Sept. 19, 2020 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the Political Cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, going across the South and worldwide, as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the Political Cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
Ladies and gentlemen, welcome back to the show as we now prepare ourselves for the main event, and that is the discussion, all aspects of it, the passing of Ruth Bader Ginsburg.
And we'll begin that discussion tonight with our good friend, the very prominent Los Angeles attorney, Bill Johnson, is back.
And as I said at the top of the show, when Bill walks into a courtroom, Lady Liberty bends the knee.
Bill, welcome back.
Thank you very much for the introduction.
I'm happy to be here.
Yeah, you're the original L.A. Law, Bill.
Good.
Well, you know, the last time you were on, Bill, it was to talk about another case that was in the news, and that was the case of the college admissions scandal and how that snared some of your fellow citizens out there.
Operation Varsity Blue.
LA area.
Felicity Huffman and Laurie Laughlin, who still haven't, no, Laurie at least, still hasn't reported to the pokies.
So the wheels of justice certainly do turn slowly.
But you're back on tonight to talk about a far more grave matter, and that is the death of a Supreme Court justice and what it could mean for the upcoming presidential election for America in the future.
All of it.
First of all, let's just start very generally, Bill.
You got the news.
You heard about it yesterday, as I guess the rest of the world did that was paying attention.
What did you make of it?
What were your first thoughts?
Well, I spent my first year at law school at Columbia in New York City, and my second year was at Harvard.
But in your first year of law school, you have civil procedure.
And Ruth Bader Ginsburg taught at Columbia.
She taught civil procedure.
And we were basically divided up into two classes.
One group had Hans Schmidt as a professor, and the other half had Ruth Bader Ginsburg.
And I had Hans Schmidt.
No kidding.
You've got to be joking.
And I had Hans Schmidt.
But we'd see Ruth Bader Ginsburg going up and down the halls in class and in the law school.
She was well known.
Even back then, this would have been in 1978, 1979.
She had quite a formidable reputation in the New York area, even back then.
And people were saying, oh, I wanted to be in her class.
I want to be in her class.
I didn't know who she was.
I didn't care.
I just thought the most boring class in the entire law school curriculum was civil procedure.
And Hans Schmidt was actually quite funny.
He had a German accent and he had a good sense of humor.
And I kind of made it kind of enjoyable.
But I first learned of Ruth Bader Ginsburg in the halls of Columbia Law School.
And so as a result, I didn't really follow her career at that point, but that was a long time ago.
But I did.
Actually, Bill, I got to say, pardon the interruption, my friend, but I mean, I had you on because you're a very capable lawyer.
I'm sure this would be in your wheelhouse, but I didn't know, even when we were talking this afternoon in advance of the interview tonight, that you actually had rubbed shoulders with Ginsburg and had been at Columbia at the same time as she, as you mentioned, Hans Schmidt.
Which, by the way, let me just take a parenthetical departure there.
People don't know.
I mean, Hans Schmidt, you're saying he taught at Columbia.
He was also, wasn't he an SS Panzer grenadier?
Oh, no.
That is a different Hans Schmidt.
That's a different.
I was going to say, how did the SS guy become a teacher?
Ever at Columbia, the most Jewish of the Ivies.
I knew that guy also.
Actually, what you're saying is correct.
When I was at Columbia, they called it the immigrant Ivy because of all the Jews that were there.
At that time, the other Ivy leagues were still pretty much WASP.
Now they're pretty much black.
Well, at least we got the two cases of Hans Schmidt taken care of there.
That would have blown me.
That would have been the shock of my life.
I was like, how did he end up being a teacher at Columbia?
I can see that you probably didn't feel you fit in at Columbia.
That's why you went to Harvard, I guess.
What did you ever stand with Ginsburg?
Or just kind of pass her in the hall?
I was a young kid then.
People would talk about her.
I don't think I ever spoke to her.
If I did, it wouldn't have said anything.
I do remember her running around.
