Aug. 22, 2020 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the Political Cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, known across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the Political Cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
Welcome back, everybody, to hour two of three of tonight's live broadcast of TPC.
I'm your host, James Edwards, along with Keith Alexander, as always, this Saturday evening, August the 22nd.
So in the first hour, we kind of barnstormed the news and current events.
We are now settling into the main event of tonight's broadcast, which is going to be a conversation about the practicality and the effectiveness of third-party activism in this day and age, in this current political climate.
Helping us do that in 30 minutes time will be Dr. Greg Johnson, the editor-in-chief of Countercurrent.
And then an hour from now, at the top of the third hour, Brad Griffin, the editor-in-chief of Occidental Dissent.
Both friends, both taking a different take on this particular question.
But first, my very nuanced take, which was born from my experience.
And I got experience cutting my teeth as an activist on third-party politics.
And in fact, it was 20 years ago this very month, August of 2000.
I was 20 years old.
Had a full hair to hair.
I was handsome then, but I'm even better looking now, if you can believe it, even without the hair.
But no, it was 20 years ago this month.
I was in Long Beach, California with Pat Buchanan.
I was Pat's delegate for Pat at that nominating convention and also the treasurer of his campaign, the Tennessee Reform Party here in the state of Tennessee.
So I want to first say that I wish well and will root for any good faith effort.
But the starting of a political party in present-day America is certainly a tall order.
So again, we have knowledge and experience when it comes to third parties endeavors.
So I thought this would make for an interesting discussion and a timely discussion as well, because we're in the middle of the duopolies conventions, the Democrats last week, the Republicans coming up next week, and we're in the middle of that.
So it's timely to discuss this matter.
And again, interesting to me because this is how I got my start 20 years ago.
So we go back to 2000.
I remember everything about that trip.
I remember going out to Long Beach.
I was active in Buchanan's campaign for about a year prior to that, getting my start late in 1999 when I was 19 years old.
I remember holding an organizing meeting for the Tennessee Reform Party because I'd always been a fan of Buchanan since I was in my teens.
What else do 16-year-old boys do except watch crossfire on CNN?
That's what I was doing.
And so when Buchanan ran that last time, I was ready to go.
And of course, Pat's been on this show and all of that.
But anyway.
And before that election, in the prior election, he ran in the Republican primary in 92 and in 96.
But I wasn't old enough to even vote in 96.
But anyway, I remember holding an organizing meeting and the chairman and the vice chairman of the Tennessee Reform Party came down and I had rented this room and we had 75 people.
And I said, man, guys, I'm sorry.
I thought we would do better.
They said, what are you talking about?
This is by far the biggest meeting we've had.
How did you get this many people to come to a Reform Party organizing meeting?
And they gave me a position on the board of directors.
I was the treasurer of the Tennessee Reform Party for the next couple of years.
And of course, that was basically Buchanan's campaign in the state of Tennessee.
So we ran that.
And anyway, a lot goes into running a third party endeavor.
And again, great memories, but a rough road.
I remember being in the hotel with some of the people there.
Now, again, I'm 19, I'm 20 years old in the fall of 2000.
But I met some of the greatest people I've ever met in my life, people who gave me a start, people who first gave me responsibility and the ability to help lead an organization, you know, as beleaguered as it was.
And I can still name all of the players.
We went out to Long Beach.
You know, you had one delegate for each of the congressional districts in Tennessee, three at-large delegates.
I can still name all 12 of them, okay?
And a guy told me at the time, he said, James, I don't know where you're going to go after this or what you're going to do, but I think you're going to be doing big things.
And he said, but you'll be very lucky if you ever meet a group of people again who can work together as well as this group has.
And we did.
And we went out to the county fairs and we went out to the gun shows and we got petitions signed and we got Buchanan on the ballot.
And it was time well spent.
It sharpened my skills as a leader.
It gave me some experience with public speaking and organizing events and activism and all of that stuff is a big deal to me, you know, at 20.
Giving interviews, we did TV.
I did TV radio on behalf of the Buchanan campaign in Tennessee.
And it led me into radio.
It really was a full-time job for me at that time of my life.
That was at a time of my life before I was married, still very young.
I could just do it full-time, and that's what I did.
But when you think of the purpose of a political party, I suppose the objective must be to run candidates that can win elected office.
Now, I don't know if that's in the cards right now for a right-wing third party.
