May 18, 2019 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the Political Cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, known across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the Political Cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
Always excited to have my good friend Mark Weber back on the show.
He makes regular stops here on this program.
Tonight, the director of the Institute for Historical Review will be back with us to talk about his recent trip to Europe.
He spent two weeks there, mostly in Vienna, of course, the capital of Austria, which is rightly considered to be one of the world's most pleasant cities.
But despite a comfortable standard of living and an agreeable way of life, major forces are at work that portend a darker future.
So Mark will be talking with us this hour for the bulk of the hour about the social, cultural, and demographic trends that are changing Europe and the Western world.
He's going to look back at the dramatic twists and turns of Austria's history over the past century and how they have contributed to the country's confused identity today.
Mark, how are you?
Very good.
Thank you, James, for having me on again.
It's always a pleasure.
I'm glad to be with you.
Well, it's great to have you.
And like I said, any reason is a good reason.
But I always enjoy, I mentioned this at the end of the first hour, I always enjoy having people live on the show that are either in Europe or in your case have just returned from an extended stop in Europe because you can always glean more things from being on the ground than we can from reading articles.
So go start with it, Mark, and go in any direction you'd like.
And this will be a very fluid hour of conversation between me and you and Keith Alexander.
And we'll just let the thing evolve as it goes along.
Where would you like to begin?
Oh, okay.
Well, I should say maybe by background, I was in Austria, oh, gosh, more than 30 years ago.
There's been a lot of changes since then.
This recent trip was, of course, a much lengthier one.
We also were briefly in Warsaw and also in Slovakia in Bratislava, which is very close to Vienna.
For those who don't maybe know, I lived two and a half years in Europe when I was younger.
I speak and read German, so that was a big advantage being in Vienna.
Every year, The Economist magazine, which is read by professional people around the world, it's a very influential British magazine, publishes a listing of the most livable or pleasant cities around the world.
Last year, the number one city on that list was Melbourne, Australia, and the number two city was Vienna.
This year, The Economist ranking put Austria or Vienna at the top of the list as the most pleasant city in the world.
And anybody visiting there, I think, can easily understand very quickly why Vienna has that rating, because it is a very beautiful city.
Things work well.
There's many, many beautiful buildings.
It's really a wonderful city.
For those who don't know, it was once the capital of a great empire, the Austrian Empire, which in the 19th century became the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
And many of the buildings are very, very attractive, very nice building.
And around on the so-called Ringstrasse, this Grand Boulevard, are many very imposing, beautiful buildings.
The Parliament Building, the City Hall, the University Buildings.
And there's the, oh, the rhythm of life is very nice.
The transportation system is very good.
It has a tremendous offering of cultural offerings.
It's just a very, very pleasant place to be, many parks.
And so it's understandable why it would be a top of the list.
Having said that, I'm also, of course, who I am, so I'm very attuned to the underlying trends and dynamic of Austria and of Vienna.
the forces that are at work, which are the same forces that are at work here in our country that suggest that the future is going to be a much more difficult one than it is, than things are today, as pleasant as Vienna and Austria are.
So that's kind of an introduction, basically, to the time we were there.
And I'll try to cover in the brief time that we have, I guess, James, the ambitious program that you laid out in the introduction.
Well, before you go to that, Mark, we've got the entire hour, so we'll try to pace ourselves as well as we can.
But an hour of commercial radio always goes by far too quickly, especially when you've got great guests like yourself on.
But I know my co-host, Keith Alexander, would like to say hello and maybe fire an opening salvo here.
All right, Mark, good to talk to you again.
Yes, as always, Keith.
Yes, great.
Right.
Well, let's get right to the meat of things then.
What's the political climate like and what are developments like in Austria that we need to know about from our particular vantage point of interest here on the political session?
Just today, there's a kind of a crisis involving the Austrian government, and there's going to be a snap election.
Right now, the ruling party in Austria is a coalition between the more or less kind of conservative Austrian People's Party and the so-called Freedom Party, often called a right-wing party.
Those terms are thrown around, as you well know, very loosely.
In fact, Austria and particularly Vienna are very, very, you could say, relentlessly leftist and egalitarian.
And this was a very striking thing about anybody visiting Vienna.
In some ways, Vienna is more, quote-unquote, progressive than even San Francisco in its embrace of gender equality, diversity.
These are very big things, and the public was reminded of this in many, many ways just going around the city.
I mean, one of the most striking features of Vienna that underscores its strong support for egalitarianism and gender equality is the way in which even the pedestrian streetlights have been politicized.
Around the world, most streetlights have, for pedestrians, they have a person walking in green and a person standing still in red to wait.
In Austria, to show its strong support for gay rights and gender equality, often the pedestrian streetlights will show two men on green or two women together.
