia and a fellow from Virginia.
And they said, hey, can you come back here?
We got nobody to protect us.
And sure enough, I went in the back and there was a string of females that were largely exposed and a bunch of older, either members of the league or these are old people who had no idea what they were coming in for.
It was odd.
I talked to this one couple and I said, are you with the league?
They said, no.
So are you with NSM?
No.
They were just wanted to march in because they were against the removal of the money.
One was a libertarian historian, history buff, who just wanted to march in with somebody.
And so it was kind of weird, this sort of hodgepodge of folks.
And I looked at the Virginian and the Georgian.
I'm still very good friends with the Virginian, by the way.
And we said, okay, well, we're going to triangulate around these folks in the back here.
So if we get attacked, we could give them some protection.
Well, sure enough, the march goes off.
And it became very evident very quickly there was no police protection.
As soon as you came out of Market Street Garage and you went up the hill a little bit and then kind of down a hill, there was zero protection.
We were about to come across every leftist that was known.
They were all piled up pretty much so in front of Lee Park.
And from our vantage point, we could barely see all of a sudden, and I'm used to this from the Marine Corps.
Anybody who's ever been to Forced March, you have this sort of accordion effect.
Things will stop up front, so everybody stops.
And then they start marching and then you have this kind of breakoff where you have this separation occurs and that's what happened.
Well, what we were getting was attacked from folks that were on the mostly on the right side, I said in the road, but also leftists that had obviously fought whoever was in the front.
And they were then trickling into the back and began attacking some of the women and older folks as well.
And it really became a fight, a push to get into the park that was completely unanticipated at that time.
Hold on right there.
Patrick Martin, author of the brand new book.
It is one week old and available on Amazon.com.
A Walk in the Park, My Charlottesville Story.
We'll hear more of that story and then get Patrick's take on where we should go next.
It's all in the book.
Stay tuned.
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In message one, we said that Satan, the father of lies, John 8, 44, gave the left evil spiritual power the more they use the lies.
The political left today is the beast.
Now, the Bible confirms that the dragon gave him, the beast, his power.
Revelation 13, 2.
The extra evil spiritual power that comes from the beast by their lying is what accounts for the string of the leftist criminals in the government that have never yet been prosecuted.
It also explains why American capitalists support communism in the 21st century.
Note 1.
That behavior of capitalists was predicted by Vladimir Lenin, a sell of the beast.
Note 2, Henry Ford was a capitalist and he would have never gone communist.
The difference between Ford and the present day end-time capitalists is that Ford was born and educated in the kingdom of Christ, 19th century America, the New Jerusalem, Revelation 21.
You better watch out.
You better not cry.
You better not fight.
I'm telling you why.
Santa Claus is coming to town.
Gather up.
He's making a list, checking it twice.
He's going to find out who's naughty and nice.
Santa Claus is coming to town.
He sees you.
Keith, what are you getting for Christmas from Santa this year?
What do you gather?
What do you reckon?
You're going to get some coal this year?
You've been a good boy.
Switches and ashes.
Well, if you're lucky, ladies and gentlemen, you might find a copy of A Walk in the Park in your stocking.
You order it tonight, you'll get it before that blessed day that we celebrate Jesus' birth.
And by the way, our focus, we're playing some of these fun songs.
Our focus is going to turn to the spiritual over the course of the last couple of weeks of December.
And we look forward to sharing that with you as well.
But Patrick Martin, our guest, talking about his experience at Charlottesville.
Again, I think, you know, Patrick, Charlottesville is a very interesting case study.
A friend of mine, the British barrister Adrian Davis, told me not long ago, we were talking about something.
He said, the only crime in war is to lose.
And we know what happened at Charlottesville because we have hundreds of eyewitnesses, many of whom we've talked to and interviewed on this program, who were there and or played an integral role in the event.
And what they witnessed and what they saw and what actually happened flies 100% contrary to what I called the sanitized official narrative.
And I lived in that.
And I saw that the whole thing was a contrived stage theatrical production by the same people that were on Hollywood.
And so that's the thing.