Look, you know, people say, well, you're going to start a party.
Oh, I'll vote for you.
You know, what if you get a million votes?
What if you get this percentage of the votes?
Well, you're not thinking about ballot access.
Nationwide ballot access is prohibitively expensive and nigh impossible.
Even for a federally funded party with relatively widespread support, which is what the Reform Party had in 2000, it was very, very difficult because it varies wildly from state to state.
In some states, you can get on fairly easily.
In some states, you have to pay tens of thousands of dollars and get a percentage of the entire electorate.
I mean, you're talking about tens of thousands of signatures.
And they'll toss any signature they can if the I it and dot it and the T it and crossed.
Very expensive, very hard to do.
And we got that on the ballots in all of the states.
Now, there's a difference between getting on the ballot as an independent and getting on the ballot as a representative of a particular political party.
To get on as an independent is hard enough.
To get on as a member of a political party, to have your party's name, your party's line underneath your name, is much more cumbersome.
And it goes away if you don't get a certain percentage of the vote in that particular election.
I learned all of this, okay, because this is what I did.
I went through two years of this.
And it all led to my campaign.
I ran as an independent in 2002.
This was two years after Buchanan.
The remnants of the Reform Party across the South really came and helped me.
All these people that I met and formed relationships with, they came together and they gave me the confidence that I have now.
The charisma to motivate people, inspire people to work together.
We knew we had that.
So in 2002, when I was 22 years old, I ran as an independent for a seat in the Tennessee state legislature.
And I really did run to win.
We had a kickoff party with a band, over 100 people in this ballroom, a campaign headquarters, a dedicated staff of volunteers.
We showed up at all the community events, brochures, yard signs, direct mail, phone banks, working, the polling stations, regular press coverage, which is really remarkable considering you're an independent, you know, a 20-something-year-old independent.
But you name it, we did it.
We had it.
It was a real effort, not what you think of today with a lot of people just putting their name on the ballot and not competing.
That campaign I ran in 02, which was basically a byproduct of me having run with or worked with Buchanan and wanted to keep the band together.
I look back on it today with such fondness.
I'll tell you what happened in that campaign and how it parlays into our conversation with Greg Johnson and Brad Griffin to come.
We're going to get Keith to weigh in on all this as well.
I'm almost done.
But this is interesting.
Again, timely.
And when discussing third-party endeavors and the effectiveness thereof, I'll be back to share you my story, a little bit more of my story, when we return.
My brother and two other boys were the ones that got in the car with her.
And she was drunk.
The road that goes to her house is like really windy, and she was taking that road at 80 to 100 miles per hour.
And hitting to the road there, her door flung open.
She ran out across the street to get away from it.
Then the other three boys were trapped in it, and the car exploded.
And then when my mom found out about it, she called me at work.
I don't care what you have to do, just get up here to the hospital.
I parked my car and I went inside.
They took us back to this little room.
My mom told me that Jake had been killed.
I lost it.
The other people excluded, well, you can drink, but just be careful when you drink, you know?
So I don't want anything to do with it because it took my brother away from me.
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To get on the show and speak with James and the gang, call us toll-free at 1-866-986-6397.
And now, back to tonight's show.
I guess anybody can tell you what they think about a third-party effort, but what I'm trying to do tonight is to give you an informed opinion based upon experience.
And so this was my experience working for Buchanan in 2000.
And the fact that he had, you know, Buchanan's a big name.
The Reform Party was a party that received federal matching funds, taxpayer money, to fund their endeavor because of the success Perot had had in 96.
And obviously, he was much more successful in 92.
But in any event, the Reform Party was still a federally recognized party, okay, in 2000.
Buchanan, a very big name.
He received 500,000 votes nationwide.
No fault of his own.
I mean, he's a great candidate.
And, you know, obviously, you know, somebody who, without the effect of having Buchanan, there would be no political cesspool today because it gave him my start.
But anyway, he got half a million votes nationwide on the ballot in all 50 states, a well-known guy with millions of dollars to spend.
And that's the best that we could do in 2000.
Then I ran in 2002.
I lost.
I ran to win.
I've still got the shoes in my attic with a hole, literal a hole you could stick a couple of fingers in because I wore out the soles of the shoes knocking on so many doors.
I was crushed when I didn't win that campaign.
But I mean, what the hell?
