April 23, 2022 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the Political Cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, known across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the political cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
I'd like to dedicate that to Bill Rowland and Michael Andrew Grissom as we wrap up tonight's show.
And.
And during this, our third and final hour, James Edwards, Keith Alexander, and now Sam Dixon, one of the greatest talents and orators we've got, maybe the best.
Don't just leave it in that one of the greatest minds for traditional Southern conservatism.
Well, he wouldn't use the word conservative as, you know, and that was the one thing I cringed at in listening to that 2006 interview.
I wouldn't use it now either, but no, I don't think Sam would use it either.
The point is taken.
A lot of people know.
The point is taken.
I also said in 2006, you could see a Confederate flag on every other pickup truck.
You certainly couldn't do that now, but it was a different time, even in 2006, to what it is today.
But anyway, all that aside, it's great to have Sam back.
Sam appeared on the program more frequently than any other guest last year.
And I think all time, he's what, like second or third behind only Jared Taylor.
That's good company, and for good reason.
Sam, correct that error.
We'll work on it.
Anyway, it's great to have Sam back tonight.
And Sam, I pitched you with the idea.
I said, you know, we heard, we got wind of this new book by Michael Andrew Grissom.
And I remembered, it forced me to recall this 2006 interview.
And I went back and listened to it.
I said, why don't we just get a little clever and we'll play that.
And then if Sam's willing, we'll have him and Keith break it down and see how it stands up after 16 years.
So first of all, Sam, welcome back to the program tonight.
It's always great to have you.
Well, I'm honored to be here.
But all the flattery to the contrary, notwithstanding, as Winston Churchill said about Clement Attlee, I'm a very humble man with much to be humble about.
Except when I'm humble in Sam's presence, he says, stop that.
Well, I don't agree with Dr. Revelo P. Oliver, who's a great friend of mine, that false humility is as bad as false pride.
Jared Taylor and I have argued about that.
Jared finds the behavior of athletes at the Olympics who jump up and down when they get the gold medal to be offensive.
And I don't.
I've told you, if you're the greatest Paul Poe vaulter in the world, and that's the culmination of years of dedication, you have a right to jump up and down.
If somebody got up there and said, oh, shucks, I was just lucky.
I had a lucky day.
It's just disgusting.
Well, I like Dizzy Dean talking about Southerners.
I like Dizzy Dean's comment.
He said, if you can do it, it ain't bragging, right?
Well, those brought back a lot of memories listening to that.
Well, let's talk about it, Sam.
Let's let you fire the first salvo here.
And I'm going to play, I'm going to play a distant third fiddle tonight.
I want this last hour.
I want you and Keith to bat it back and forth.
But going back and listening to that 2006 interview, I would just say this.
And I sang the praises of Bill Rowland.
Can't sing them enough.
To be able to do what we've done here, that was 16 years ago.
And that was our second year on the air in 06.
And here we still are in 2022.
I'm very, very proud of that.
That is not false modesty or false pride.
That is something I'm proud about.
We have operated at a decent level here for a long time.
But I've got a shoestring, too.
Yeah, no kidding.
But going back and listening to that, that was one of the better ones from the Deep Archives.
And as you listen to it, Sam, what were your takeaways?
Well, I don't mean to start off with anything negative, but it's most of your listeners, as you said, didn't know Bill, and probably most of them never heard Michael Grissom.
But, you know, it's very hard to convey to somebody the persona, the personality, and the spirit of somebody like Bill Rowland and Michael Grissom.
And you had to know Bill Rowland to know what a magnificent person he was.
Listening to him doesn't convey that.
You had to see him.
The dignity with which he moved, the way he was very polite and well-bred, and yet was also a real regular guy guy.
He was a graduate of Westminster School in Atlanta, which is one of the foremost prep schools in the country, and certainly the foremost prep school, private school in Georgia.
So he came from a background of people that mattered.
And he never lost his connection to his people.
And he was willing to stand up for us when, unfortunately, most of the people from his social background have betrayed us.
So I wish people could actually spend an hour in Bill Rowland's presence to know just what a tremendous person he was in person.
And Michael Grissom also.
