May 15, 2021 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the Political Cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, known across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the political cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
I'm from the hotel now.
Since we who shatter now, do you share the touch of sin?
Remember them.
Well, ladies and gentlemen, there's that doo-wop sound that you would have heard in the mid-1950s.
And that's where we're taking you back to this evening, this first hour.
It will be the first of a two-part series as Keith Alexander marks the date when America's decline became precipitous.
Welcome to TPC this evening, ladies and gentlemen.
I'm your host, James Edwards.
It is Saturday evening, May 15th.
Keith Alexander, this is, well, this is a show that we do pretty much every year.
If there's been a year that we didn't do it, I don't remember it.
It was certainly an oversight.
But we are going to be talking, of course, about that travesty of judicial or rather American jurisprudence, Brown versus the Board of Education of Topeka.
And that Black Monday occurred on May 17th, 1954.
So an hour on it tonight, an hour on it follow-up next week, along with much, much more, of course.
This year, May the 17th, is also a Monday.
It will be this Monday.
So Black Monday lives again.
It was interesting, I think, Topeka, Topeka, Keith.
I mean, we'll certainly get into the nuts and bolts of this, but the location seemed peculiar to me.
You would have thought it would have been the Birmingham board or the Montgomery Board or the Jackson, Mississippi Board, but it happened in Topeka.
Topeka was where this watershed moment in America's decline took place.
Take us back, if you would, to that day and what preceded it and why we talk about it, why it is so important, and the precedent it set with regards to judicial tyranny.
Well, look, Topeka was just chosen by the national media.
Topeka was one of five cases that were brought up in a combined case before the U.S. Supreme Court so that they could rule on whether or not legalized segregation in public education was constitutional.
There was a South Carolina case, a Delaware case, there was a Virginia case, there was a Kansas case, and there was one more, oh, District of Columbia.
of five all together, five school districts or school boards that had legalized racial segregation as their principle for running the public schools were brought before the Supreme Court in one case.
It came up first for a hearing in 1952.
And the one Jewish member of the Supreme Court at the time, Felix Frankfurter, didn't like the way things were going.
It looked like they were going to lose five to four.
Fred Vinson of Kentucky was the chief justice at the time.
So he asked Fred Vinson if they could have a rehearing.
And he, being a southern gentleman, granted him that permission.
And what he did was he went to work basically extorting and working under the radar in a way that violated the judicial canon of ethics with his former law clerk, Stanley Ellman, who worked for the Solicitor General's Office of the United States of America and was writing a brief.
He was the guy that handled all of the civil rights litigation for the Solicitor General's office.
Well, what was happening is they were passing information back and forth and whatnot and concocting a way to get a unanimous court decision on this case.
And they had it, the real key to it was Vinson's death in September of 1953.
And his replacement was none other than the infamous Earl Warren, who was also a liberal, totally on board with ending racial segregation in all public facilities, particularly education.
And he's the one who wrote the majority opinion eventually.
There were two holdouts.
Robert Jackson, a member of the Supreme Court who had been the chief prosecutor for the Allies in the Nuremberg trials.
So he was no conservative by any stretch of the imagination.
And the other was Stanley Reed, who was called Chalmer by both Ellman and Frankfurter, which means in Yiddish dolt or stupid, you know, thick-headed and whatnot.
But those were the two last holdouts.
Jackson was in the hospital recovering from a heart attack, and Frankfurter was gauche enough to go up there and put a full court press on him to hammer him into shape and get his assent so it could be a unanimous decision.
And then he went after Reed in the same way.
Now, that's how the decision came about.
It was a decision that was in violation of all accepted standards of appellate decision-making.
They did not follow starry decisis, which was prior precedent.
The prior precedent was clear.
Plessy versus Ferguson said that racial segregation, legalized racial segregation in public accommodations, in that case, train cars on a railroad, was acceptable so long as they could be separate so long as they were equal.
So that was the case precedent.
Then they went into what is called legislative history of the 14th Amendment, trying to prove that the Congress, the 39th Congress, the one that actually came up with the 14th Amendment, would not have approved of racially segregated public education.
Of course, that was absolutely rule.