In hindsight, I was 22 years old running as an independent against the Speaker of the House, a man who is now the Secretary of State of Tennessee.
So perspectives change.
I got 15% of the vote.
I was crushed on election night because I thought anything less than a win was unacceptable.
And I guess really, anything you do, you should do to win.
And I did.
But peeling off 15% of the vote, I look back on that now 18 years later, really historic.
I read an article at the time that said it was the highest percentage of the vote that any independent candidate had ever received in a state house race in Tennessee in a three-way race, 15%.
And in spite of my best efforts, that included knocking on, as I said, every door in the district.
I could only muster 15%.
And that was in a district of manageable size where you could actually have a message that reached the majority of the voters if you worked hard and spent wisely.
Now, I remember reading on election night that I received 18% of the vote.
That's what the local news TV station said.
And I read it in the paper the next day.
I have lost 3% of the vote to attrition over the course of the last 18 years.
I was on Ballotopedia today, and it said I got 15%.
I don't know where that 3% went the last 18 years, but anyway, maybe in another 20 years, they'll say I didn't run at all.
But 2000 to 2002 marked the end of my foray into third-party electoral politics, radio called.
But I'm not saying I know everything, but I don't know if I couldn't do better than what I did, a squeaky, clean young man, all of this predated TPC, of course, whom the voters did like.
I just don't know what more you're going to do.
And of course, you can't even run as a Republican as an outspoken dissident.
I've seen this too.
If they decide they don't like you, they'll disallow you access to their party line.
Now, this is just one of the countless tricks employed to keep right-thinking people from winning elected office, which is the purpose of a political party.
We haven't even started to cover what the media is going to do, the amount of money that would need to be spent to stop a candidate from having a chance to make noise, the amount of money they would spend to stop you, lawsuits, the feds.
Again, we don't know.
But going to what the Republicans will do, there was a guy in Tennessee that was the Republican nominee for a U.S. House seat a few years ago.
And he was their nominee one year.
Well, then he said something that was favorable about eugenics.
And then the next year, even though he was their nominee in the previous cycle, they said he wasn't a bona fide Republican and he couldn't have the Republican Party line, even though he won the primary.
They just threw him off the ballot.
Keith Alexander, my co-host, had a similar experience.
You were the Republican nominee for a very local race.
Tell us about your endeavor with running even as a Republican.
Well, I didn't go the third party route.
I went the Republican Party route and tried to pick a down-ballot race that I thought had the most sovereignty packed into the position, something where you could actually have an impact on the way government operated, and that was the county assessor's office.
In Tennessee, the primary source of money for state and local government isn't an income tax.
We don't have a traditional income tax in Tennessee.
We rely 60% of the money comes from the property tax, most of it from real property.
They also have a personal property tax on businesses.
Well, I got 41% of the vote, and then on the eve of the election, somebody ratted me out.
I think it was some priestess at one of these churches.
But a couple of years before that, you were the Republican nominee and made it all the way through the general election without nary a blip.
Right, yeah.
And both of them are.
And what percentage of the vote did you get in that general election?
You, as the Republican nominee for that particular office, going against the Democratic nominee of that particular office, it was about, what, 55, 45, 60, 40, something like that.
Right.
It was over 40%.
And then the second time I ran in the Republican primary against an establishment candidate, and they pulled out the dirty trick on me right between the general election and the end of early voting.
And it made Newsweek, and it made national news, of course, that you were part of our very modest efforts here at TPC.
Well, see, 40%.
I got 40% approximately that.
So there's a difference of 1% in the vote that I got.
So he got 40% as an outed, as they called you, a so-called white nationalist.
It was the front page of the news.
About a week before the election, they pulled the rug out and went with all the oppophile that they had on Keith, and he still got 40%, which is incredible.
Well, the thing is, I'd run before, and people liked me, okay?
That's one thing.
I think probably 40 to 45% was about going to the bottom.
But this isn't the point.
The point is, you did very well.
I mean, you did historically well.
But the point is better than any white advocate, I believe, that they've had run in, let's say, the past 20 years.
You did.
And again, go back to the fact that in the previous cycle, you were the Republican nominee.
In the cycle after that, you were running in the primary again, and you got 40% of the vote.
But the Republicans said in advance of the primary that if you won, they were going to take you to court to throw you off the ballot because you are not a bona fide Republican.