Michael Grissom fills a void.
One of the most important parts of the talk he gave in the interview was pointing out that there were no organized protests, no organized groups that opposed the desegregation of the schools, no important ones.
And that was true.
Southerners don't really take part in politics.
It's part of our weakness.
To Southerners, politics is something that takes place every two years at a barbecue before an election.
The rival ethnic groups, the Northern Jews and the Black and the others, the Hispanics, they know that politics goes on 24-7, 365 days a year.
And you can't beat them unless you are like that.
You've got to have the same involvement and dedication.
And we didn't have that.
And there was no organized opposition.
The Citizens Council were a faint effort, but they themselves would not do what needed to be done.
They set up the private schools where you could send your kid to school and he'd be saved.
He wouldn't be stabbed.
Your daughter wouldn't be raped.
But they used the same textbooks and they taught the same stuff as the establishment schools.
And I know somebody who was a lawyer who's on their board who tried to get them to use different textbooks and they threw him off the board.
So everything was, it was just cuckism.
It was every all the you know, the other side was hitting below the belt and we were too gentlemanly to respond.
And people like that lose.
And we lost.
Like he was saying, no massive organized group.
Nobody ever went and picked it.
Everyone just went along to program and was quiet.
One of the good things that Christmas does is he brings out a lot of things that you would never know unless you lived those times.
And one of the great things that humbled us was this feeling that you would hear from people, oh, it's inevitable.
It's inevitable.
We can't stop it.
It's inevitable.
Of course it wasn't inevitable.
It's not inevitable now.
It's only inevitable.
Well, Sam, this is Keith.
Yeah, remember that we need to.
Oh, yeah, I do.
And I do remember some very important resistance.
I think the resistance that I recall happened after the Brown decision in May 17th, 1954.
We'll talk more about that after these words from our sponsors.
We're talking about the past, present, and future of the South with the great Sam Dixon, Keith Alexander.
I was born in 1980, so what do I know?
I wasn't there for the centennial.
Mike Rissop talked about it and talked about it well in the last hour.
Breaking down that interview, but still forward-looking here as our celebration of the South continues.
We'll be right back.
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Why does the left lie constantly?
Because they get spiritual power from lying.
The lies come from Satan, the father of lies.
John 8, 44.
Here's how the political lying process works.
Satan provides the beast with a lie.
Then the more they use the lie, the more spiritual power they get.
Look, the media is a lie multiplier, and this multiplication gives more evil spiritual power to the beast.
And that can overwhelm and even deceive the body of Christ, especially when the body is being disobedient to the head.
The churches today are incorporated, so they're subordinate to human government.
They obey the beast and do nothing to restore our national relationship with God.
And the government shall be on his shoulders.
Isaiah 9, 6.
That verse is not for the present-day church.
Rather, it is for the end time church, the body of the line of Judah.
A message from Christ Kingdom Ministries.
Worked hard all week, got a little jingle On a Tennessee Saturday night.
Couldn't feel better.
I'm together with my Dixieland tonight.
Spend my dollar, park in a hall around the moonlight, Hold her uptight, make a little loving, A little turdy dovin' on a Mason-Dixon night.
It's my life.
Oh, so right.
My Dixie Landline.
Folks, we don't do this every month throughout the year, but we sure as hell do it in April.
It is Confederate Heritage Month.
We didn't make that up.
That's something that the southern states did.
We still honor it here.
And I agree with Sam Dixon.
Sam and I have talked about this over the years.
Look, obviously, we don't have the luxury as men of the West, as Europeans, to engage in regional conflicts anymore.
But it doesn't change the fact these were our people, and they were right.
And so we will honor them, and we still honor them.
Brother Keith, let's quickly go back to you, and then we'll toss it back to Sam Dixon, who's helping us close the program tonight as we revisit that classic interview from 2006, your takeaways as we continue to toss it back and forth.
Well, let me just respond to what you just said about we don't need to engage in internecine warfare between different white groups.
It's very important that people focus on the civil rights movement because it was the first great liberal radical egalitarian movement in the post-war era.