So if we have people who were there and we know beyond any shadow of doubt, because this is something that happened in our time, we know they're lying about Charlottesville.
Are they lying about other things?
Are they lying about the civil rights thing?
Are they lying about the war between the states?
Are they lying about the world wars?
What are they not lying about?
We know they're lying about this.
And if they can lie about this, they can lie about anything.
And that's why I think, Patrick, I said that to say this.
I think it's so important that books like this, what you've done is a great service, because to borrow a line from our friends over at the Barnes Review, it does put history into accord with the facts.
And it is important that we have this record here, this book.
This serves as a record.
There's much revisionist history to be written.
Well, I mean, you know, again, you call it revisionist history, and I guess that's what you would call it, but it is just the truth.
I mean, there is only one truth.
There's not my truth and your truth.
There is just the truth.
And so that's what I want to get into now.
I want to ask you about the legacy of Charlottesville and how things like this may help as we move forward.
And also continue on with your story and where we go post-UTR.
Patrick, the last 10 minutes are all yours.
Well, thank you.
First of all, I completely agree.
I think the thing about the biggest problem that Southern nationalists have in general is that the left defines Southern nationalism, and that's a problem.
The left has an incredible weapon at its disposal, which is the mainstream media and control of the public narrative, such that it has been able to define these incredible moments of history and reshape them to fit their image or their definition of what the rest of the world is seeing.
Whether it winds up being a discussion of the war between the states being rebranded as a civil war that should never have happened, it was over slavery.
If you look at the overall, for instance, civil rights movement, the idea that Martin Luther King Jr. was some kind of saint who deserves a massive statue that's clearly not factually accurate, but it fits these narratives that they mold in, and they block out the ability of others to write the truth.
And so where I look at this is Charlottesville winds up becoming an incredible opportunity for the South and for dissidents around the world.
We have the ability to write these books that can have a legacy down the line, whether it's Ann Wilson Smith's book, Charlottesville Untold, great book, by the way.
I also helped with that book as well.
I spoke with her as an interview.
I was interviewed by her.
The entire narrative needs to be redrawn.
And we need to, this becomes an opportunity for us to begin fighting back.
Now, I know that we took some licks that day because the public perception was so vile and the world seemed to be coming down upon us.
And you really found out who had the guts to stand up to truth and who didn't and who wilted.
And you saw that within the days after Charlottesville.
Well, now we have an opportunity here.
Not only can we reframe the conversation, but I think Southern Nationals in general need to begin defining who they are from their own words, from their own perspectives.
That's where I think has been the problem.
We have a number of media outlets, such as Gab is a good example, Telegram is an example, even Twitter, if you kind of have to play within the rules.
But that said, the ability to hammer home what's right here.
Traditional Southern society where fatherhood is important, motherhood is important, children are important, the protection of children are important, legacy history, bloodlines, soul, that's all important.
Or is it modernity and destruction and the killing of children on these essentially factories of death that became the abortion clinics of Planned Parenthood?
The destruction of these LGBT stuff and the pedophilia and all that craziness.
What world do you want to live in?
What world do you want to live in?
The violation of sexual depravity is some type of civil right.
Yeah, that's America.
I mean, we are a nation or we're not a nation.
A nation is a race.
We are a country bound together by consumerism.
Yep.
Economy.
Depravity.
Yeah, go ahead.
That's right.
Continue on.
The commerce clause is the only thing that bonds us with this union today.
That's it.
It's I-95, I-75, I-40, I-20.
That is what binds the United States.
This road system and trade.
We are culturally distinct.
You cannot tell me that a guy in eastern Tennessee has anything in common with a guy in Portland or a guy in Boston.
They don't, this is not a shared national identity.
And the shared nation.
It's either Portland, Oregon, or Portland, Maine.
We should be separate.
You're right.
Your point is absolutely spot on.
We should be separate.
That is the only moral thing, the only moral conclusion.
And out of that.
It's the only outcome that comports with reality.
Absolutely.
Balkanization is the future of these United States.
And the third wheel is the God willing.
Amen.