And they emphatically say this is to show, they see, that we shouldn't just have men, we shouldn't have just men alone.
We should have this embrace of gender equality.
The city hall is undergoing renovation on the Ringstrasse.
It's a very, very imposing, very, very beautiful building.
It's undergoing renovation.
And draped in front of it is an enormous drape or curtain of several stories high.
And it has a kind of red figures of two human beings, one on top of another.
But they're deliberately, their faces are blurred and their gender is unspecified to stress this idea that there shouldn't be just men or women, that we're all human beings, and this is a big, big thing.
Anyway, Vienna makes a big point of this in so many ways, this very, very strong embrace of diversity, liberal democracy, and so forth.
Okay, Mark, Mark, Keith Alexander, just a moment.
To what extent is Jewish power and influence at the vanguard or the forefront of this kind of San Francisco in the middle of Europe that Vienna has become?
Well, we're going to have to pause it right there because the music has begun, considerations.
Press the ball over.
As we go into the break, we continue with Mark Weber, the director of the Institute for Historical Review, talking about his recent two-week trip to Europe, where he spent the majority of that time in Vienna, the capital of Austria.
He's going to share with us, continue to share with us what he observed and what he learned here live on PPC tonight.
We'll be right back.
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And now back to tonight's show.
Welcome back, everybody.
Don't forget, coming up after Mark Weber tonight, in our third and final hour this evening, you will hear from Lana Lochtiff of Red Eyes TV.
She was one of the speakers at the American Renaissance Conference this afternoon.
She's going to be calling in to be our eyes and ears on the ground.
We're going to go live to Montgomery Bell State Park in the third hour.
Lana will be our reporter.
And I'm hearing all kinds of reports.
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Any unicorns that kick anybody over there?
I don't know.
But first, Mark Weber, Institute for Historical Review, IHR.org, a very worthy organization.
And he is giving us an appearance tonight that focuses on the two weeks he recently spent in Europe and how past and present are shaping how the past and the present are shaping the future of Europe and the West.
Now, he's going to be giving a speech on this very topic, I believe, next week at the IHR headquarters.
And so this is a nice dry run for Mark.
Mark, I'll repose a question.
Keith was asking.
It's an important question.
It's a valid question, but I would put it this way, because this is something that I mentioned last week, and maybe you could offer us your thoughts on this.
I think when you look at the nations that are leading us in the direction that we need to be led versus those that are not, you can pretty much figure it out based upon where they stood with proximity to the Berlin Wall.
Now, if you were on the eastern side of that wall, you stood a very good chance during the communist and the Bolshevik reign of terror, if you were a dissenter, to be killed wherever they found you.
But if you survived it, if your offspring survived it, you came out inoculated to the plague of diversity, multiculturalism, the degeneracy of our media that has so contaminated the Western nations that include, of course, America, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and indeed Western Europe, including Austria.
And you look at the nations that are leading us, the nations that are healthy.
Let me just put it this way.
The nations that are the healthiest among the white nations.
You look at Hungary, Poland, Russia, even Estonia.
Some good things I've heard this week from Bill Johnson and Paul Fromm did an interview with them earlier this week.
Those are the nations that you look at and you say, these are nations we can win with.
The Eastern Bloc, on the Western side of the wall, different.
What would you say that factors into what we're seeing in Austria and elsewhere?
That's one way to put it.
That's not a bad way to put it.
Austria's situation is a little bit different because it was sort of neither in the West nor the East.
But I would put it more in terms of the extent to which it's been under American influence.
The countries that have been most under American influence have had trends that are very much like those of the United States.
In other words, England or France, Western Germany have had demographic and cultural trends over the last 70 years since the end of the Second World War, very much like those of the United States.
The less the amount of U.S. influence, the more they have retained their own heritage.
Because during the Soviet period in Eastern Europe, Romania, Hungary, Poland, and so forth, it was a kind of veneer.
It didn't have the same cultural influence and the same impact on people's lives, that is, those areas under Soviet hegemony and Soviet control, as the Western countries did under American control, because American cultural influence, American political influence is much more deep-rooted, you might say, than the Soviet one.
So after 70...
Communism versus cultural Marxism, basically.
Well, the United States is its propaganda and so forth is more, in effect, more effective because it appeals to individual wants and self-you might say the identity of the United States that it presses in Western Europe is an individualistic one.
What people should be concerned about is what's good for me, what's good for my family.
And any society that does that is one that will lose its collective cultural heritage, identity, and so forth.
But to go back to the bigger point, these are questions really ultimately of identity.
What really matters?
Now, Austria, I should mention this, Austria's history is different than that of any of the other countries in Europe.
Because although it was occupied after the Second World War, much like Germany, it was occupied jointly by the U.S., Soviet, British, and American forces and divided into four zones.