That fell against the forces of change too, because that 39th Congress also created a public education system for the District of Columbia at the same time they passed the 14th Amendment.
And the public education system they set up was legally, racially segregated.
So there was no law to support this.
The decision was all based on sociology.
Now, this is something that should be warm and very close to James's heart because his decision in his defamation case against the, what was it, the Detroit Times.
Yeah, I think clearly, Keith, when people look back on the most heinous decisions in American history, they're talking about Edwards versus the Detroit News and Brown versus Fables.
They based Brown versus Board of Education on Kenneth Clark's sociological doll studies.
All right, hold on right there, my friend.
Keith Alexander, expertly breaking this down.
And we're going to tell you why we're doing it and why we do it every year, why it is so ominous.
And rather than something to be celebrated, as the media tells us it should, why it really was a day that helped drive a death knell into the American experiment.
We'll be right back.
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Well, my mom smokes and my dad smokes and I saw them smoking, so I tried it.
They're telling me not to smoke, but they smoke themselves.
When it comes to smoking, are you sending mixed signals?
But when you teach someone a certain way to do things and you go back on that certain way, it sends mixed signals to the person that they're trying to teach.
The parents need to be the example.
Smoking, if you think you're old enough to start, you're smart enough to stop.
A public service message from this station and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.
Recent studies show that parents who smoke in the home are more likely to have children who smoke.
Yes, in fact, my brother, he's 22 now.
He told me and my father that's why he started smoking.
One of the reasons why he started smoking is because my dad was around, you know, and my dad, they saw my dad smoking.
My dad said, okay, I don't want you to smoke.
I don't want you to watch what I'm doing.
Recent studies also show that in homes where parents don't smoke, their children usually don't smoke either.
I am the way I am because my grandparents taught me what not to do.
They gave me morals.
They gave me belief.
They gave me something to believe in.
They just taught me, well, I love them.
I do.
Smoking.
If you think you're old enough to start, you're smart enough to stop.
A public service message from this station and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.
Abby Johnson was once director of a Planned Parenthood clinic in Bryan, Texas.
After a moral crisis, she quit and now she campaigns against what she once endorsed.
They implement abortion quotas in all of their clinics.
What do you mean quotas?
You have to perform a certain number of abortions every month.
One of the reasons that I left.
Are they explicit about that?
Yes.
It's in your budget, right there on the line item.
One of the reasons I left Planned Parenthood was because in a budget meeting, I was told to double that abortion quota.
And for me, as someone who had spoken to the media and had said, you know, we're about reducing the number of abortions.
were about prevention, all these other services.
I was shocked.
So James, you actually worked at a Planned Parenthood.
Give us some sense of the relative number of abortions.
Okay.
Abortions Planned Parenthood provides over 330,000 abortions a year.
They are the largest single abortion provider in our country.
Oh, life could be a dream if I could take you up in paradise up above.
If you would tell me I'm the only one that you love.
Life could be a dream, sweetheart.
Hello, hello again.
Shaboom.
And hopefully we'll meet again.
Life could be a dream if only all my precious plans would come true.
If you would let me spend my whole life loving you, life could be a dream, sweetheart.
Now, every time I look at you, something is on my mind.
If you do what I want you to, baby, we'd be so born.
Oh, life could be a dream.
If I could take you up in paradise of a boat, if you would tell me I'm the only one that you love.
Life could be a dream, sweetheart.
Now that is music, and that was the number four biggest selling record of 1954.
Keith, a one-word answer, if you would, because we got to speed this along and get down to brass tacks.
You think the crew cuts knew what was going on in 1954, what the world would look like, say, 50 years from now?
No, I don't believe it.
It sure was a shaboom.
It was a sonic boom.
Okay, listen, I appreciate you setting the stage, going back and talking about some of the maneuverings in advance of this horrific decision.
But let's get down to it now and let's talk about what the decision was and why, in fact, it was so bad.
But before we do that, I would like to make mention of two things.
You mentioned Earl Warren.
Sam Dixon is so right about this.
He mentions that these liberals like Earl Warren, these white sellouts and sociopaths like Earl Warren, they have this fantasy that little black kids are going to raise statues in their honor one day and that they'll come to their graves and put flowers on them and they'll be a hero to these downtrodden or supposedly downtrodden people.