And because of that, it provided the blueprint for how they would proceed with every subsequent radical egalitarian movement that they had in the hopper, which was intended to break down Western civilization.
For example, when they can't get what they want through the legislature or through the executive, they immediately and reflexively go to the federal judiciary because the federal judiciary is the least democratic branch of the federal government.
It's the most easily controlled.
It's the most immune to criticism.
Basically, you would have to impeach somebody to get them off of the Supreme Court, which means they have to be guilty of some serious misconduct.
What happened to us in the civil rights movement, I was talking about what had happened right after the Brown decision.
You had the Southern Manifesto where all of the Democrat politicians, for the most part, in the South joined forces and said they would resort to massive resistance to prevent that decision from taking effect.
And the person that led it up was Jimmy Burns, who had previously been on the U.S. Supreme Court appointed by Roosevelt.
He stepped down at Roosevelt's request because he wanted Burns to head up the war mobilization effort, the transformation of American industry from peacetime to war mobilization.
He did such a good job.
Well, he was promised by Roosevelt that he would be the 1944 vice presidential candidate.
But of course, Jewish interests already had the civil rights movement in the hopper and planning to go.
And they didn't want a segregationist like Jimmy Burns to be the vice president and step into the presidency.
So they got an integrationist, Harry Truman, instead.
But, you know, I remember the massive resistance movement.
Now, as far as going out and protesting, maybe our people were wise.
That doesn't work.
Charlottesville and January the 6th show that there's no magic to so-called peaceful protest.
It only works when the media is behind you.
Interesting.
Sam, your take.
Well, I think the manifesto was a pretty weak thing.
I think we didn't really have any leadership, Keith.
The leadership of the South had already been subverted, and the money power was already present, and people were already accommodating themselves to the money power.
The Southerners would not speak in terms of sociological arguments for the South.
The Brown case titled that Swedish communist.
Gunnar Meardahl.
Gunnar Mirdahl in his book, The American Dilemma.
And they based their decision on perjured testimony that had been introduced below.
And the South never talked about race.
People think that they talked about it.
They didn't talk about race.
They talked about our way of life and states' rights.
And these civil rights bills, they're just not constitutional.
They wanted to talk these legalistic arguments.
The only way to stop this kind of stuff is to talk the substance of the issue.
Most people are not going to oppose a bill if they think it's good.
They're not going to oppose a movement or a law if they think it's good.
If they think it's good.
Well, you know, Sam, let me just say this.
That enables the bill to be passed.
Let me say this.
Even the New York Times said on the next day after the decision came down that it was a decision based on sociology and not law.
It was basically a complete denial of due process, if by due process you mean the normal way that you decide appellate decisions.
They didn't use starry decisives.
The case precedent was clearly on the side of the segregationist, Plessy versus Ferguson.
They couldn't use legislative history because the same Congress that passed the 14th Amendment also created a racially segregated public school system in the District of Columbia.
So instead, they based it on sociology, which I think was unprecedented at that point.
And the South did not respond to that argument.
You had to respond.
One resistance group that Michael Grissom didn't mention was the Putnam Letters Committee, which was run by Carlton Putnam, the co-founder of Delta Airlines, and a Princeton graduate.
His book Race and Reason, was that his book?
Race and Reason.
Yeah, it was his book, Race and Reason, A Yankee View.
A Yankee was the only person who stood up and talked about the fact.
There was also a professor at the University of North Carolina Medical School.
I want to say his name was Garrett, George Garrett.
He wrote a book called Anatomy of the Race Problem, and it dealt with the enormous anatomical differences between black and white, which are just huge.
And you can't, things have to be found upon truth.
You can't found stuff upon wishful thinking.
It's not a kindness to tell people lies or to go along with lies because you don't want to hurt their feelings.
Black people on average, it's pretty clear, have a lower IQ than whites on average.
That doesn't mean that they're not intelligent blacks, so intelligent blacks should not have opportunities in life.
But it'd be like saying that trying to deny the fact that Sicilians are shorter than Norwegians.
It's just false science.
And only Carlton Putnam talked about that.
Delta Airlines would absolutely faint today if the media picked that up.
And actually, I hope will.
