Aug. 13, 2022 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the political cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, known across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the political cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
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Well, when I was thinking of what opening music we could play to set the table for our coverage of the five-year retrospective of Charlottesville, lies from the Knickerbockers came to mind.
And, of course.
That certainly should be the theme song of the Virginia and Charlottesville governments, respectively, regarding the Charlottesville incident.
The entire national media.
Yesterday was, of course, the five-year anniversary of Charlottesville, the Unite the Right rally, aka the Battle of Charlottesville.
And that took place on August the 12th, 2017.
Now, of course, the official narrative is the aforementioned pack of lies, which makes me all the more thankful for the people who have been able to tell the truth and maintain their position over the years.
We've got a quartet of them.
We were going to have more before the FBI raided Trump's house.
But we're going to still have a quartet of incredible gentlemen on over the course of the next two hours to share their eyewitness recollections.
And there is only one fact-based book you'll find out there.
That is the book, of course, written by Ann Wilson Smith, if you're interested in this topic, Charlottesville Untold Inside Unite the Right.
And TPC's coverage, Keith, of the events of August the 12th, 2017 is heavily cited throughout the entire book.
And that is where we will begin our coverage tonight.
Of course, the author is the daughter of the eminent Southern historian Clyde Wilson.
That's right.
And certainly a chip off the old block she is.
We were always going to cover Unite the Right because we assumed it was going to be a gathering of people standing up for their God-given rights of free speech and free assembly and using those freedoms to defend the monument of the greatest American, Robert E. Lee, that stood in Charlottesville, Virginia.
And so we were interested in covering this, but that was before, of course, we knew what we know now, and that is that at least presently, whites who dissent from the narrative have no freedoms in America anymore.
You do not have the freedom to take out a legally binding permit to hold a rally on the public square.
These are foundational principles of this country.
This is the fabric of what it means to be an American right.
Also to be protected by law enforcement from undue harm and physical violence, which is basically the people that came there under a lawfully granted permit.
That was actually upheld.
If you can believe it, even in the 11th hour, Keith, the ACLU was defending the freedom of speech of the Charlottesville permit holders, Jason Kessler, namely.
And they went to a judge.
They were a policy.
Well, they did after the fact, but up until before the narrative and the spin got applied to it all, they were standing with the people there that were there to rally in favor of the Lee Monument and Jason Kessler, who will be with us in the next segment.
And the ACLU and a judge, a judge, upheld the permit the night before the event, I think it was.
This was the last event in which the ACLU was unbiased.
They would basically prevent, I mean, protect the First Amendment rights of people on the right and the left.
But now it's exclusively using its efforts for the left and has explicitly renounced doing anything about protecting the First Amendment rights of right-wingers.
Well, I got to say this.
It was probably minute for minute and pound for pound, the best, the best three-hour broadcast we have ever done in the entire 18 years we've been on the air, just because it was so monumental.
We were on the air.
It was just an intersection, again, of timing and circumstance that we talk so much about.
Personally, we had our man in Havana there, Eddie Miller, boots on the ground, giving us information as to what was happening.
And we came up with the perfect analogy for what was happening to the protesters.
Here's what happened.
The killbox.
Remember that?
Well, that was Zula B. Law who wrote that article and called it that.
No, she was reporting what I had said.
That's right.
But anyway, Eddie Miller will actually be on tonight.
So what we did was Eddie Miller was a part of our staff at that time, and he wanted to go up there.
So we raised a little money for his travel expenses.
Not a lot.
There's never a lot to give.
I got him a press pass.
Got him up there.
And what we were expecting to do was have the different speakers who were there that we assumed would be able to go and give a speech in the land of the free and the home of the brave.
And we were going to alternate segments between Eddie and the speakers.
And Eddie, one segment, the speakers, one segment, and go back and forth, back and forth for the full three hours.
Well, then everything would happen.
We had to show these people that were speakers to come over and join our show.
Everything that happened happened.
And what we did was we alternated between Eddie and people who had been combatants and who had been victims.
And what we did that night was we still did the alternating segments.
After everything happened, we were able to go on the air literally just an hour or two after the events of the day.
So everything was so raw.