But no, I didn't.
I didn't.
Anyway, I spent my third year back at Columbia after her.
I spent only the second year at Harvard, my third year back at Columbia.
I graduated from Columbia.
And so she was, you know, she was running around.
But no, I didn't.
I didn't have any real contact.
What was her reputation back then?
Let me ask you, since we've gone there, what was her reputation among the student body?
Okay.
You know, I don't think the student body really knew what she was, except they parroted what the professor said.
And the professors all held her in high esteem.
It was kind of like she was the star professor at Columbia.
So she had a very high reputation among the teachers.
And that kind of flowed down to the students.
She was a rock star of the faculty.
In other words, she looked like she was a rock star because she looked like Mick Jagger on an overdose or something.
Yeah.
And so I didn't, you know, I was a white nationalist back then, but I wasn't, I had not been publicly involved during my law school career.
And so, you know, I was, I was, a few of us, a few of us white kids would talk, talk about the heavy Jewish influence and the Puerto Rican influence in Manhattan at the time.
But we didn't really focus on her very much or anything at all.
She just had a rock star reputation is all I is all I can remember.
Well, that's actually very interesting.
I mean, that's an interesting little anecdote and a little personal experience there.
But even I didn't know, even after all these years of knowing you, Bill, and we've done a lot together with that I had connection with Ruth Bader Ginsburg.
That just wasn't.
I brag about a lot of things, but that is particularly one of them.
Well, it's certainly timely now for you to come out with it here on the day after her passing.
And we're going to what do you feel?
Let me ask you this, Bill.
What do you think this represents?
Is this a good opportunity?
What should Trump do?
What are the Democrats going to do?
How is this all going to play out in the media and among the electorate?
Well, I believe that you have enough moderate Republicans in that senator from, what is it, Maine or Alaska and Utah that They will not, there's a good chance that they will not install a new replacement before the election.
But they might.
I don't know.
I think that Mitch McConnell who's married to that Chinese woman, he might put forth a name and then Donald Trump will try to vote for somebody.
But I'm not sure whether it'll pass or not.
Well, is there anybody on the horizon of possible candidates that would be a replacement for Antonin Scalia?
Well, I look to see who the first choices were.
I guess we need to talk about this after the break.
Yeah, well, Bill's such a pro after all these years coming on this program.
He knows when the music starts, we got to take a quick time out, but we will be right back and we're going to get into all of that potential replacements.
Is it going to help or hurt Trump, help or hurt Biden?
What Bill thinks about it?
We're going to put his brilliant legal mind to the task and get his insight on this very, very big story.
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And now back to tonight's show.
We're back, ladies and gentlemen, with William Bill Johnson.
Bill has been a friend of mine.
Like so many, we feature on this program for the majority of my adult life.
And I'm a better man for it.
I really respect Bill.
If you don't know a lot about his background, I mean, you did just learn, of course, that he was Ruth Bader Ginsburg's favorite student at Columbia.
No, seriously.
Fascinating guy.
He has really put his money and his time and efforts where his mouth is, going back to the Pace Amendment, to his advocation for a PACE amendment here in this country, going back even to 1989 when he ran for Congress in a special election in Wyoming to replace Dick Cheney.
And he said even back in 1989, when I was nine years old, Bill Johnson was out there running for office saying whites don't have a future here in this country.
And that's one of the many issues I'm addressing.
So Bill has been doing this for his entire life, as we mentioned, a very successful attorney.
But unlike so many people who have found success, he is still willing to invest in the causes that he believes in.
And that's why I respect him.
That's why he certainly stands out and why his voice should be taken very seriously on this program.
And Bill, I'd like to just say thank you for all of that.
Oh, you're welcome.
Bill, let me ask you this.
Bill, this is Keith again.
Who among the possible candidates or the people that have been mentioned so far stands out in your mind as a good pick from our vantage point?
And again, we would love to see Bill Johnson on the Supreme Court.