So this is the point.
This is the point.
Hard enough to win as a Republican with right-thinking ideas because they're going to throw you off the ballot and say you're not a bona fide Republican.
They even returned Keith's $25 check to make him a member of the Republican Party.
I was a dues-paying member of the Republican Party.
$25 was what it costs.
That's what I paid.
That shows the Republicans aren't in it for the money.
Oh, yeah, absolutely not.
Well, see, and the guy that did it, a fellow named Mills, basically had the worst performance of any Republican Party chairman in the history of Shelby County in that election.
I mean, the Republican Party got, you know, totally sandbagged in that election.
Nobody got elected to hardly anything as a Republican, and it's been that way ever since.
This is a very important thing.
Well, because politics is elections are a racial headcount.
But the point is, it's hard enough to win.
This guy was an incompetent leader.
Well, but the point, the point, the point is it's difficult for right-thinking people to win as a Republican because the Republicans are going to take you to court.
They're going to throw you off the ballot.
They're going to do all of these things.
Imagine Wing as an independent.
And so I say again: what are you as a political party?
Are you a platform to run candidates who can win office, or are you a platform for the dissemination of ideas?
I'm not saying anything's wrong with either of those approaches, but I'm just saying right now, to me, based upon my experience and the experience of Keith Alexander, very difficult for a candidate with our ideas to actually win something.
And anything I do, I want to win at.
You know, I want to make sure we are allocating our resources, our time, our effort, our expenses to something that is going to move the needle.
Now, maybe there's something I'm not seeing here, but again, people just don't really understand that you don't just say, well, we're a political party, and then you all of a sudden magically appear on ballot.
I mean, there's ballot access requirements.
Again, they vary wildly by a state.
You need FEC filings and then, you know, the whole thing with membership.
You're going to be on a list.
You're going to be, you've got to send in money.
You're going to need a team of accountants and lawyers.
I'm for whatever works.
And maybe something will work that I'm not looking at correctly.
I'm all for it.
We're going to debate this with Greg Johnson and Brad Griffin, respectively.
30 minutes apiece, pros and cons.
We'll break it down.
Stay tuned. Protecting your liberties.
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All right, ladies and gentlemen, it's time for the main event now.
With my take having been expressed, let's go now to our first of two featured guests this evening, weighing the pros and cons of third-party activism in our current political climate.
First, Dr. Greg Johnson.
Greg Johnson, of course, the editor-in-chief of Countercurrents, the prolific author.
And he's, of course, going to discuss, I believe, the pitfalls of such an endeavor in this current day and age and where we stand right now as a people and as a culture.
Greg, how are you tonight?
I'm fine.
Can you hear me okay?
I hear you loud and clear.
So take it away.
Well, thank you again for having me on.
It's been a while and I really appreciate it.
We've been doing this for more than 10 years, off and on.
We have topic really, the topic really came up with the announcement of this new party, the what is it?
The National Justice Party.
Yeah.
And there was some discussion on Twitter, and you said, you know, we should talk about third-party politics because there's a new third party emerging on the right.
One thing that you said earlier is that you believe in running to win.
You believe in doing things to succeed.
And if you look at creating a third party from the point of view of succeeding, it's a really daunting task and it doesn't really seem all that possible in the present system.
But, you know, there's another purpose of being a third party, and that's running to spoil, to spoil somebody else's chances.
That is definitely doable.
And I think that that's really what's going on with this party.
I don't believe that they have any plans to engage in all the struggles to gain ballot access, to fill out petitions, to go through that legal process.
I think they're simply going to try and run a write-in campaign so that they can take votes away from Donald Trump and put drooling Joe Biden in the White House.
I think that's the purpose of this, right?
And In short, they're going to be like Egg McMuffin, whatever that guy was.
What was his real name four years ago?
Evan McMullen?
Evan McMuffin.
I think it was from Utah.
I think it was Egg McMuffin, actually.
Yeah, yeah.
That's what everybody called him.
Yeah, yeah.
It's appropriate that no one can remember his real name.
But anyway, he was put up by the neocons basically to spoil Donald Trump's chances.
So I think that this is a similar thing.
Now, let's deal with two questions here.
First of all, we can set aside the question of whether it's desirable to make Trump lose from a pro-white point of view and just talk about the general principle of running a spoiler campaign.