I'd like to see Delta Airlines punished.
I hope.
Well, I just heard that Delta Airlines lost $1.3 billion since COVID, which shows you how politically correct they've become.
They're committing aircraft suicide.
They're the most woke airline now.
They are absolutely woke.
I walked through the two terminals in the Atlanta airport where they predominate, and there were 140 gates.
I'm sorry, I think there were about 70 or 80 gates.
That's 40 per terminal.
And each gate had two or so people working.
I never saw a white person working at any gate for Delta Airlines.
I never saw one in the ticket area.
I saw none of them in the baggage.
It was virtually 100% African American.
Racial discrimination against white people is a new rule of the law, apparently.
And it's why what?
Why are white southerners and whites in gentlemen?
I'm not picking on.
I am a southerner.
I've got my Confederate bomb with a picture of my cousin Dushka Pickens, who looked the first of the fuse for the first firing at Fort Sumter.
How about that, ladies and gentlemen?
How about that?
I am a Southerner.
I do have a lot of New England blood, but my loyalty is to the South.
But why do white Southerners patronize something like Delta?
Why can't what has closed their eyes?
Any self-respecting black person who walked through those two terminals and never saw a single black person working there, they'd raise hell about it.
Well, the thing is, if they boycotted, they don't have a lot of people, at least in the old days, traveling by air anyway.
But I'll tell you why I think it is.
I think that basically because of cultural Marxism and the critical theory strategy, basically Southerners never heard their arguments being approved of in any way in the public forum.
And as a result, they basically suffered from a collective case of Stockholm syndrome.
I think you're right.
I think that they also wanted to show how loyal they were.
I think that when World War I came and Woodrow Wilson carried us into a war against our national interests, based on lies, his most enthusiastic supporters were white southerners in the House and the Senate.
It's sickening to read about it.
All these southerners, except the Mississippi delegation, for some reason they vote against it.
Most of the newspapers accounted how the Southern founders and congressmen jumped to their feet, hollered out.
Hold on right there.
The last rebel yell.
Yeah, indeed.
Maybe we're doing it tonight.
We'll take a quick break.
Sam Dixon's back with us right after this.
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Russian forces attempted to storm a steel plant in Mariupol.
It's part of the Kremlin's plan to try and crush the last bit of resistance in the southern port city, as they claim the plant is the last part of the city that has not been captured.
Officials claim Russia has fired at least six cruise missiles at another port city, Odessa, killing five people.
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Measures include an interest rate hike as high as 20% and forcing businesses to convert their profits to rubles.
That made Russian President Vladimir Putin confident enough this week to proclaim that a quote blitzkrieg of sanctions from the West has not worked.
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Ahead of a presidential runoff election in France, President Emmanuel Macron has the lead over his rival, Maureen Le Pen.
A victory for him would mean he would be the first French president in two decades to win a second term.
Opinion polls on him winning range in margin from 6 to 15 percent.
The civil trial in the case of a murdered University of Virginia lacrosse player is set to go on Monday.
Yardley Love was killed more than a decade ago by her estranged boyfriend, George Hughley.
Hughley is now halfway through his 23-year prison sentence.
The civil suit, followed by Love's mother, is seeking more than $30 million in damages.
Georgia Congresswoman Marjorie Taylor Green was hostile during her testimony during a hearing on Friday on whether she is eligible to run for re-election.
Using a rarely used section of the 14th Amendment, voters in her district said that Greene helped facilitate the January 6th insurrection that disrupted the certification of Joe Biden as the winner of the 2020 election.
Georgia's Secretary of State will make the ultimate decision.
You're listening to USA Radio News.
Go ahead and play it.
Everybody, welcome back.
And, you know, let us take a parenthetical departure very quickly.
This was actually one of the news items that I wanted to cover once we clear these two months of special series.
But Sam, you're in Georgia, so, I mean, look, Marjorie Taylor Greene, whatever.
But the whole thing that she could be constitutionally disqualified from running for re-election as a sitting member of the United States Congress because of her quote-unquote role in the January 6th insurrection just goes to show, even if you win, they have means to dispose of you.
They have no bottom.