But of the people that are being bandied about, Tom Cotton, Ted Cruz, Josh Hawley, U.S. Circuit Judge Amy Barrett, any of those mean anything to you?
Any of those ringing chimes?
Well, you know, I think that Donald Trump might want to replace a woman with a woman.
I don't know.
He might take Barrett.
And Barrett has some good aspects to her.
She has five children of her own.
But she brought in two children from Haiti.
What right does she have to bring black children from Haiti into our country, into our communities, into our families?
I think that should disqualify her.
I think what he needs to do is to pick a white man who's married and has children.
And so who would that be?
I don't know.
Somebody said something that was so funny.
Bill Johnson.
Yeah, I think he says that if he, this is what Donald Trump says.
He says, well, you know, if I picked Ted Cruz for the Supreme Court, he would be elect, he would be a nominated, he would be sustained in a heartbeat because the Senate wants to get rid of him so bad.
I thought that was kind of funny coming from Donald Trump's lips himself.
Well, that's how that got Nikki Haley out of the governorship of South Carolina.
They moved her to the U.N.
I mean, sometimes you have that reshuffling of chairs.
Yeah.
You know, if all we're talking about checking boxes, Bill, we don't have anybody from a non-coastal state.
We don't have a Protestant part of the founding stock of America.
And we don't have A southerner on there.
And so constantly, Tom Cotton looks better than some.
Yeah, I don't know.
Cotton has all sorts of other baggies too.
All of these establishment proved people.
Anybody that the Federalist Society would validate is going to be unacceptable to us.
But, you know, I guess as we are in the presidential election, we're having to try to sort in between the lesser of two evils.
But anyway, I think we do need to have somebody from an interior state.
We need a Protestant.
We have no Protestants, Christians on the Supreme Court.
But we have four of the five boroughs of New York City were covered.
That's funny.
Yeah.
Actually, all mine should be Protestant men, like it used to be.
But we'll just have to see how it plays out.
I think it's going to be postponed until after the election.
Okay, and it very well may.
Well, I'm sorry, but I didn't mean to interrupt you, but I was just going to say, or just to piggyback what you're saying, it very well may, but that's not going to stop the posturing.
As you mentioned before the last break, even if Trump and McConnell were serious about trying to get someone confirmed before the election, which is just now only a month away, basically, they would have to make great haste, but they would also have to get some of these Democrats that are holding Republican seats like Mitt Romney and Collins and the woman senator from Maine.
You would have to get them to play ball with you, too, which they're probably not going to do.
But at the same time, that doesn't mean that it can't help or hurt Trump to put forth a name that would galvanize his base.
And we actually ran a poll last night on my Twitter who benefits more from the death of Ginsburg.
And as of right now, our people are saying 78% believe it favors Trump, 22% says it favors Biden.
Biden is a very low-energy, boring candidate.
Would this galvanize his base more, or does this galvanize the evangelical base of Trump who believe probably full-heartedly that they can overturn Roe versus Wade with one more justice?
Yeah, I do believe that it is a big, good event for Donald Trump because not just his base, I think the rank and file censor, someone who will probably vote, but really, you know, not necessarily vote.
I think that the death of Ruth Bader Ginsburg will push them to vote more than anything else in the news events.
And so that probably will help Donald Trump's election.
So I think it's a good thing for his reelection that Ruth Bader Ginsburg died when she did.
Let me say this, too.
It is probably going to be a good thing for Trump, but it could be turned into a bad thing if he tries to pander to the minority groups that don't support him under any circumstances.
I think he might have done that, Keith.
I think he might have done that a year from now if this had happened.
I don't think it happens a month before the election.
I think that Tom Cotton is likely to be it or Ted Cruz, but Ted Cruz is another coalition of the other type guys.
Nikki Haley would be Tim Scott, for heaven's sakes, not him.
But, you know, who in the world, you know, is there a good candidate lurking out there that we haven't named yet?