And what we were able to capture that night was eyewitness testimony.
Eyewitness testimony, completely unbiased.
It was just people telling us what they had experienced, what they saw, how they were beaten, how they were bloodied, how they had feces and urine and flamethrowers and all of the, it was just them telling the truth of their experiences.
And Eddie the Bombardier Miller was with us, and he went every other segment and he would bring people on, not just sharing his personal accounting of what happened, because he was there in the thick of it all as well as a member of the media, but he would bring people on, just people from the crowd, not names you would know, but just people from the crowd, kids, people of all ages, coming up and saying what happened that day.
And the eyewitness testimony so flies in the face of what we have read and have been told about Charlottesville.
It was magnificent, magnificent from the perspective of a talk radio host to be able to present that to you.
But we also had some of the names you know.
And we had Henrik Palmgren on that night.
We had David Duke on that night.
We had Sam Dixon on that night.
We had Michael Hill on that night.
And I'm sure we're leaving some people out that were on that night.
But we had the best coverage of anybody in the world.
I dare say, you know, we were the ones who gave a truthful account of what had happened.
ABC, CBS, NBC, MSNBC, CNN, none of those.
Everybody we had on.
Keith and I were in the studio.
Okay, so we anchored the program from the studio.
But every single person we had on that night was there.
Every single person we had on that night had witnessed and seen and had been victims of this.
And look, I don't like to do that thing.
We play the victim card.
But I will tell you this.
I will tell you this.
The people who have been told, who have been cast as the villains were really the heroes.
And I will tell you this.
The Charlottesville people, the people who rallied on behalf of the Lee Monument had more courage than any civil rights movement protester.
The people that went to Charlottesville didn't have the national media and the federal government behind them.
In their hip pocket like they did at Selma and whatever.
That's right.
It took a lot more courage.
A lot more courage to go to Charlottesville as a member of Unite the Right than any so-called civil rights movement.
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All right, everybody.
Welcome back.
And as we continue now our meat of the evening, our coverage of Charlottesville, we go now to the man most identified with the event, the man who had the guts to take out the permit.
And that is Jason Kessler.
Now, there's a lot more to Jason Kessler, the man and the advocate and the human being than what happened on August the 12th, 2017.
But I think we can all agree that we're all going to be known for something.
And this may be the thing that Jason is most remembered for.
But Jason, I appreciate you coming back on tonight.
The five-year retrospective looking back, as I said to you during Q just a moment ago, I don't think we, anybody tuning into the show tonight, as much as we covered it, the coverage that we had of the event, the night itself, which was a Saturday, so we were live on the air for three hours and we had just eyewitness after eyewitness after eyewitness come on.
And everything that they testified to ran entirely contrary to the official narrative.
And it's just, you know, incredible to be able to present the truth the way we do.
But I want to pay you this compliment, my friend, and I want to do it in front of God and everybody tuned in tonight and any of our enemies who may be listening.
You have appointed yourself with dignity the entire way.
The amount of pressure and the amount of stress and the amount of true injustice that has been thrust upon you, I think you have really held firm and I salute you and I want you to know that.
Thank you.
I very much appreciate that.
And I appreciate you guys paying homage to Charlottesville.
I do think that it is sort of becoming like a holiday for our people to some folks in the community.
You know, a version of the holocaust.
No, I think it's something to celebrate.
It's not something that we would cry about.
Some people want it to be like that.
For me, like, I think we learned so much, and it's really an opportunity to make us a lot stronger going forward.
Well, this is what I was saying in Q.
We don't need people, people tuned into this program don't need to be told what happened that day, and they don't need our opinion on what happened that day versus what they've heard in the press and seen in the press.
And that has all been talked about.
I think people tuning into this program get it.
Okay.
We don't need to revisit any of that.
What I do want to talk to you about, and I do have some questions that are current events questions and questions about, and we'll talk about this perhaps as a unit about where this thing goes moving forward and the legacy of Charlottesville as things have shifted so dramatically over the course of the last five years in terms of public perception of these issues, which we talk about a lot, and just the way things are trending within the Republican base.
But I want to ask you personally, though, as we kick this off, we'll leave all of that.