But of course, blacks are smarter than that.
They don't do that.
They honor their own heroes and their own champions.
They don't honor traders of another kind.
And so this is something that I think all of these busybody do-gooding liberals would be well to know.
And then also, nobody was in favor of this.
Of course, you could have never gotten Brown versus Board passed through a state legislature at that time or through the United States Congress even.
Even the sitting president of the United States, Dwight D. Eisenhower, was against it.
Before the Brown decision was reached, Eisenhower invited Earl Warren, Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, to dinner at the White House.
And quite famously, Eisenhower told Warren that white Southerners aren't bad people.
All they're concerned about is having their sweet little girls being forced to sit alongside big, overgrown blank.
So that was the president of the United States.
The people were against it.
The Congress was against it.
The states were against it.
The president was against it.
But yet it got passed through the Supreme Court.
And that is why it was Black Monday.
And the Supreme Court or this country, the deep state, our enemies, learned a very valuable lesson.
You can circumvent everything, the will of the people, the rule of law, by just legislating from the bench.
Brown did it in a big way.
And, well, anyway, let's go back there, Keith.
Take it away.
Well, you're absolutely right about that, James.
What happened was Supreme Court decision-making became totally unhinged from the law, from legal precedent, prior cases like the Plessy versus Ferguson case, which was the controlling precedent.
That is called the principle of starry decisis.
Starry decisis went out of the window.
So did when you're trying to interpret a statute or a constitutional provision, you go back to what is called legislative history as well as starry decisis cases, prior cases interpreting the same statute or constitutional provision.
That is called legislative history.
The verdict on both of those inquiries would have been thumbs down on striking down legalized racial segregation in public education.
But instead, they decided that case, the Brown case, on sociological evidence of very dubious character.
It was even dishonestly portrayed by the proponents of change, by the NAACP, in their arguments.
It was just like your case where they based your decision on Aesop's fables, not on any legal precedent.
By the way, by the way, Keith, in fact, they violated all legal precedent.
Now, obviously, my decision has been doing it.
Well, the precedent was actually, if you allege that somebody is a member of the Ku Klux Klan, much less a leader, that is the textbook definition of libel.
They completely threw out all precedent.
And in fact, the exact example of what constitutes libel in my case and just said, well, Aesop's fables, blah, blah, blah.
But of course, I mean, Brown versus Board.
And it did change the precedent for what constitutes defamation in the state of Michigan.
My case did.
So it was a precedent-setting decision.
But I think Brown versus Board was far more problematic.
Well, the thing is, what they did to you was first done in a very public way in the Brown versus Topeka Board of Education decision.
Now, what else was done?
This was the beginning of the opening.
It was basically like opening Pandora's box.
You know, if you open Pandora's box, remember Pandora tried to just open just a little bit of it to see what was in there?
Instead, the lid flies open and all the evil flows out.
Well, that's what happened with the Brown versus Board of Education decision.
The entire liberal agenda got a boost, and they've been an unstoppable juggernaut in American jurisprudence and in American culture ever since.
All right, but here's the question.
Here's the question, Keith.
What made it such a bad decision and why was it so damaging to America?
Other than, of course, you would have never had a Roe versus Wade.
You would have never had so many of these unconstitutional, illegal, disastrous decisions.
Of course, the fact that the states go along with these things also, that's another issue.
The fact that white men, listen, George Wallace should have let loose hell at the schoolhouse.
They never should have stood, never should have stood for the violation, the blatant violation of law being dictated upon to people by the courts.
And that's where you have to dig your heels in or you're going to forever be a slave.
You know, it's interesting.
The Mississippi Supreme Court, we were talking about this before we went on the air tonight.
Just this week, the Mississippi Supreme Court said they're not going to consider legalizing marijuana in the state of Mississippi.
All the media in Mississippi saying, well, 70% of Mississippians say they favor a referendum on marijuana, which I found to be quite dubious and apocryphal.
And then all of the media is now saying, look, this is what happens.
This is what happens.
There's no rule of law.