Well, probably not one that's going to be good by our standards.
And somebody that has a snowball's chance of getting it.
Well, Senator Mike Lee from Utah, his brother, who is a judge in Utah, is on that list.
And that might be a good choice, except that when I met with Mike Lee, I met Mike Lee at the first inauguration of Rand Paul.
I was invited to go to his setting apart or whatever it's called.
And so I spent some time talking to Mike Lee and his wife, and I was just talking.
I was polite and not forceful, but I did mention the W word.
I mentioned the white race.
And he just blushed pale as could be, blushed red as complete, and he left.
He wouldn't talk to me.
So if Mike Lee is afraid of the W word, then his brother is probably raised the same way and is going to be equally timid.
So I don't have a lot of hope for Senator Mike Lee's brother if he were to be put in there.
If you'd asked Mike Lee or his brother what they would do for blacks, Browns, Latinos, homosexuals, Jewish people.
They'd still be talking.
Yeah.
That's right.
that's right but one thing that I that's a deadpan I do want to point out that I do believe that if the person, whether he's left-leaning or right-leaning, if he is a white Christian, he is likely to do what he thinks is best as a general rule.
I think you have these other races of people.
They're more likely to promote an agenda.
So even if Donald Trump were to nominate a left-leaning white person, I would have more hope for him than if he nominated, you know, a non-white, even if he's conservative.
Nikki Haley or Ked Cruz.
Yeah, obstinately conservative anyway.
All right, listen, Bill Johnson.
Lots more to cover with Bill.
Plenty more questions on this.
And this is, again, this is huge news right before election.
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After the passing of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, protesters gathered outside the home of Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell in Louisville, Kentucky.
McConnell has pledged to move forward in finding a replacement for Ginsburg before the election.
Democrats want to wait till after.
West Virginia Democratic Senator Joe Manchin.
I don't want to get involved in this debate until at least Justice Ginsburg and her family have had time to mourn and celebrate and reflect.
Senator Susan Collins says we should wait until after the election.
President Trump disagrees.
Well, I totally disagree with her.
We have an obligation.
We won.
And we have an obligation as the winners to pick who we want.
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I still have a lot I want to cover with Bill Johnson.
We only have two segments remaining with him.
We have to move quickly here in order to get it all in.
But Keith, you were making an interesting point during the break.
Explain to the audience how this works.
Unlike a piece of legislation, it doesn't have to pass the House and the Senate.
How does the Supreme Court justice nomination confirmation process go?
Well, I'll wait for a bill to confirm this, but my understanding is that the Senate and the Senate alone makes the nomination and votes on the nomination, and then it passes to the president.
It's advising consent power, which is supposedly not, you know, thumbs up, thumbs down, but nonetheless, it has devolved into that.
Basically, you have to get the Senate behind somebody.
But the Republicans are in charge of the Senate now and not in charge of the House.
If they wait for the November election, they may very well not be in control of either House of the Congress.
And then we're obviously not going to get a Republican candidate for the Supreme Court.
We're going to get a Democratic candidate.
Is my understanding correct, Bill?
Yeah, well, I think that the president will make his recommendation and the Senate Judiciary Committee will analyze it.
And then once it gets approved by the Judiciary Committee, it'll submit to the Senate body to say yay or nay.
So Donald Trump would still have to nominate who he wants.
And if he loses control of the Senate, then he's going to have to pick someone that is palatable to a certain number of Republicans and a certain number of Democrats.
And that will put someone that is more likely a liberal justice than what Donald Trump would nominate right now.
Well, that's assuming that Donald Trump wins the presidential election.
If he loses the Senate, he's probably going to lose the presidential election.
But again, as we mentioned in the last segment, though, it doesn't really matter if this justice gets confirmed before or after the election.
I mean, I guess it would matter for the eventual confirmation of somebody that we might would have some common ground with, but for the way it would benefit or impact the presidential election, you know, they could certainly make hay of that no matter how this confirmation process goes or how quickly it goes.