Five years later, you look at it now, you look at it then, what you expected that day versus how it turned out, and where you see you and the cause and that particular event in history now five years later to the day.
Well, I mean, it just taught me so much, and it was very painful the aftermath of it.
But I thank God for that experience because I think it made me a stronger man.
It unlocked a lot of the ethic and the hard work that my parents had instilled in me.
And, you know, when these people just, when people really try to oppress you and hurt you over a long enough period, you can either fall apart or you can say, no, I'm going to do better because of you.
I'm going to be a better person because of my enemies.
And so I'm thankful to them for that opportunity.
Let me ask you this, if I could, Jason.
Is there anything that you would do different now if you had had the knowledge that you have now then?
Well, absolutely.
I mean, there's so many things, and I come up with new things all the time.
I think if we were going to do an event like that again, I would tear down the number of people.
Like some of these people, like Richard Spencer, had no purpose going to a Confederate Heritage event.
He doesn't give a damn about the Robert E. Lee statue.
And I think we maybe relied a little bit too much on like just general Wyatt identity can embrace Robert E. Lee and the Confederate thing.
A lot of them can.
Don't get me wrong.
It is a big ticket, big tent issue in a lot of ways.
But I think that the core of the people need to be people who can stand together and not infight and have a coordinated strategy because when you do something like that, you have so many people that are trying to screw you up.
You really have to cross every T and dot every I and be the best.
you can possibly be as a protester.
And I don't think that we did that.
We were not really united.
And the concept is a beautiful one, but it was not fully realized on that day.
Well, Jason, look, I'm old enough to remember the old-fashioned civil rights movement in the 50s and 60s.
And I can tell you, even with the media on the side of the protesters back then, they carefully choreographed what was going on and they handpicked the demonstrators.
They had this thing called the Highlander Folk School right across the Alabama line in Tennessee, which was like the Paris island for civil rights demonstrators.
They all had them, you know, dressed the same.
They all looked very good.
They wore hornroom glasses, you know, things like this.
It all looked like they were a casting call for Urkel in the, you know, that TV series they had back in the late in the 90s and 80s.
And also, what happened with Martin Luther King was in Memphis when they did not control who was the demonstrators.
They had a group called the Invaders, a kind of group of young Turks that jumped in and they're the ones that started busting out windows and stuff.
That's what brought Martin Luther King back to Memphis.
He had to demonstrate that he still had the wherewithal to conduct a demonstration that did not devolve into violence.
Well, this is what we were talking about, Jason, in the previous segment as we were sort of setting the table before bringing you on.
And you're really the anchor of what we're talking about tonight during this five-year retrospective.
Michael Hill will be on in the next hour and then a couple of other participants as well who are good friends of ours.
But I said in the previous segment that the people who went to Charlottesville had much more courage than anybody who ever demonstrated in the civil rights era protests because you didn't have the government and the media and the White House and everybody else on your side as they did.
But I also think it's also very difficult to look back at Monday morning quarterback this thing.
You made the best decisions you could with the information you had and the knowledge of the participants that you had at that time.
It's like judging people from a different century by today's standards.
It's just a very difficult thing to do.
Well, things have changed so rapidly that it's even hard for us to put ourselves in our shoes as we were in 2017.
A lot of us still had faith in the government upholding our free speech and our right to assemble.
And Charlottesville was the bellwether.
Like, you want to talk about what we mean to what's going on now?
As much as the conservatives might not want to admit it, the time when the left threw away rule of law and said, no, we're siding with street thugs to shut down speech that we don't like.
That was Charlottesville.
And I think you're right.
There's a straight line from that to them violating precedent and rule of law with the Mar-a-Lago raid.
These here out of control.
Or the BLM riots or the antifa riots.
Jason, you're really onto something.
I think there is, Jason, you are right on target here.
I think there is a direct correlation to Charlottesville with the watershed moment.
Well, we were talking about this again in the last segment, and that is that five years ago, yesterday, up until that afternoon, of course, we expected to be able to talk with the speakers.
We were going on the air the night live.
We're a Saturday night broadcast.
We were going on the air that Saturday night, expecting to talk with some of the speakers and some of the participants about what they saw at this event.