I do think that it is possible and even in some cases desirable to simply run a spoiler candidate or do a write-in campaign to punish the Republican Party.
The Republican Party does a lot of bad things.
They ignore white voters.
They pander shamelessly to blacks.
Trump, unfortunately, has been no exception to this pattern.
Excuse me.
And I especially think that the Republicans' betrayal of Chris Kobak and also, of course, Jeff Sessions really merits punishment.
It would be very, very nice if people in the states of Alabama, I know our friend Brad Griffin is from Alabama, people from Alabama, people from Kansas would just get out there and try and sink these pro-immigration candidates that have been foisted upon us by the Republican Party establishment.
That wouldn't be a bad use of activism and votes.
So that is one possibility, and I think that that's really what's going on with the National Justice Party.
Okay.
Greg, this is Keith Alexander, co-host with James.
In this particular election, I think there's another possible dynamic other than just being a spoiler of we have this situation.
I think that Trump derangement syndrome is real and that the Democrats are just about to go haywire.
If the Democrats win this election, they will say, well, God's in his heaven and all is right with the world after all.
We're back in control where we belong and we will miss an opportunity.
On the other hand, if the Republicans win this presidential election, then I expect the Democrats to go even more haywire.
I've heard reports that they have a war game scenario where they have California seceding from the Union.
And that really love that.
I know.
That would be wonderful.
That would be without those 45 or so electoral votes, there might be an opportunity for real conservatives to make real inroads towards governing this nation.
You know, it's like they say, Keith, if something sounds too good to be true, it probably is.
But Greg, back to you on that.
I mean, listen, I mean, I was talking with Hendrik Pomgren a couple of weeks ago.
I mean, even we go back and forth.
Is it better if Trump wins or loses?
Are we accelerationists?
Do we want to live as long as we can without going to jail?
Or, I mean, you know, for hate crimes or thought crimes.
You tell me.
I mean, what's the desirable outcome here?
Honestly, I don't know.
I don't, okay.
There's this old attitude.
You get it with in the Bhagavad Gita, where there's this Prince Arjuna who's supposed to go to war and he's going to be killing his cousins, basically.
And he's having doubts.
He's almost a conscientious objector.
And Krishna, the god, appears to him and said, look, it's not yours to worry about the consequences.
You simply have to do your duty.
And in fact, you can't really calculate what the consequences are.
And so the best thing to do when you don't know what the consequences of your actions are is just do what seems to be the right thing.
Do what seems to be your duty.
In this case, if I'm given a choice between voting for a lawed presidential candidate and basically a senile puppet of an evil, genuinely evil establishment, it's a no-brainer.
I just think that it's the right thing to do.
Now, does that mean we can't tell?
Maybe Trump will be the accelerationist candidate.
He certainly was in the last election.
We don't know how to calculate the outcome.
There's so many factors in play right now.
The COVID, BLM, the communists rioting and so forth, the economic crisis that we're slipping into, which is probably going to be the worst thing since the Great Depression, maybe even worse than the Great Depression, if this keeps going.
There's no way of figuring out the outcome of this election.
There's no way of saying if we do this, we'll get this goal of ours.
I just think we have to consult our hearts and do what seems to be the least evil outcome.
The idea that we can somehow win by losing, which is what accelerationism is, this is a cope that people can use after they don't get what they want.
My feeling is that it would be preferable for Trump, definitely.
If I were going to vote, I'm not going to vote because where I vote, it's not going to matter.
But if I could vote, if I did vote, yeah, definitely I'd vote for Trump.
He's not even less evil.
He's actually in some ways good.
So I think this is how I look at this.
Well, Greg, I think you are completely congruent with Keith Alexander on that question.
Yeah, what I'm thinking, Greg, is that there is one thing that we've learned over the past four years is that Donald Trump has a peculiar talent for getting on the nerves of the left.
I don't know of anyone else that could have done that.
Now, that doesn't translate into a lot of victories for our side and for our viewpoint, but having the enemy disorganized and doing desperate things to try to change the results of an election, that could have all sorts of potential for our standpoint.
There could be a one thing that Black Lives Matter is doing through systemic racism, institutional racism, and white privilege is it will, if people are smart, is going to consolidate the white vote.
That's been the problem over the past 70 years.
White people, unlike other groups like blacks, don't vote 90% for one party or 95%.
They split the vote pretty well between two parties, and that's our weakness.