But you were mentioning, too, Keith, in the last segment, the death of Scalia.
Now, if Scalia hadn't died under such unusual circumstances, you really would have a chance for a court that was heavily weighed to the conservative side.
But, Bill, you know, our whole system operates on this 51 to 49 percent pendulum.
And it seems as though, whether you're talking about the House, the Congress, or rather the House, the Senate, or the presidency, even the Supreme Court now, you have to keep the side that's not in power so tantalizingly close to power that they keep buying into the system.
And if, let's just say for argument's sake, Donald Trump selects just the best justice he could possibly get, somebody we're excited about, he goes in there and he's gangbuster for issues that we would be in favor for.
I think what happens in that case, to keep that 51, 49% dichotomy, I think John Roberts just drifts to the left and he becomes a left, you know, a left, reliably left vote, and that's just the way it goes.
And he's just going to go over that way, or somebody like maybe disappointing candidates from the Republicans.
But, you know, does Trump, let's say Trump wins the election and he submits a name, but he doesn't have control of the Senate and that is not approved.
Does he have to nominate anyone?
Can he just say, well, you know, there's nothing in the Constitution that says there's something magic about nine members.
We'll just have an eight-member Supreme Court for the time being.
Yeah, I think there have been periods of time when there have been fewer than nine and for a long period of time, but I think that that's not the way that it proceeds now.
I think he pretty much will nominate one, or Biden, if he's elected, will nominate one and we'll continue to have a nine-person Supreme Court.
But one point.
What do you think about my Bill?
I want to give you all the time after this, but what do you think about my, I don't want to be blackpilling, but that Roberts would just shift if Trump gets someone in, Roberts would shift to be a more reliably left vote, and you still have the one, the one-hours.
You need another John Paul Stevens.
Take it away, Bill.
Yeah.
Well, I do believe that people like John Roberts and people who are of a quite Christian background, they truly in their mind follow their training as a lawyer and want to do what they think is right.
And they try to divorce themselves from political trappings and leanings.
I believe that the non-white candidates justices are much less likely to try to be above the political fray, and they will be more likely to go left-leaning or right-leaning, trying to be an activist judge.
So I do believe that, you know, Roberts has done a lot of things that I disapprove of, but I think that he's trying to do it because he thinks he doesn't, he's trying to dismiss himself from any sort of influences of an agenda, and he just comes down on that particular side.
And so that's why I think you can't really rely on a conservative justice of the white race because he will try to do what he thinks is right by following the law.
Now, if you get an activist judge, the activist judge are more likely to be of a non-white persuasion, and they are the ones that you have to worry about more than anything.
Well, look at the history, though, Bill, of Republican appointees to the Supreme Court over the past 50 years.
Lewis Powell, John Paul Stevens, you know, all sorts of people that basically have been squishy and been missing in action on important votes.
Lewis Powell, for example, basically came down in the Bakke decision and said that quotas are bad, but then he telegraphed to the left just exactly how they have to frame their inquiry so they can get minority candidates in through affirmative action.
See, this is what, you know, I really think it's more like this.
Some of these, it's like Lindbergh's wife, you know, Charles Lindbergh's wife was very dismayed at the fact that he was such an activist for nationalism and whatnot because they weren't getting invited to the right cocktail parties anymore.
And I think maybe people like Roberts and whatnot, we always see right-wingers disappointing us, but we never, the left never sees a left-wing or a Democratic appointee varying from the orthodoxy.
So, you know, it may be something more than just trying to be true to their training and starry decisis and stuff like this.
It may be that we just have this cultural change and we can't depend on most people that are validated by some group like the Federalist Society as being a good candidate for conservatives, like John Roberts.
John Roberts' decision in Obamacare was quite frankly puzzling.
Bill hit the nail on the head a moment ago with that.
I'm going to follow up with that in the next segment.