But it wasn't until that afternoon that we were once and for all divested of the notion that dissidents have the right to freely speak in the symbol on the public square.
And we learned that lesson that day, Jason, and you learned it more than anybody.
Well, it was the last time that you really had mostly peaceful pro the idea of a mostly peaceful protest was destroyed by Charlottesville.
go with jason for the last comment this hour yeah and we're living on the edge right now because this is this is something that is continuing to evolve The lives of people like me and Dr. Hill and every single person who was at that event as we move forward is going to have extreme ramifications for the future because the incursions on civil liberties that are happening in the future, I guarantee you, they're happening behind the scenes against us right now.
And we're really going to be learning for the next generation how to live as a political dissident in a time when the government is going to throw caution to the wind and abuse you.
All right, so let's – I don't know if we have time to get into all of this.
I have a well, let's work this question in and then we've still got plenty of time, two more segments with you.
Comparing now to then and the way things have changed and what took place that day, what do you see as the way forward for public assemblies to redress grievances?
Or is that an old-fashioned value now?
I mean, that's the real question, isn't it?
And there's a lot of debate.
Some people say, well, things are already headed in a trajectory that is advantageous to us.
Why do anything?
But then again, you know, I mean, don't you want to play a part in history?
But you don't want to just do something just for the sake of it.
You want it to be something that moves the whole equation in the right direction.
And for better or worse, the Charlottesville protesters, you know, we can get attention.
And there's a significant chance of leftist overreach when it comes to us.
If we can be disciplined, hold on right there.
Jason, hold on right there.
We're going to revisit this question.
I'm going to repose it to you right after this break, but we're going to take a quick timeout.
Stay tuned, everybody.
Jason Kessler, our guest.
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Really very honored to have Jason Kessler on tonight.
Five years after the fact, the way that the people who were there were so maligned and so punished through these civil trials and everything else that has come down on their heads.
The people, and not all of them were able to do this.
Not all of them did this.
Not all of them had it in them.
But there were some, Jason Kessler and Michael Hill among them, who held the line with dignity.
And then on the other side is Richard Spencer.
Well, we're not going to try to be negative, but on the other hand, there are a lot of people that probably hit their high point on it.
On the other hand, you have other people that are still toiling in the vineyard for the same cause.
They're the authentic ones, and that includes Jason Kessler.
All right.
Well, here's the thing, Jason.
What we've been talking about the last year and a half on this program since Biden went into the White House, and then I'll repose that question we gave you right before the break and have you answered.
So polls and anecdotal evidence suggest that the Trump voters have radicalized to the point over the last couple of years that they are catching up to us.
For instance, recent polls indicated that 87% of Trump voters are concerned about anti-white discrimination.
80% reject so-called white privilege.
64% say that their race and ethnicity is an important part to their identity.
73% believe in the great replacement.
These are polls in recent months.
30% plus say that they and their state would be better off if their state seceded, et cetera, et cetera.
So this is, again, what we talk about when we talk about time and circumstance rising to meet with an idea.
And it seems that because of the Floyd riots, coupled with trans and critical race theory propaganda, that a switch has been flipped.
And you have, we were talking about this earlier tonight, the Texas GOP declared at its state convention in June that Biden is an illegal president and voted for a platform that included repealing the 1965 Civil Rights Act and called for a referendum to allow Texans to vote on secession.
So that's all the stuff that has happened since Unite the Right.
Whether or not to the extent that Unite the Right may have played a role in any of that, it has all happened since all of that.
Everything I just read has happened since August of 2017.
So we repose the question to you and let's go straight to Jason.
What do you see as the way forward with regard to public assemblies and the redress of grievances with all of that information and data and polling taken into light?
Well, you know, one of the ways that Unite the Right didn't really live up to its full vision and potential was that it was really supposed to be Unite the Right, not just like, here's some people that, you know, are only on the far right, quote unquote, but also normal MAGA Trump supporters, conservative libertarians who care about free speech and civil liberties.
And I think that that's really what it's going to take to be successful.
It is the enemy has done a good job at trying to marginalize us and make us outcasts.
They put so much shame and guilt onto the Charlottesville thing, for instance.