They're without shame.
And they do plan long in advance.
We can segue back to the planning about the destruction of our segregated school system in a minute.
But when they chose the term insurrection, that was sort of a jarring thing.
That 140 people who got into the Capitol and walked around, only five or six of them actually committed crimes.
This is an insurrection.
You usually think of an insurrection as something like a revolt somewhere.
But there was a reason, and it became apparent very early, way back then.
The reason was they already were planning to use that provision of the 14th Amendment to try to prevent people from running for Congress in the Senate, and only probably to try to prevent President Trump from running.
It isn't an insurrection.
And we just heard the radio announcer use that term.
That's the enemy's term.
It was almost nothing at all.
It's just nothing.
And their efforts to spread this thing now, they say that Trump told his people, fight for your rights.
And they said, well, that meant he was calling to overthrow the government.
If you applied that to our enemies, to Dr. King, to the students for a Democratic Society, they would have all been in jail for the rest of their lives.
That's just normal talk.
Fight for your rights.
Labor unions use that.
Everybody uses that.
The SES actually bombed the capital.
They're challenging a sitting congressman in North Carolina about that because he went to the January 6th rally that he should be barred from re-election.
These people planned things like this way out in advance.
And the destruction of the South was planned long in advance.
Long before the Brown decision, they had already subverted the leadership of the South.
They had already propagandized and subverted and indoctrinated the ruling class of the South to a great extent.
I'll give you an example.
My father had a first cousin who was a vice president of a utility company in the South.
And he told me way back when, decades and decades ago, a story that when he got back from World War II, he fought in the war.
He, he's much younger than my father.
In 1947, he and the other executives in the utility company were told that they all had to go to New York City.
And they were all put on a plane and flown up there.
And they met with these people who held all the debt paper of the utility company in their state.
And they were, unsurprisingly, Jewish people.
And in 1947, they told these southern executives, we are going to mix the races.
We are going to stop segregation.
And the utility companies and all of you people will go along with the program.
And if you don't like it, there's the door.
You can tender your resignation right now.
You start at the door hitching the posterior when you leave.
Yeah.
The seven years war, Brown versus Toby, they were already organizing all of this stuff and making sure that everybody got in line.
And so, you know, they were planning this thing using the word insurrection.
People, people like the chef and Pelosi and all their advisors, they knew what they were doing.
These people plan a long time.
And like Michael said, you know, one of the great things about Michael Grissom is he's written fabulous books.
Southerners don't generally write books.
Yankees write books.
New Englanders write books.
That's why American history of the Revolution had been written from a New England perspective because we don't value education and ideas, and they do.
Well, they control the publishing industry.
They control the news media.
They control the entertainment industry.
Basically, all the microphones are in their possession.
Now, it's obvious that to me that the plans, the blueprint for the Civil Rights Movement was there and ready to be dropped on America with the end of World War II.
You had Sweat versus Painter.
You had Shelley versus Kramer.
Those precursor decisions to Brown.
And you had Harry Truman integrate the U.S. Armed Forces, something that Jimmy Burns would never have done had he been the vice president as promised by Roosevelt.
And I lost you.
Yeah, no, no, no, we're still here.
Sam, I would ask you this.
One of the things that was brought up during the interview with Mike Grissom that we listened to in the second hour was his pessimism.
And I shared in that at the time back in 2006.
Of course, in 2006, you know, so that was like, what, a year or two after the funeral of the Hundley crew in South Carolina, which I had the opportunity to attend.
I saw Ted Turner in the Confederate general's jacket, uniform rather, and leading the procession.
And there was 10, 20,000 people there.
I was there.
I saw that.
That was in the mid-2000s.
So certainly now in 2022, you look back at that would have never happened.
You know, certainly that couldn't have happened now.
And as I said, going back in that interview, we're not gaining ground, we're losing ground.
I mean, in a way, but I'm more optimistic now that I'm not doing well.
Well, I would say, this is actually the point, Sam.
This is the point.
I'm actually more optimistic now than I was then.
And if only because I look at this anti-white culture, I look at the culture of the woke, to use the parlance of our times, and understanding that they subscribe to this culture of death.