But Bill, with about a minute remaining in this segment, I want to give you the final word before we shift to another line of thought.
Okay, I think one important thing is we have to realize that the Supreme Court is important on a grand scale.
But what has been happening over the last 20 and 30 years on a smaller scale is even more frightening.
We have been putting in activist public prosecutors, city attorneys, district attorneys, small-time judges who are out to destroy conservative principles and the white race.
You see this over and over now where vindictive city prosecutors will continue to prosecute even when they should not.
And that's why you have people like this Fields guy at Charlottesville, got 400 years when he was just trying to run away from being attacked.
And you have all sorts of people that are, Flynn has been prosecuted.
All these people are prosecuted because the little Napoleons in these local positions will go after us.
And that's where we're going to be losing our rights.
It's kind of come home to Ruth that we take away from our judges the white Christian principles that we had in place since the founding.
Well, the left thinks that's war, and the white conservatives think it's still the old boy system.
And unfortunately, the old boy system is gone.
There's no collegiality in Congress, and particularly the Senate now, or anywhere else.
The battle lines are being drawn, as the Buffalo Springfield said in that 1967 hit song.
For what it's worth.
But see, what we have now is we have, just like what happened in World War I and World War II, you have the white people on the Antifa side and the white people supporting Black Lives Matter fighting the white people on the MAGA side.
And it's white against white.
This happened in World War II.
This happened in World War I, and it's happening now.
And so we have to awaken our people that race isn't the important factor.
That's why I've said we need white racial consciousness above all.
We used to have it.
I mean, it's like when you see a magazine black man beating up an Antifa white man, who do you vote for?
The black man can't become white, but the Antifa person couldn't convert his views.
Ah, that will be a question we ponder until we return in the last segment with Bill Johnson.
Very quickly.
One more segment with Bill.
Stay tuned.
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Scott Bradley here.
Most Americans are painfully aware that the nation is on the wrong track and in dire straits.
Unfortunately, most political pundits only nibble around the edges when they claim to address the issues.
Even worse, many of the so-called solutions are simply rewarmed servings of what got us into the mess we currently face.
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Okay, girls, about finished with your lesson on money?
Daddy, what is a buy-sell spread for gold coins?
Well, when you sell a gold coin to a coin shop that's worth, say, $1,200, you don't actually get $1,200.
But don't worry, we're members of UPMA now, so we don't have to worry about that.
Daddy, why somebody seals that gold?
We don't have any gold at the house.
It's stored safely in the UPMA vault, securely and insured.
But the SP 500 outperformed gold.
Daddy, gold is a bad investment.
Some people do think of it that way, but actually, gold is money.
And as members of the United Precious Metals Association, we can use our gold at any store, just like a credit card.
Or I can ask them to drop it right into Mommy and Daddy's bank account because we're a UPMA member family.
Find out more at UPMA.org.
That's upma.org.
Get on the show.
Call us on James's Dime at 1-866-986-6397.
Well, ladies and gentlemen, we're back with Bill Johnson, good friend, lifelong activist for the good guys and an interesting guy.
We've had a lot of collaborations over the years going back to 2016.
Who could forget those Robocalls who made such big national news?
And Bill dropped a big surprise on us earlier this hour talking about being a law student at Columbia University Law School.
The most atypical graduate of Columbia Law School ever, possibly.
With Ruth Bader Ginsburg.
I'll tell you another thing about Bill you may not know.
He speaks Japanese more fluently than either Keith Alexander or yours truly speaks English.
Bill, would you mind saying something about that?
What about Jared Taylor?
Well, I think they would have a good competition there.
We've worked together on a couple of projects.
And so, yeah, he grew up in Japan and he learned Japanese as a child, whereas I learned Japanese as an adult.
My father said, you know, Americans don't speak a foreign language.
You've got to learn a foreign language.
So I said, well, if this gets me out of piano practice, that's fine with me.
Well, so you said, okay, let me take the hardest one I could possibly go for.