They're overruling the will of the people.
The Mississippi Supreme Court is overruling the will of the people.
They want this to be a referendum.
Won't even hear it.
I don't think they were saying that, though, when the courts did that in their favor on a much, much, much more serious concern.
They're very selective in their outrage, aren't they?
They were all for having a critarchy, an oligarchy of judges, decide public policy throughout the United States.
People in the South knew this was going to be a terrible decision with terrible consequences, and they were absolutely right.
What has happened is that public education in America has gone in the toilet since Brown versus Board of Education.
It didn't start immediately.
They were smart enough to wait for full implementation until the late 60s, early 70s, when they started the full implementation of it through busing.
Before that, they passed the 64 Civil Rights Act.
They got some legislative authority to back up what they were doing.
The Voting Rights Act of 1965, the Immigration Act of 1965.
All the building blocks were in place by 1965.
But Brown stood as a monument to the power of the left.
If they couldn't get what they wanted through the executive branch, if they couldn't get it through the legislative branch, they could get it.
Through an initiative and referendum, like you're talking about, they would get it done through the Supreme Court.
Now, you said nobody was for it.
There was a group of people that were for it, a very small group of people.
They were the 1954 equivalent of the deep state.
A lot of these so-called intellectuals thought that segregation had to go, but they knew that they were against the will of the vast majority of the American people.
We'll talk more about this after these words from my sponsors.
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Make it mine.
Please make it mine.
Three coins in the fountain, each one seeking happiness.
Thrown by three hopeful lovers.
Which one will the thousand bless?
Three hearts in the fountain.
Each heart longing for its home.
There they lie in the fountain.
Somewhere in the heart of Rome.
Well, ladies and gentlemen, this is, Keith put us firmly in the wayback machine.
Keith wanted to listen to that whole song, but I mean, no, keep playing it.
That is the four aces, three coins in the fountain.
And the reason we're playing this music, this top music from 1954, is to show you how innocent and how wholesome this country was before the enemy got its vice grip on us.
And America has totally and completely been raped and corrupted.
And I still say the buck has to stop with white men.
White men should have stood the ground and done whatever it took.
I understand nobody could have foreseen it was going to get this bad.
And it was the frog in the boiling pot type of scenario.
But my God, you go back.
I mean, a lot of people in our audience were alive when this was going on.
And I'm not saying it was their fault.
I mean, obviously it would have been babies at this time.
I'm not saying that at all, but I'm just saying the decline has been so precipitous and has occurred so rapidly that you can go back to a time when so many in our audience were here and on this earth.
And it wasn't that long ago, but it was a world away, that's for sure.
And they're always finding things in the Constitution, Keith, that were never there.
And again, we're talking about the precedent of Brown versus Board, which why are we talking about it?
Because it occurred on this week in 1954, May 17th, 1954.
We're talking about it because of its ramifications.
They're always finding things in the Constitution that weren't there.
Homosexual marriage, well, here it is.
We found it in the early 2000s.
Who knew after 200 years?
It was there the whole time.
We just didn't see it.
Who knew that Thomas Jefferson was for it?
And this whole thing going back.
Yeah, right, exactly.
I mean, well, look, if anybody goes back, if anybody's serious and honest, you go back and you read the original Constitution, you read the original documents, you read the original Immigration Act where you had to be a white citizen of good moral character and a landowner.
I mean, to say that the founding fathers were just waiting for it to be discovered that transgenderism was a constitutional right or that this separate but equal nonsense.
Now, let's get back to that.
We're talking about the precedent was bad.
The president was bad because it opened up Pandora's box, as you mentioned, for all of these other unconstitutional rulings where they used the Supreme Court to ramrod that which would never have been passed by the states, by the voters, by even our criminally corrupted United States Congress.
It would have been a bridge too far for them.
But this separate but equal, was that bad?
And how is it unconstitutional to say that, oh, yes, they would be separate, but they would have the same accommodations.
They would have the same opportunities.
They were saying that was bad.
It was unconstitutional.
And you say it actually even ties into abortion.
It does all of those things.
What we're talking about with this decision is a transformation, a transformation by the Supreme Court in its function.