But now that things are changing a little bit, I think that we want to, going forward, work towards a big tent, because the big tent is going to be what it takes in any successful revolution.
And I've done a little bit of studying about totally peaceful civil resistance movements that have been used to change governments and regimes throughout the world.
Even the CIA uses this stuff.
Totally peaceful.
And I think that that's the kind of thing that could be successful.
Anytime that there's violence and it can be blamed on us, whether it's some lunatic with a gun or somebody getting a little too aggressive at a protest, you know, that's going to look bad on us.
And we have to be the gold standard.
Because if we can be the gold standard and make the left look bad by comparison, I think that other people in the right, even closer to the center, will say these people can be useful as part of a coalition and not just an albatross around our necks.
We need VACA and we need to prove our value.
Okay, Jason, this is Keith.
Let me give a little bit different take.
I don't think peaceful protests will work like it did for Gandhi in India or in the civil rights movement in America because you're depending on the opposition to the movement, having a sense of propriety and decorum.
The left has totally abandoned that.
They're totally unmoored from any sense of, you know, civic responsibility, for example.
They just want to win.
What I think Charlottesville did rather than unite the right was it was the beginning of radicalizing the masses in America.
For example, the left is now incredulous that things like the great replacement are now believed by most Americans.
Well, most Trump voters, which is still tens of millions.
Well, most Trump voters, and even, you know, it's getting close to 50% of the whole population that believes that there is a great replacement going on and that the government's behind it.
So consequently, I think that what happened is it was basically a chance for people to see what the left was really about.
They are not the harbingers of sweetness and light.
They're not the benevolent force that they portrayed themselves to be in the civil rights movement or in the Gandhian protests in India back in the 40s and whatnot.
Instead, they are the villains.
And I think most Americans are coming to the realization that not only are they the villains, but they are in charge of the media and the government.
It's like we were joking.
I actually, Jason gave a speech at a book signing in Selma, Alabama, of all places, a few days ago.
And I went back and I was rereading some of the history of the Bloody Sunday, so-called Bloody Sunday, and it talked about how the unarmed peaceful protesters were met with the violence of the Alabama state troopers.
And I said, I've heard about these unarmed peaceful protesters before with the Floyd riot.
I knew, I already knew, of course, but if I didn't know, I would have known then that they were up to something.
But that's the thing.
They were begging for violence.
They said if there was not violence, that's what Lewis and Martin Luther King said.
If they could not provoke violence from the constabulary, then they would lose.
And we've interviewed people that we interviewed the man who arrested Rosa Park.
So we know all about that.
But anyway, I want to go to this.
Let's shift gears just a moment, Jason, if we can before this next break.
We've got about three minutes.
Can I just answer the Keith's question?
Yeah, please do.
Please.
Yeah, go ahead with that then.
I think protest is just one tool in the toolbox for a civil resistance strategy, you know, which is basically what we're talking about.
I think that a number of times you've referred to it as theater, and that's exactly what it is.
It's not about like a revolution or an insurrection.
It's about trying to change hearts and minds, not of leftists, but of the people on the conservative right, you know, who might agree with us on a lot of things, but think, but they're like, for instance, the Charlottesville people, or they have a Confederate flag.
Oh, my God.
You know, but show them, no, we're really smart and we can be useful and we're good at some things.
And I think that we'll get somewhere.
And we're the good guys and they're the bad guys.
Well, if there's a critical contrast you want to draw in the theater, if there's one overarching theme, you want to have, for instance, let's say 500 people with Confederate flags in front of the U.S. Capitol.
And the left would go crazy.
It would get tons of coverage, which you can use for recruiting and things like that.
But the critical element, because they're going to try to say you're violent, you have to be perfectly nonviolent so that that narrative blows up in their face.
And the left is going to go that shit crazy and be like they always are.
No, you're exactly right.
What do you mean?
No, that's right.
Everything you're saying is exactly right, but it's just amazing.
Kevin McDonald talked about this with regards to the abilities of and the potency of propaganda that they could this whole thing in the last week or two of Dark Biden, who, you know, they put some ominous lighting and some lightning bolt eyes.
And McDonald was writing that it just goes to show the power of propaganda that they could take this, you know, senile guy and make him look like a threat and a villain and somebody who's completely in control of his faculty.