Hey, Bill, can you say something for us in Japanese and then translate it for us?
Not Sayonara.
I don't want to do that.
Yeah, I'll say Sayonara at the end.
But no.
Harry Carey, karaoke.
Well, we can say that.
Come on.
Kamikaze.
Message.
Kenny Kazzi.
Kenny Kazzi.
All right, well, Bill, here, listen.
You were talking about the Supreme Court, but even more important than that are the little Napoleons on the lower courts.
And we were talking about potential people to go to fill this seat vacated by Ginsburg.
And I just hope none of them are the justices there at the Michigan Court of Appeals that ruled on my libel case.
But, you know, it has become, of course, that the judiciary is the strongest branch of government now, whether it be the Supreme Court or on down.
I got this story, though, that you'll be interested because it certainly ties into everything we're talking about this hour.
And it comes from our friend Buddy now in Tennessee.
He's been in Tennessee, Arkansas.
He's back in Tennessee now.
But Buddy sent me this.
The Supreme Court in the state of Washington.
So this is Washington State's Supreme Court.
Earlier this year, the headline boasts, Washington State's Supreme Court, the newest justice, is a black, gay, disabled, lesbian immigrant.
This is from the left-wing website, Slate.
They wrote, Washington State's newest justice is a black, gay, disabled, lesbian immigrant.
To which somebody responded, does she have a name?
But a better question, of course, would have been, is she qualified?
Slate didn't trouble itself over such pesky details.
Instead, they went on to complain that Donald Trump during his presidency has been a disaster for judicial diversity, stating that his judges have been overwhelmingly straight white and male.
Bill, that's exactly what you were talking about earlier.
Well, the thing is, he would have a lot more diversity if he would get a white Southern Protestant on there.
That's the group that's not represented.
Well, I don't know how big the group that is represented by a black, gay, homosexual immigrant, whatever that was in that headline.
But they did complain that the justices, the judges that Trump is putting on the lower courts have been overwhelmingly white male.
If you look at every position that's open for appointment now, at every level, they're looking to displace white people.
If you look at city managers, they put in non-whites, the city managers.
City police chiefs are all non-white, all black women, or can't be black men because they all have criminal records.
But everywhere you go, they try to put in non-whites.
to replace white people.
It's not just the Supreme Court of Washington.
It is everywhere.
And that's why we need to begin to stand up and take a stance and take it back, take back our country.
Well, and if Donald Trump is a Republican president, can't realize that most of his base are not like that judge in Washington state, but like Tom Cotton, for example, then he deserves to lose.
Basically, if he picks a diversity hire like that over a white male Protestant, then I can see a lot of Trump support going elsewhere.
Well, the most important thing about Donald Trump is he marches to his own tune.
And so he doesn't really care what people say.
He does what he thinks is right.
And of course, what he thinks is right oftentimes isn't what we think is right.
But you can rely, you can consistently rely on him doing what he thinks is right.
And so once he gets re-elected, if he does get reelected, you may find the power shift from the judiciary being the most powerful legislative branch to the executive being the most powerful branch.
And this might be because there have been rumors, and this came out from Bannon in particular when he was in there, that Donald Trump is going to say, look, there is no reason that the judiciary should have the final say in what's constitutional or not constitutional.
That was bootstrapped by Madison B. Mulberry in Mulberry.
And so he might just say, okay, we have made our own internal determination that this is constitutional.
And so we're going to do this.
And the Supreme Court has no jurisdiction.
The same thing what Andrew Jackson did with the Trail of Tears.
He says, well, that's your opinion, Supreme Court, but you don't have the army to enforce it.
I do.
It was Andrew Jackson that said, Mr. Marshall has made his decision.
Now let him enforce it.
But again, I don't think Donald Trump does what he wants to do.
He does what Jared Kushner tells him he can do sometimes.