They self-appointed themselves to be the updators of the Constitution in light of new current, quote-unquote, enlightened thought.
Gunnar Mark Meirdahl's American Dilemma was the source of this, one of Felix Frankfurter's favorite things.
We were talking about three coins in a fountain.
Well, three coins in the fountain was trumped by two Jews in the courthouse.
That was Felix Frank Furter and his former law clerk and civil rights division guru for the Solicitor General's office, Stanley Ellman, in February of 1987 in the Harvard Law Review.
He confessed to the whole sordid crime that they committed to get this decision made.
And even the New York Times was horrified to learn this.
Of course, nobody said we need to scrap this decision.
The damage was already done by then.
What had happened to American public education?
We had gone in 1954 from being at the top of the developed world in terms of the achievement and the quality of public education to now today at the bottom of the developed world.
That's all due to Brown and the racial integration of the public education.
You mentioned abortion.
Abortion came about at about the same time, the late 60s, early 70s, when Brown really started to show its fangs and its clause when they started bussing children from one neighborhood to another to achieve racial balance.
What that did was conscientious parents could no longer send their children to public schools, particularly their daughters.
So what did they do?
They limited the size of their families.
They limited the number of children they had to the number they could afford to send to private school.
And what happened if you had three children that you could afford to send there?
And then, what do you know?
Your wife becomes pregnant with a fourth child.
Are you going to tell that child, well, honey, it looks like you lost a lottery.
We're going to throw you into this snake pit called the public education system.
Or we're going to have to take all of you kids out of the school you're in now and find a lower-priced school for you.
That'll make you real popular.
And listen, see, that is one of the driving forces behind abortion that nobody ever wants to talk about.
This is what, and everything that the left does, James, if you will look at it, there's a common thread through everything they do, homosexual rights, feminism, everything, including public school education.
It is the reduction of white burden.
And even if it wasn't relentless ever since 1954.
And even if it wasn't abortion, Keith.
It at least had an effect on limiting the size of families.
And I am a product of that.
I think everybody who went to a private school in the South is a product of that.
All of these private schools never existed until Brown versus Board.
And then all of these so-called segregation academies came up.
My grandparents put my dad's generation into these private schools.
You couldn't.
I got out in 69, so I went to the old schools where you didn't have to worry about where you went to school.
The public schools were basically de facto racially segregated.
Nobody worried about where they went to school.
They knew that if you had the talent to do physics or calculus, there would be somebody at any of these public high schools that could teach it to you.
And if you made good grades in high school, you were prepared to do college-level work.
Now, people have to go to private schools or to homeschooling in order to get a decent education for their children.
It's just a calamity what has happened to public education in America.
It goes down all the time.
It's like the emperor's new clothes.
No one has the courage, at least no one who is in a publicly prominent position, to call this out and tell people just how bad public education in America has gotten.
But it had its genesis.
This decline had its genesis in the Brown decision on May the 17th, 1954.
And Rich Hamlin is talking about forced busing having a deal to do with the segregation academies, aka profit Christian schools.
That's another term for them.
Well, look, James, look, here's James's history.
I'll tell James' history for you.
He went to this school and he could afford to go there.
His family could afford to send him there because his father was a coach.
When his father lost his job as a coach, they could no longer afford to do that.
So James went to homeschooling.
See, this is what happened.
People used to not worry about where they went to school.
There was order.
There was great learning.
There were dedicated teachers who knew their subjects, who were teaching you in the public schools that I attended through 1969.
In the 70s, when Bill Rowland was in high school, when you were in high school, everything, no, you were in the 80s, basically, in the 90s.
Everything started to go to hell in a handbasket.
And this was by design.
And look, what we're seeing now, we're seeing black students wanting their own separate graduations.
They want legal segregation.
They really like having their own schools.
They just want a bigger slice of the pie.
Birds of a feather flock together.
That's an old saying, and it's true.
That's human nature.
That's animal nature.
And what happened was that the Supreme Court decided to hell with all of that.
We know better.
And of course, experience has proven that they did not know better.
I should do much worse.
I should make mention of one thing.
My dad was not only a coach, he was a hell of a coach and still the only coach in the history of that school to go 43-0 and win the championship.