So it's just the media, the media's ability to shape narratives has been so profound for so many years.
But Jason, and up into and including Charlottesville, by and large, but since then, over the last five years and especially the last two years, three years, it is crumbling.
And we'll get to that in our final segment tonight with you, my friend, where all of this is going and what the legacy of Charlottesville may be five years from now.
And perhaps it will get the credit that it has deserved for being a watershed moment.
Yeah, I think so.
And again, the man most closely identified to the Unite the Right rally.
This is something that's going in history books, folks.
Let's not.
It's like Lexington and Concord.
Maybe.
Maybe.
Let's not get overzealous, but let's not make it too big or too small.
But the fact remains is what happened in Charlottesville on August 12th, 2017 will be in the history books forevermore.
And the man most identified with that event is our guest right now, and he's Jason Kessler.
And Jason, I mean, I know Paul Revere of Charlottesville.
I know Keith asked you basically if you have any regrets, what lessons you've learned.
You answered that earlier this hour, but would you do it again?
Yes.
Going back to that day.
Now, I'm not saying would you do it in Charlottesville three or four or five, but doing it again on August the 12th, 2017.
You'd make some changes, but I think you would do it again.
Yeah, yeah, absolutely.
Standing up for our American history and, you know, both general American history like Thomas Jefferson and Confederate heroes like Robert E. Lee.
Of course I would.
I saw the frog in the pot getting boiled before a lot of other people did, and I knew they're not just coming for Robert E. Lee, they're coming for Thomas Jefferson.
And I think we showed that to people.
We ripped the mask off of that one.
I think we have a lot of people.
They came for Lincoln.
They came for like the Massachusetts regiment.
Anybody that looked white, they came after.
One more segment with Jason Kessler, a true hero.
We'll be right back.
Hello, TPC family.
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I've worked with the good people at the Conservative Citizens Foundation for many years, and their work comes with my complete endorsement.
For more information and to keep up with all the latest conservative news headlines, please check out their website, MericaFirst.com.
That's M-E-R-I-C-A-1-S-T.com.
AmericaFirst.com Why does the left lie constantly?
Because they get spiritual power from lying.
The lies come from Satan, the father of lies.
John 8, 44.
Here's how the political lying process works.
Satan provides the beast with a lie.
Then the more they use the lie, the more spiritual power they get.
Look, the media is a lie multiplier, and this multiplication gives more evil spiritual power to the beast.
And that can overwhelm and even deceive the body of Christ, especially when the body is being disobedient to the head.
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They obey the beast and do nothing to restore our national relationship with God.
And the government shall be on his shoulders, Isaiah 9, 6.
That verse is not for the present-day church.
Rather, it is for the end time church, the body of the line of Judah.
A message from Christ Kingdom Ministries.
You know, Jason Kessler is a guy I respect.
I have been through a lot of fire with the media, a lot of hits, a lot of slander, a lot of libel over the last 20 years.
And my full adult life has been dedicated to this cause.
And I would imagine what I've walked through could surpass that of 99% of the population.
But there is that 1%, and Jason may be among that 1%.
May Shack and Abednego, walking through the fires.
So anybody who can walk through that and be tempered rather than melted gets my respect.
And I want to say again, very special to me to have Jason back on tonight in our five-year anniversary review of Charlottesville.
So, Jason, I got three questions.
I got three questions that we've got to get to, and then we'll look forward.
But we have to get to these three questions.
I think they're very good.
And they were submitted by none other than Rich Hamblin, who will be with us in the last hour, who was also a participant that day, who was also bloodied that day.
But this is a couple of the questions he submitted.
In spite of the fervent efforts of the opposition, the Lee statue is still intact.
What can you tell us about the ongoing civil suits surrounding the disposition of the statue?
You know what?
Unfortunately, I've kind of turned that one out because it's a heartbreaker.
You know, it's a sad story that there was a good group of individuals who raised money for a lawsuit to prevent Charlottesville from taking down the Lee statue.
And, you know, they won.
But the problem is, is, you know, this wave of Democrats in the state legislature, you know, voted to change the law.