If Black Lives Matter, if people aren't paying, if Black Lives Matter candidate gets in, then we may never be able to recover from what they're going to do to us, okay?
On the other hand, having Black Lives Matter lose is that could really unhinge the left.
Well, we're being hopeful here, I think, in that mindset, but we will continue this conversation, and this conversation will take an entirely different track when we bring Brad Griffin on.
But ladies and gentlemen, our guest right now, Dr. Greg Johnson, support his work.
It's worthy of your support at counter-currents.com.
We'll be right back with Greg.
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Welcome back.
To get on the show, call us on James's Dime at 1-866-986-6397.
Well, ladies and gentlemen, we're back with Dr. Greg Johnson, the editor-in-chief of Countercurrents.
And you can visit that port of call at counter-currents.com.
I'm actually there right now.
So many books Greg has written or edited.
I'm looking right now at the censored guide to the movies, which was edited by Greg Johnson.
Greg, earlier this week, I knew you were going to be coming on the show.
I went back and I listened to a conversation that you and I had on the radio back in 2009.
We were breaking down the Quentin Tarantino film and Glorious Bastards.
So that plays into this particular book, Guide to the Movies.
But tell us how we can support your work, learn more about your books, your writings, your efforts there at Countercurrents.
Sure.
Well, thank you so much.
I do want to say one thing about Trump, and this I think is important.
Trump is disappointing in many ways.
But one thing we've learned from the Trump presidency is that presidents really don't have that much power when they are opposed by the entire political establishment, the entire media establishment, even people in their own party, even people in their own administration.
And so given the opposition that he has been up against, I still think that he has done some net positive things for white people.
I didn't vote for Trump because I thought he would be an anti-Jewish president.
No one realistically thought that.
No one thought that Trump was going to be anti-black.
But the main reason why anybody on the race conscious right voted for Trump is they thought he would do things that were good for white people, specifically in trade and immigration.
And he's done some things, but not enough.
Now, the real victory, though, that Trump won and that has not been undone and cannot be undone is in the realm of ideas.
The whole political establishment had a gentleman's agreement never to challenge the goodness of open borders, globalization, immigration, and so forth for the nation.
They had a gentleman's agreement never to go populist, and Trump broke that agreement.
And that's why he really upset the entire political establishment.
And the thing is, is that populism, nationalism, they're out of the bag.
They're back on the table.
People want more of it.
A lot of people want Trump to be more Trumpian.
And this is a huge problem for the political establishment.
And I don't think that they're going to be able to undo those changes that he's made.
I think that populism is going to be an increasingly powerful force and that the establishment is going to be increasingly threatened by it.
I would like to see four more years of him for a number of reasons.
One, so they don't take us off the air and put us in jail and do away with the First and Second Amendments, legalize border crossings and basically just go full bore on the white genocide agenda, which I think they will try to do if they get drooling Sleepy Joe and Brown Hillary in office.
That's definitely what they're going to try to do.
They're going to try and make it impossible for a white conservative ever to be elected again in America.
It was almost a miracle that Trump got elected last time anyway.
But beyond that, he keeps these ideas circulating.
And I think that he increases the demand on the part of white people for these ideas, even if he can't, through the current system, implement them fully.
I used to think that Trump, well, how to put it, a lot of people thought that Trump was going to be the solution.
My feeling was that he could have been the solution to America's problems.
He could have been the first of the populists.
I think he's sort of going to be the last of the normal politicians.
But I look at him as a warm-up act, you know, that and that the real nationalists and populists are going to finally come on stage after he's departed.
But I do think that it wouldn't be a bad thing to re-elect the guy.
Like I said, if my vote counted, I would vote for him.
Not because I have unrealistic expectations of him.
I think I have a fairly realistic assessment of what he's accomplished, and it's precious little in the way of policy.
But he has got the cat out of the bag about globalization in the economic realm and in the movement of peoples.
That's very, very important.
So I do think that's a permanent thing that we can chalk up to him.
And it's a very, very important win.
I don't want to see that undone.
As far as my own work, I just put out a new book.
It's a collection of essays.
It's called It's Okay to Be White.
And it's a kind of greatest hits collection.
It's Okay to Be White, the best of Greg Johnson.
That is available at better bookstores all over the world, or you can go to counter-currents.com, order it there.
And I've put out a new book.