And, you know, will the fundamentalists inherit the earth?
I mean, what are we looking for?
We're talking about the past, present, and future of the South.
What does the future of the South?
What could the future of the South look like if we catch the breaks?
Well, I think our enemies have forfeited any degree of moral ground they have.
And I also think that we are much stronger than we were when you went to see the Hunley sailors buried in Charleston.
The internet has opened up things for us, and it's still there despite the efforts of the system to impose censorship.
I remember how difficult it was to organize a rally or even a meeting.
In the 1960s, I can remember we would try to have meetings.
We did have meetings on these issues, seminars, and you'd have to address hundreds of envelopes.
You'd have to copy things, fold them, put them in, put the postage, all this kind of stuff.
Now you can do all that with the tap on your keyboard.
And it's things like that.
There's so much more truth out now than there was then.
This thing can only be opposed.
Well, see, that's what I was talking about, Sam.
Sam, what I was thinking about was that basically the internet has given us new life.
And that's why the left has gone from just the de facto censorship of the difficulty that you encountered in the 60s and the 50s, for example, trying to get people together for a meeting.
And now they're going to outright censorship.
And it, you know, I guess the jury's out on whether or not it will work.
Good point.
Well, I think hopefully it will fail.
I remember what my Russian tutor told me in my youth.
She remained serenely confident that communism would fall in Russia.
And she said that it's contrary to fact, it's contrary to human nature, it's contrary to natural law, it's contrary to God's law.
Under the czar, we said Europe, under the communists, they've never been able to feed Russia.
And she was just serenely confident that they would come when communism would fall and the statues of Millennium would come down.
And we saw that day.
And I believe that we will eventually see the day when the statues to Roosevelt, people like Roosevelt and Wilson and Churchill, will come down also.
People will watch them on television while the mobs smash their statues to pieces.
And that's what I would love to see that.
I will be gone as a president here into my predestined heaven.
But there's so much more truth out.
You can't imagine how censored and controlled things were in the 50s with only three television networks, ABC, CBS, and NBC, all of which said exactly the same thing.
It's just total, total control over the flow of information.
The media is still completely in lockstep, but there's so many ways that the truth can seep around them and get out.
The little things that can get out.
Had we been living in 1960, we would never have heard about the Heathen Report.
It would absolutely been completely blacked out, which revealed, as you know, that the black police chief, and show it still, told the police not to enforce the law, but to allow crimes to be committed, mostly our people, so as to give them a pretext to violate the First Amendment rights of American citizens, the white people.
No Southern Sheriff.
Boy, I tell you, that's something to consider.
We got to take one last break.
Sam, if you can believe it, folks, has an engagement immediately following the show, so we got to make haste and get him to it.
24-hour schedule.
We'll do that right after this.
Stay tuned.
One more second with the great Sam Dixon Rampart program.
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One more segment and yet another show even after all these years that has gone by far too quickly.
Sam Dixon has an ability to make that happen for your host here tonight.
But I'd like to read something.
We read it just about every year in April.
I don't think we've yet read it this year, so we'll do it now.
Edward Ward Carmack was born in 1858, so by the onset of the war, he was only three, so he didn't quite make it to the field.
But he did become a United States Senator out of Tennessee, and he wrote this pledge to the South.
And I'd like to share it with you now.
The South is a land that has known sorrows.
It is a land that has broken the ashen crust and moistened it with tears, a land of scarred and riven by the plowshare of war and billowed with the graves of her dead.
But a land of legend, a land of song, and a land of hallowed and heroic memories.
To that land, every drop of my blood, every fiber of my being, every pulsation of my heart is consecrated forever.
I was born of her womb.
I was nurtured at her breast.
And when my last hour shall come, I pray God that I will be pillowed upon her bosom and rocked to sleep within her tender and encircling arms.
That is a beautiful, beautiful sentiment.
And as Sam has told me and perhaps even shared on this program before, the South is kind of like our mothers.
We can critique our mothers, but you sure, Essel, better not.
And there's a lot to be wanting in the South, Sam, especially now from our churches to our people.
I mean, it is not what it once was.