So the court case didn't end up protecting it in the end.
And they sold it to some African American heritage center or whatever, some nonprofit, which, you know, nothing against them, but they shouldn't be handling other people's history.
That's just desecration.
It reeks of like a jive trying to pour salt in the wounds.
It's not an act of maturity or respect for other Americans.
Well, you know, there was a similar situation that happened here in Memphis with regards to not only the Nathan Bedford Forrest equestrian monument that was positioned quite stately in downtown Memphis, but it was also his burial place in his grave.
And Keith, give us a 30-second reminder of how the city of Memphis government circumvented state law to remove not only the Forrest Monument, but the grave of Nathan Bedford Forrest, our hero himself.
Well, they thought they pulled some type of legal sleight of hand by selling the park to an individual for $1,000.
The park is billions of dollars worth of real estate in downtown Memphis.
Yeah, very prime real estate.
And then it was no longer owned by the city.
So the city was no longer the actor.
It was the individual.
And the injunction in the Chancellor Court of Nashville that was preventing the city from removing it, they said didn't apply.
And the cowardly court in Nashville went along with it.
What I think is that it really was a success in Charlottesville.
And the reason is because you have sparked basically a whole new outlook, a whole new zeitgeist for the right.
People now know just how corrupt the government is, how deep the deep state is.
And as a result, and I think that you and the people that put your lives on the line in Charlottesville, you, Michael Hill, Rich Hamlin, you're the Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego of this whole thing.
You've gone through the fires and survived, and you basically unmasked Deep State for being the corrupt engine of oppression that it actually is.
The thing, Jason, I mean, we were citing all of these polls and all of these numbers, and we don't know how large a role or how small a role Charlottesville played in that.
To you, well, I think that Charlottesville was a kernel, you know, that dropped into the water and created ever larger waves.
And part of that was, you know, the overreach of the left, the whole Floyd riot seemed to be a buildup of aggression that the law, the left had been building up since Charlottesville, because you saw that rage that they had.
It manifested in anti-Unite the Right protest basically across the whole country.
It was about like tearing down Confederate statues.
That is absolutely 100% something they did because of us.
And then that rippled out into the conservatives reacting to the riots.
And so now you have a lot of people, even in mainstream country music songs, like Aaron Lewis has a song out about, you know, what the changes that are going on in the country, and he mentions the statues coming down.
So there's a lot of people who may have been against us at first, and then they're like, come on, man.
We saw how violent they were.
Why did they got to take down our statues?
Why don't they have any respect for us?
Well, what it was.
That's a great point.
That's a great point, Jason.
What I would say, it's like the emperor's new clothes.
People now know that what they're hearing on MSNBC, CNN, ABC, NBC, CBS about what is happening is a false narrative, just like, and these people aren't aware that they're making fools of themselves, just like the king that was parading around naked, thinking that he had this fine diaphanous clothing on and whatnot.
See, nobody believes the lie anymore, or very few people, you know, unless you're really a hardcore, true believer of leftism, people know that, for example, that the BLM protesters, the antifub protesters, and the people that lined up against you all at Charlottesville, they were not the good guys.
They were the bad people.
Well, here's the thing, Keith and Jason, and everybody listening is that, I mean, we've talked about this exhaustively again.
And I know I'm getting repetitive, but you got to be.
That's the way you learn something.
Five years ago, what is true today wasn't true then.
What is true now, Jason, is that tens of millions of people see things the way they are that did not see things the way they are when you were on the ground five years ago yesterday in Charlottesville.
And that's the same thing.
Everything that they did to us in Charlottesville and in the aftermath of Charlottesville was just a test.
It was an experiment.
They wanted to use the most hated element of the political population and see if they could just destroy them with propaganda, with outrageous civil suits, like billionaires suing people who in some cases, you know, were on disability or I heard Matt Heimbach was working at McDonald's at some point.
You know, I mean, just ridiculous.
These people never had any ability to pay any money.
They're all judgment proof, but these people wanted to torture these folks and create propaganda about it.
So we need to do that.
Yeah, they've made you into, you know, martyrs is what's happened.
Which, which, you know, a cause needs.
I don't want to be one.
I don't want you to be one.