And the way to do this is let's start defining ourselves.
Stop letting the left define who is the South.
What has to happen now is that Southerners from all forms of communication venues, whether it is a show like this, which is critical, whether it is a podcast from someone else, whether it is a meme or email, whether it's somebody like Jason Kessler or Ann Wilson Smith or wherever it comes from.
The root has to be that the South has a right to move in its own direction, and that direction is not what this Yankee union-defined modernity is.
This will not play in areas of upper Mississippi.
It will not play in areas of central Florida.
It may play well in Seattle.
It may play well in New York City.
Our own culture defining it as the alternative and getting the rest of the South on board to say, we don't want to be part of that.
We want to be part of this.
And this is a Christian nation.
And when I say nation, the South is a nation unique among all the peoples in the world.
It is a nation.
It is an ethnic people.
And they have a right to choose their own future.
But you know, Patrick, there's one thing that is missing from this analysis, and that is that the Yankees, the abolitionist people from New England, were a different breed of cat from us.
We were more like Greta Garbo.
We just wanted to be left alone.
We have never tried to impose our outlook or our society or our institutions on them.
But I think the Civil War on a basic psychological basis was caused because they just could not give up the glee that they got from bending us to their will.
And I don't think anything has changed.
And I want to say this, obviously, Patrick and Keith and everyone listening, you know how near and dear Dixie is to my heart and how much, I mean, it is a foundational pillar of this very radio program.
But there are people tuned in tonight from all 50 states or people who will listen to this program in the archives from all 50 states and in many countries around the world.
And so I feel for them as well, and I want their future.
I do want a separation.
I do want a free and independent South, but I want our kinsmen in the other states who are right-thinking and God-fearing and good people as we are to live well and prosper too.
And I want to ask you about that, Patrick, with about two minutes remaining.
Folks, again, I want to plug it one more time.
A Walk in the Park, My Charlottesville Story for the last hour.
You've heard from Patrick Martin.
The book is fast read, and it's a real page turner.
I've said that before.
Broken down into three parts, my transition to Southern Nationalist, the march at Charlottesville, and what happens next.
Let's talk about what happens next, Patrick.
Give us a two-minute solution.
If you could implement it, if you could speak it into being, how does it go?
What I think has happened is this.
We need to have a more coordinated and systemic attack from a communications perspective on the ability to get Southerners to recognize, A, that they are a unique identity, and B, that the alternative is being posited to them, which is modernity, driven down by very evil forces, is not acceptable.
And they need to feel that they are part of this community.
One of the issues that you have, if you're going to raise a true insurgency, and I don't mean insurgency, I'm not telling people to go out there and start bombing cars or any nature.
What I'm saying by insurgency is this needs to be something that is holistic throughout.
This needs to be grassroots.
This needs to be folks from the various local communities who have come together in coalitions to try to dismantle and destroy the system that is oppressing them with this horrible and new form of ethics and moral identities that are completely foreign to our people.
They need to feel that they're part of a community.
They need to feel that they are supported.
And the way to do that is we need to first have a communications war that makes sure that every individual feels the same way.
They're seeing this come from multiple angles, that people agree with them.
Then what we need to do is we need to really begin working together to try to offer these alternatives.
It was part of my original thesis, by the way, in Islamic law.
We need to offer alternatives to our southern people that there's an alternative to the federal government.
They do not need to say wedded to this federal government.
We need to start beginning that now.
Patrick, you are a fantastic spokesman for our cause.
I can't wait to talk to you again.
Thank you so much for your service to our people.
Thank you so much.
Take it.
Go out and buy that book.
Absolutely.
If you're looking for a Christmas gift for a Southerner, this is it.
That's absolutely right.
Be sure to get the book, and we will talk to you again very soon, Patrick.
I'm sure of it.
And let me say this to you personally from yours truly and Keith.
Merry Christmas, brother.
Merry Christmas, gentlemen.
Thank you so much for the invite.
Thanks so much.
Thanks for anchoring the program tonight.
It's all downhill from here, Keith.
It's back to me and you, but we'll do the best we can in the third hour.