And even then, there was still more to be desired.
But I was asking a couple of other guests previously during this month's series what it is.
When you go back and you look at everybody in our ancestral line who made us who we are, when you go back and you look at that ancestral DNA going back to the Northern Europe and the British Isles and everywhere we came from before we made it here, why was it, I asked them, that that four-year period in our history from 1861 to 1865 stands out a little bit more than some of the other generations.
And they both answered that night it was because it was our last best chance on this continent.
And so for that flaws and all, we honor them.
It was also a movement of people who were willing to take their own destiny into their own hands.
And it's the only time in American history that's happened.
But I wanted to get back a bit to Michael Grissom.
I listened to that.
One of the most significant things to me was that he attacked Billy Graham.
And that takes real guts.
And Billy Graham was where the rubber hit the road.
He was a media creation, the great loved Christian evangelist, who was always available to the establishment when they needed their war.
When Bush I went to war with Iraq and caused that war, Billy walked into the White House and was on the news.
He had a Bible about the size of a beach towel and with letters, Holy Bible on it, that he could display to the media.
He was there to get all those guys killed and get that Arab country bombed that Billy was there for him.
I know a lot about Billy Graham.
I know a lot about him through my family.
And it takes real guts to criticize someone like Billy Graham because so many well-meaning people regard him as some kind of holy man.
One of the things that Michael Grissom could have brought out was Graham went to the Soviet Union and praised the religious freedom of the Soviet Union.
He did so at a public conference where there were Russian Christians trying, I'm going to a Russian service tonight.
The Russian Christians were trying to protest the fact that they did not have religious freedom, and the police were beating them with batons that Graham could see over the crowd.
And Graham went right on praising the Soviet Union and the freedom behind the iron curtain that the church is enjoying.
It's just unimaginable that such a person could be held in anything except the utmost contempt by people.
But that's the example of Grissom going after things that mattered, cultural things.
And I think a lot of the things in his book are very nice.
It brings back the spirit of the South that I spent my early years in.
Little things like the fact that the term cousin back then was used like aunt and uncle.
Do you remember that, Keith?
Yeah, I do.
I remember it.
You would speak of cousin May.
My grandmother had a first cousin named May.
It was Cousin May.
And you use it.
That was like the South.
Go ahead.
I was just going to say that the Southgate family connection to my grandma's first cousin without children being fresh.
We could call her by her first name, provided we had a cousin in front of her.
Like we could call Aunt Belma or Aunt Ruth.
You call her cousin May.
That is a wonderful custom that I hope all your listeners will revive in their family.
Well, see, older people enjoyed it too, by the way.
They were not offended by the familiarity.
They were, quite frankly, pleased with it.
They would have been offended if you just called somebody.
If I'd called some 85-year-old woman, hey, May.
But I called her cousin May of recognition that we had a connection of family.
But my father told a story that I'd like to say about Confederate Memorial Day in Seneca, South Carolina, when he was a child.
He said it was the only time he saw adult people cry.
He said they would put the surviving soldiers who mostly could no longer walk.
They put them on wagons and they would roll down the street on Confederate Memorial Day with the soldiers in their old uniforms and old flags and that the adults would weep as they went by.
And then the school children were lined up and would shake the soldiers' hands so that every child could say that he had shaken hands with Confederate veterans.
That was a great thing.
When was that?
The 40s?
It would have been about 1912, 14, something like that.
Okay, yeah, I was, yeah, I think the last Confederate veteran died in 1959.
I remember seeing it in the newspaper and being impressed by that.
Well, I appreciate Sam for having the discipline to go back to what we were supposed to be doing this hour.
Now, there hasn't been a wasted minute.
Don't get me wrong.
I've enjoyed everything we've talked about.
But to bring it back to focus and to full circle with just a couple of minutes remaining.
Sam, I know you've got to get out of the house and you've got somewhere to go.
So two minutes remaining, and then we'll give Keith a final word on this.
A great show tonight.
We'll wrap up Confederate History Month series.
Yeah, go, Sam.
Revisitation of the Grissom interview.
I would like to end with a note about Dr. Grissom.