But, I mean, we need our heroes.
We need people to pay a price and walk through fire.
And you've certainly, I wouldn't use the word martyr, but you've certainly done the ladder.
You have stood up that you want to.
I'm not crying about it.
I'm saying we're learning.
We're the tip of the spear and they're using these kinds of civil suit things against January 6th protesters.
And they're bragging about, oh, oh, it's modeled off of the Charlottesville thing.
And another thing is the suit against Alex Jones.
I don't really like him.
He had a lot of horrible conspiracies about Charlottesville, but they're using their tactics against us on him.
Roberta Kaplan, who sued us, is also suing Trump.
It's an across-the-board legal assault, and we have to know how to address this.
And I think our experience, while we were brave and we wrote it out the whole way, I think is going to show there's no way you can win in these courts.
Any conservative, even that kid, the Covington Catholic kid, his defamation cases were dismissed.
So they can just call this innocent kid a white supremacist for no reason other than the color of his hand.
And they don't like the smile on his face.
Or Kyle Rittenhouse.
It was much more trivial than your case, Jason, but perhaps you've heard about my libel case.
And I mean, there is no justice in these courts, that's for sure.
But what you just said, I have to get to this question.
What is the current state of signs et al.
Versus Kessler, and what has happened to the main funder of the lawsuit Integrity First?
Yeah, so nothing at all has been happening in this case.
Like it's been almost a year since the trial, and there hasn't even been a judgment entered in the case.
We filed our post-trial motions.
Certainly, there's going to be some very upsetting apple carts overturned for Roberta Kaplan and her crew because they always brag about getting 26 million.
And almost all of that, long story short, is unconstitutional.
I'm not BSing that's true.
It's going to go way down.
And some of the verdicts in the already slim victory they had, they didn't even win the federal accounts they were bragging about.
Some of those might be overturned.
But the other thing that I'm looking at is I'm looking at, you know, educating people on being a debtor who has a very vindictive creditor against them.
Because this is the future of being a right-wing civil rights dissident.
You know, if you have to protect yourself against these type of lawsuits.
And I would tell people if you're advertising.
We're just looking at the IRS right now, for example, but gearing up for warfare against the middle class.
That's absolutely part of it.
And we got to cross our T's and dot our I's, but we can't, we have to look out for the government and from civil actors like this Roberta Kaplan person.
We can't allow them to come in with their billionaire money and push around working class and middle class folks.
We need to learn how to defend ourselves.
Like just for instance, every state has a homestead exemption and some of them are larger than others.
So if you have a creditor who's coming after you, you can say, my house is exempt to this much.
Or you can put down your bank account so these people can't prevent you from paying your rent or getting groceries.
And there's a lot of stuff like this that we need to be educated about.
And we're telling anybody who's in politics, we got to talk to them about how to protect themselves against these things going forward so that it never happens to anybody else the way it happened to the Charlottesville people.
Ladies and gentlemen, you've heard about Charlottesville.
You've heard about Unite the Right.
You've heard about August the 12th, 2017, the man who put it all together, the man without which, without his participation, would have never happened.
Jason Kessler, that's who you've been listening to for the last hour on this program.
And let me tell you something.
He is the good guy.
He is the good guy in the story.
The narrative of the establishment be damned.
Jason, final word to you on all of this going forward.
By the way, when do you expect a judgment or do you expect a judgment?
And what's next for Jason Kessler?
What do the next year or two, five years look like?
I think that judge could decide whenever he wants to, technically.
And then even after that, it would go to an appeals process and all kinds of things for people who are going to pursue it that way.
And don't forget that I've got my lawsuit against Charlottesville that's still in the Fourth Circuit.
And that might not be ruled on until early 2023.
So even though we might.
Well, Jason, I'm sorry.
We're coming up on a break.
Wow, I would love for you to finish the point, but we're about to run to a hard break.
But we will have you back on to talk about the counteroffensive.
But I want to thank you again for being on with us tonight.
Truly a pleasure.
Always good to talk to you.
And we will talk to you again soon.
We got Michael Hill.
Yeah, thank you so much, guys.
It's been a pleasure.
I would love to talk to you more about your countersuit, and we will do that.