That was on the basketball team.
So 43-0, that's more games than a college team plays.
And I was on that team, and those were wonderful years.
And I enjoyed that.
You know, the joke was at that school, though, all the parents celebrated when the kids graduated because tuition to go to college was less than it was to go to a private school in Memphis.
And that was involved the families that have been impoverished because of Brown versus Board of Education.
All right, we'll be right back, everybody.
Stay tuned.
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Mama loves mambo.
Look at him sway with it, get so gay with it shout, no lay with it.
Wow, Mama loves mambo.
Papa does great with it, sways like a gate with it.
He will just wait with it now.
He goes to, she goes throw.
He goes fast, she goes slow, he goes left, she goes right.
Papa's looking for mama, but mama is nowhere in sight.
Papa loves mambo.
Well, there it is, ladies and gentlemen.
If you're curious, the number 25 hit record of 1954, which is the year we're in this hour.
And that was what 1954 sounded like.
You know that that song in particular makes me think of one of my all-time favorite movies.
Back To the Future.
Back To the Future and Back To the Future Too, are two of the most perfect movies that have ever been created, and in the movies it's set in 1954 and uh, they have a time machine, doc Brown, Marty Mcfly, played by uh yeah 1955, that's right okay, but Biff is listening to this song in the car, all right.
So it must have just come out.
I actually went to school with a guy named Biff Conklin, Biff Tannin.
So in this uh, in this uh, Michael J Fox, Christopher Lloyd uh, Leah Thompson, great cast, great movie.
Anyway, in this one you see the, the 1950s 1954 1955, and everything's so clean.
Everything just looks like it would have looked like in the 1950s.
And then they go to this dystopian future in the 1980s, where Uh thugs are shooting at the principal as they drive past his house, everything's graffitied, everything's falling apart, and in in the movie, of course it's because Biff Tannin gets the, Uh gets the DeLorean and Biff gets the sports almanac, so he makes all this money corrupt society.
But it actually the movie is actually pretty true to what happened to this country, and just for they just substitute a fictitious reason for the for the real reason.
And it was not an accident though, and that's what people need to understand.
They say, I guess that's just one of those things.
No, it wasn't, it was the plan of the left.
They always the left always pretends to cloak themselves in benevolence, and they also like to triangulate.
They say, we don't hate you white boys.
What we do is we're so tired of you white boys mistreating these people over here, these black people, but of course, what they really do is hate white people.
The real motivation for left-wing movements, like public school integration, was malevolence, not benevolence.
The civil rights movement was not intended to bring about racial reconciliation.
It was intended, and has indeed led to racial polarization like we have now.
We see black lives matter.
We see uh basically, black lives matter, trying to convince the black population that white people are out to get them and that we're killing them wantonly and uh uh, without any justification.
Of course, there aren't very many Dylan roosts in the world that they can point to, so where are they going to find uh, any any appreciable number of black people being killed by whites in police work?
So you notice that every one of these celebrated cases that we've had come up over the past several years always features a white cop and a black uh suspect, never a white cop and a white suspect, never a black cop and a black suspect, never a black cop and a white suspect or an Asian suspect.
They are selling a particular scenario to the public and it's all again related to using race as the Achilles heel of American society, just like a Jewish guy in a famous publication in America in 1912, a Jewish publication, Israel Cohen, said.
He said that race is America's Achilles heel and we're going to use it to convert America to Marxism.
And that's exactly what they're about right now.
Brown Versus Board Of Education was where the whole project really got its momentum started and it's been an unstoppable momentum since then.
What has happened is that, for example, whites in the south who knew much better and resisted it, they got worn down.
They basically got stockholm syndrome because of the Jewish leftist control of the media.
The media was the reason.
Peaceful protests worked at Birmingham and at Selma and places like that, but didn't work at Charlottesville or on january the 6th.
If the media is not behind you, it's a catastrophe, as it proved for white nationalists back at both Charlottesville and january the 6th.
What happened in Selma and Birmingham was the first time in American history that law enforcement was successfully portrayed as the villains and the lawbreakers were portrayed as heroes.