Now, Bill Roland has been gathered unto his ancestors, and I'm sure they're proud of him.
But, you know, Michael Grissom's still alive, and he lives in extreme want and penury.
And a great deal of that is due to the fact of his devotion to his family.
They didn't have much money, and his grandmother, his mother became sick, and she died a long, gone-out death.
And Michael went by and cared for her.
And I mean, he really cared for her.
He's been spooning the food in her mouth for years.
He didn't just talk the talk.
He walked the walk.
He lived the kind of family commitment that we all want to live or should live.
And he's in the want today.
I hope that people will buy his book and maybe somebody can find some way to help him.
But he has sacrificed enormously, not only for his family, but also for us, because he devoted his life to writing.
And it was not possible to make money writing books about the South.
That basically answers what you were saying earlier, Sam, about the Southerners wouldn't write the books.
Well, you can't make a living off it.
And Michael Grissom is a person.
So he filled a void.
He filled a void.
And if the Southerners had been what they ought to have been, they would have made a living off of it.
But they're two quick things.
Yeah, that's the truth.
If they bought enough of his books.
Hey, he was one of the good ones.
He was and still is one of the good ones.
I just want to say, Sam, Amazon.com, Dixie's Southern Essays of Michael Andrew Grism.
It just came out March 18th, 2022.
We talked in the first hour about some of the topics and subjects that it covered.
Say a final word to you.
I know you got to run.
Okay.
Two quick points.
One is, we have been proven right.
The other side got their way.
They mixed the races in the schools.
They passed things like the Fair Housing Act.
The condition of African Americans is worse today than it was in 1954.
There has never been a single study that shows that mixing the races in the schools produced any significant improvement in black academic performance.
And the rate of black homeownership is lower today.
The rate of black homeownership today is lower than in 1965 when the Fair Housing Act was passed.
We are right.
We have been proven to be right.
The segregationists have been shown to have been right.
And people like Jacob Javits and Hubert Humphrey and all that crowd have been shown to be wrong.
They produce none of the benefits they said they were going to be having.
And the final note is, the war was lost.
But Southerners have something that no other region in the country has, and that is a sense of community.
We can drive from Richmond, Virginia to Corvus Christi, Texas.
I can drive, and I'm at home the entire distance.
I have a sense of being at home.
You don't have that in the Midwest.
That is at least our legacy from our ancestors.
Let me say this, if I could, Sam.
In 1954, when the Brown decision came down, America's public education system was number one in the world.
We're now number 38.
Do you call that change good fruit or corrupt fruit?
Well, America's on the rock.
America is failing in every way imaginable.
People can't see it, but it's happening.
And it will be in the way of good things.
Amen.
Hey, Sam, I couldn't agree with you more.
The older I've gotten, I've known Sam since, I think, slightly before I started this show.
With each passing year, I agree with him more and more.
And even in times in the past where I said, you know, I don't know.
He's always proven to be right.
Sam, I appreciate your friendship.
I appreciate your counsel, your guidance, your confidence.
And I appreciate you coming on the program tonight as we celebrate this month and our affinity for the South and men of action and men of honor.
We will talk to you again soon.
I know you've got a place to go.
So get there, and I will talk to you again very soon.
I reciprocate all of those feelings, and I second that emotion.
Hey, that's a good one.
And a good song.
Thank you, Sam.
People go down there and buy Michael Grissom's new book.
Amen.
The book again.
Thank you again, Sam.
The book is Dixie Southern Essays of Michael Andrew Grissom.
You heard that interview from 16 years ago, 16 years ago, in the second hour, Sam Dixon, Amazon.com, Dixie Southern Essays.
Just type in Michael Andrew Grissom.
We're going to wrap up Confederate History Month with Mr. Confederate Man, Mr. Confederate Man.
He'll be with us next week, and we'll wrap it up.
And then we'll go into May and the rest of the year with a full head of steam and a lot of topics and a lot of issues and a lot of subjects to talk about.
For Keith Alexander the Great, and for Sam Dixon and Gene Andrews, Rich Hamblin, James Edwards, Bill Broll, and Michael Andrew Grissom.