Well, you know, that is actually a great point by Bill right there is that, you know, we're spending the bulk of the show tonight talking about the ramifications of this vacant seat now with the death of Ginsburg.
It shouldn't really, it should be inconsequential because the Supreme Court and the lower courts, you have lower courts now even blocking the president's initiatives on any number of issues of national importance.
You know, this shouldn't matter.
They shouldn't even, it's just an opinion.
It's not law.
They don't legislate.
They don't write law.
Obviously over the course of the year.
On the other hand, if he tries to do that, I guarantee you there will be another impeachment.
Well, look, be that as it may, you got to do what's right.
But the whole point that the Supreme Court matters so much is just so far and away from the fact that it's not what the founding fathers intended it to be.
Alexander Hamilton is Brutus in Federalist No. 74 said that the federal judiciary was the weakest and least dangerous branch of the federal government.
It certainly isn't that today.
Bill?
Right.
And so what James said, I think, is true.
You might have Donald Trump shifting the power so that the Republic, so that the judicial branch becomes less powerful.
He could just ignore them.
The checks and balances were originally established that impeachment was the balance, not lower courts making decisions to invalidate decision by the president.
And I think that you might see President Trump, if he gets re-elected, asserting that position, and that will be a strong precedent for future presidents to follow.
I hope that he does.
This has been such a fast hour.
It's hard to believe.
Only a couple of minutes remain.
We're barely getting through everything I wanted to cover with Bill, but there was one other thing.
Bill, your take on this.
Four years ago at this time, very near this time, Mitch McConnell said, we're not going to rush to fill the vacant seat because we don't want to do that during election year.
And the Democrats were harping to do it as quickly as possible.
Four years later, Mitch McConnell is ready to confirm somebody right away.
The Democrats are saying, how could you dare do that during an election year?
This goes back to whites and principles.
You know, so often whites are the ones that are entangled by abstract principles.
Well, I didn't support them rushing a Supreme Court nominee in election year in 16, so I better not do it now.
My principle is this, and I got this from Sam Dixon, our mutual friend to all of us.
Is it good for our people?
That is my standard.
So therefore, I can never be a hypocrite.
It was not good for my people for them to rush an appointment in 16.
It is good for my people now.
That's my standard.
That's my principle.
That's my guiding light.
So Bill, you're just like, is it good for the Jews?
Is the Jewish principles?
Bill, your thoughts on the seeming double standard here.
Yeah.
See, that attitude is one of necessity because we live in a diversity society, a multicultural society.
If we lived among our own people, that wouldn't even come up.
And then we could stand on the higher law.
What is the law say?
What's the Constitution say?
What should we do?
And in that situation, I would think that you would say, well, we should not postpone it.
If the president wants to nominate someone, he should nominate it.
And then the president, if he's liberal, would nominate people and then they would make that decision.
But it is expedient now to put that component in.
What is good for my people?
And what we need to do is we need to establish ethno-states where that is no longer an issue, where racism is no longer an issue, where race is no longer a factor, because we are our own people.
But until that happens, what you just say has to be considered.
What is good for my people?
Bill, with one minute remaining, a final word to you, my friend.
Anything we didn't cover tonight that you'd like to bestow upon the audience?
Well, I think that we need to start getting involved, and more and more we need to talk to our friends and get them involved.
And a lot of people are coming around.
We now need to coalesce, coalesce, around a movement and force the change.
We need to be as powerful on the streets as Black Lives Matters and Antifa is.
Well, what we need is white racial consciousness.
We've got to stop running from that and being afraid of it.
Blacks aren't afraid of it.
Jews aren't afraid of Jewish consciousness.
We need to join the rest and have equality with them.
There's a few of us that have lived our lives that way.
Bill Johnson's certainly among them.
Bill, always good to talk to you.
Certainly always good to talk to you on the radio.
Look forward to seeing you again and talking to you again real soon.
Thanks for coming on.
Thank you.
Bye-bye.
Brother Nathaniel, up next as this conversation continues.