This is the power of the media, this is the power of Jewish power and influence, and that is the power behind all of these left-wing movements.
And Brown provided the blueprint for societal change.
If you can't get what you want through the legislature or through the executive or through a plebiscite, initiative and referendum, your last card, which will always work, is to go to the Supreme Court.
That's been the rule since 1954 in Brown.
All right Keith, and I go back to this again.
The south has been such a resilient people, so good, so pure um and uh.
They've been violated and had so many affronts inflicted upon them, going back to the War Reconstruction, the horrors of Reconstruction, all the way up to Brown and even beyond that.
But I think that, as you said, they have been, we have been maybe not so much us, but certainly our kinsmen here in the south have been worn down and and this has played such a big part of it and the legacy of this again, ladies and gentlemen, the legacy of Brown, unelected judges have now more power than the president, than the Congress, certainly than the voters.
Um, our good friend Rich Keith says that the 14th amendment led to all of this, an ex post facto justification for the war against the South.
Read the decision, that's the legal justification for all of these rulings.
Well, that is the slender thread.
They uh hang it on.
But if you followed the case precedent, interpreting the 14th amendment, Plessy versus Ferguson, or if you read the legislative history of the 14th amendment the 39TH Congress OF THE United States you would find that there is no basis for ruling uh, separate but equal, uh legally segregated public facilities to be in violation of the 14th amendment.
Again, the left just makes it up as it goes along, just like they.
You know they relied on that uh, you know unimpeachable precedent, Aesop's fable in order to crucify you in your case.
They used DAL studies, sociology, and a book by some Nudnik from Sweden, Gunnar Meardahl, who had absolutely zero experience with black people as their basis for the Brown decision.
See, all of this stuff is crazy.
All of this stuff is beyond the pale, and that's what we've had to deal with.
All right, so again, in two minutes or less, summarize the entire hour.
Why was Brown Black Monday?
Why was the day that the decision was revealed Black Monday and a stain on the history of this nation?
Because it set up the blueprint for societal change, anti-democratic societal change, where the left learned how to rule without convincing legislators or voters.
Both legislators and voters became totally irrelevant.
They could get their way by a critarchy, an oligarchy of unelected judges, judges that are appointed for life.
The least democratic part of the federal government became the most powerful.
Remember, in Federalist No. 74, Alexander Hamilton, writing as Brutus, described the federal judiciary as the weakest and least dangerous branch of the federal government.
Under Felix Frankfurter, Stanley Ellman, and the combined power of Jewish leftism in America, it went from being the least dangerous and least powerful to the most dangerous and most powerful.
That is the final Trump card that they could play in order to affect unpopular change and force it down the throats of people.
And they've been doing it ever since, have they not?
I mean, list the examples since 1954.
Just a few of them.
Look, the feminist movement, they tried to get the Equal Rights Amendment passed.
It came within a Nat's eyelash of getting it done.
They had homosexual rights.
They had third world immigration.
All of these things they've been able to change.
All of the changes they've affected.
And they legalized the murder of babies through the Supreme Court.
I mean, you know, look, it's the murder of children.
The murder of babies in the womb was legalized through the courts.
And they also spurred a desire for that that never existed before because of the Brown decision and because of the taking away of free, high-quality public education from white people in America.
All right, ladies and gentlemen, well, there you have it.
And there'll be more of that where this came from next week.
But coming up next, coming up for the next little bit, we're going to have an extended interview with one of our all-time favorites.
He's a former member of the Louisiana House of Representatives.
In fact, our favorite former member of the Louisiana House and a one-time Republican gubernatorial nominee and a one-time Republican nominee for the United States Senate.
Who could that be?
He's going to return to the show tonight for an extended interview that's going to cover everything from current events to fitness.
So we'll see who we're talking about.
I don't know if anybody's figured it out yet.
But he's coming up next.
And so stay tuned for that.
Keith Alexander, love you, buddy.
Thanks for breaking down Brown.
We do it every year.
And we're coming back for more next week.
There he is.
Thanks.
Stay tuned, everybody.
Second hour coming up next.
Another hour of the political session pool is in the can, but don't go away.
There's more to come right here on the Liberty News Radio Network.