I'm putting out a new book, another new book next month.
It's a book on Martin Heidegger, the German philosopher.
I'm also putting out a fourth volume of film essays fairly soon.
That is something I've been doing for 20 years now.
The first things I ever wrote about in movement websites were films.
And so my fourth volume of film reviews is coming out soon.
I write two film reviews a month.
They first appear at the UNS Review, and then they show up two days later at Countercurrents.
And it's just a bunch more stuff.
We have about 20 new things every week at Countercurrents, articles, reviews.
We do live streams and podcasts on the weekends.
So yeah, if you haven't tuned into Countercurrents, please do.
It's counter-currents.com.
If you forget the hyphen, you end up on a Marxist website in India.
So you've got to have the hyphen there.
We don't want to forget the hyphen.
Yeah, yeah.
I'm sure a lot of people have gone to that other countercurrents and got really, really puzzled by it.
And over the years, I've received occasional articles written by Marxists from India.
And, you know, I've been looking at these things and wondering, I guess they sent it to the wrong countercurrent.
But yeah, so it's counter-currents.com.
Greg, Keith Alexander again.
Let's get down to the nitty-gritty on this.
Can Trump be re-elected?
And how could he be re-elected?
And that's again with four years of unmitigated straight-ticket Democrats coming in from immigration because the wall wasn't built, the whole Criminal Justice Reform Act, which is a straight ticket Democratic.
If anything, the electorate is less favorable to him now than it was in 2016.
It's like I said, Greg, if he loses Florida, the election's over at about 8 o'clock Eastern time on election night.
So what are we looking for?
Well, I mean, it's all stacked against him.
The only thing that I think can get him re-elected at this point, I've been saying for a long time that because he did not get a handle on immigration and voter fraud in the strong way that he should have, that this election was the Democrats to lose.
But they may be stupid enough to lose it.
Not to interrupt you, Greg, but I mean, again, to be stupid enough, stupid enough, how?
How could you lose an election that Trump and the GOP basically gave you with not stopping the demographic title?
Any of the big things you said you had to do?
Well, the only way you could lose it is with the Black Lives Matter riots, the burning down of cities, and running a senile candidate, the weakest candidate they could have possibly run.
They've done it all.
I mean, it's really incredible.
Exactly.
It's so cynical and so fraudulent to run Joe Biden.
He's not competent to be president.
He's going to be, the country is being delivered into the hands of a bunch of unelected party insiders with this senile, drooling figurehead.
It's a complete fraud.
And a lot of people, I think, are uncomfortable with this.
There comes a certain point where you start noticing things, some more stuff, and it doesn't really affect your general outlook on things.
But when you finally see something that just crystallizes, oh my God, you've got to change your mind.
And right now, the whole world is looking at the United States, and a lot of people are on the brink of concluding that the United States is a joke country, a spent force.
It's over the hill.
And electing a senile man as president, I think, is going to crystallize America's decline in the minds of a lot of people.
I think it's going to be one of the things that just causes us to be basically written off as a failed state, a failed nation, a failed state.
The thing that can get Donald Trump reelected is simply the insanity of the left, the cynicism of the Democrats, the violence and the hate coming from the far left.
These people are running amok.
Now, I think Trump deserves some blame for the fact that this has been going on for three months.
The first riot was on the rioters.
Every subsequent riot, frankly, is on Trump, in my opinion.
But the fact is, is that these riots are pushing a lot of centrist types towards Trump.
And I think that if that's the case, Greg, Greg, if that's the case that it's driving people towards Trump, you could say that Trump did exactly what he should do.
He let the left show what a bunch of rioting maniacs are.
At the same time, though, I had a great grandfather who fell to dementia.
I consider running Joe Biden, they quote on, eldered abuse.
This is an election unlike any I think we've ever seen with all the different dynamics coming into play and converging together.
Greg, we only have seconds remaining to your call.
Well, I just want to say this.
I cannot call the election.
I cannot say who's more likely to win, but I do know one thing with 100% certainty.
No matter who wins, half the electorate is going to reject it as illegitimate.
And this contest is not going to be over when the votes are counted.
The American system of democracy is losing its legitimacy.
And that's the end.
We'll be having a very interesting Thanksgiving this year.
Yeah, that's right.
Interesting days to come.
Hey, ladies and gentlemen, Greg Johnson, the one and only great guest.