The occupation ended in 1955, but on condition that Austria would always be neutral.
Austria cannot be a member of NATO.
It has essentially no army.
It has no real foreign policy, and it tries to be friendly, you might say, to everyone.
It doesn't so as a result, well, and tied up with that is a great confusion about its identity.
What does it mean to be Austrian?
And Austria, because of its shamefulness, you might say, imposed since the end of the Second World War about its role in the war, it tries very hard to be as, to prove to everybody that we're not like we were in the past.
We're different.
We're not Germans.
We are open to the world, and we embrace diversity even more emphatically than everyone else.
Remember, the country called Austria today doesn't really have a history.
The name Austria used to apply to an empire of which today's Austria was only one portion.
At the end of the First World War, when the Austria-Hungary Empire broke apart, the German-speaking regions, which are now what is called Austria, they declared themselves the country of German Austria and declared themselves to be part of the German Republic.
And that's apparently what they consider to be the shameful part of their history that you were just referencing, right?
Well, then, in 1938, Austria overwhelmingly voted and embraced being part of the German Reich again.
And anyone who sees the newsreels of the so-called Anschluss or the union of Austria with Germany, with the German Reich in 1938, knows just how emphatically, how enthusiastically Austrians embrace that.
But that's all now a big black hole in Austrian history and consequently a big black hole about Austrian identity.
I mean, Austrians are German in the sense that Bavarians are German.
In fact, the Holy Roman Empire was called the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation, of which the Emperor of Austria was also head of the Holy Roman Empire of the German nation.
So anyway.
And that's their version of white guilt, basically, is what you're saying, right?
In other words, that's why they have this inclination towards leftism.
Well, it's part of that.
It's part of this confusion about identity.
So the identity now that Austrians embrace is exactly the identity of Europe, according to the European Union, based not on heritage, not on a racial or religious or cultural definition, but on its embrace to the extent that they embrace liberal democratic values, American-style, egalitarian, liberal, universalist democracy.
That's what's considered European today.
And of course, the consequence of that is to be increasingly, as Austria and Germany and Britain and France and Italy, all these countries have been, to be ever more universalist and third world kinds of countries and to be ashamed of all of that.
You know, one remnant of Austria's Second World War history is an enormous Soviet war memorial near the center of Vienna.
It's still in place, and it has a wording on this Soviet memorial, eternal glory to the Red Army for liberating the people of Europe from fascism.
This is a big thing in Austria, that the history of Austria, the supposedly good part is they got liberated from fascism.
Well, that's a complete distortion of the reality, of course, but that's what they have to believe.
And anybody who disagrees with that is strongly punished and silenced and so forth, because that, in effect, says that the whole outcome of the Second World War was wrong.
And that's just impossible in today's Austria.
Hold on right there.
Okay.
I'm sorry, Mark.
Hold on right there, brother.
We're going to take a quick break.
We're going to come back and learn more from Mark as he shares with us what he learned after spending two weeks very recently in Central Europe in Austria.
Great conversation, great topic.
Mark Weber, Institute for Historical Review, IHR.org.
He's back with us right after this.
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Welcome back, everybody.
For everyone tuning in to hear the live report from American Renaissance that is still forthcoming tonight.
That's going to be the topic of focus in the third hour.
And Lana Lochdiff will be our guest.
And I know some people are tuning in tonight to hear Lana because, as we all know, she looks very good on the radio.
Keith, we've got Mark Weber right now, though.
And Keith, I got to tell you, Mark, Keith was very animated during the commercial break, very excited about the topic at hand and what we're talking about this hour and the conversation being had.
Keith, share with the audience why you're so excited about it and why you feel it's such a worthy topic of conversation.
Then toss it back to our featured guest.
Well, it's basically taking the scales from my eyes as to the cause of Austrian liberalism.
Apparently, they have their own version of white guilt because Hitler's Ein Volk program, which was to put all German-speaking Europeans under one greater German nation, involved them.
And they, I think, almost uniquely just voted to join this new German alliance.
And because of that, they are made now to feel as if they are sullied in some way and they have some collective historical guilt, which impels them to embrace this new liberalism.
And, you know, I think that is basically what Mark is saying.
And that's very interesting.
Apparently, this historical sense of guilt is something that is, you know, alive and well today, unfortunately, and is dominating Austrian politics in some way.
Mark, take it away.
Well, I don't disagree with what you say.
I mean, younger Austrians don't particularly feel guilty about it.
They just feel like, well, like young Americans today, this is the way everybody's supposed to be.
This is the way it should be.
And they're just pressing ahead with it.
They repudiate their past just like American youngsters.
They're told over and over, basically, the past is this, lots of bad people, oppression, very bad things, and we just have to move beyond that.
That's a view that's taken not only in Austria, but also in the United States, as you know, and in Western Europe.
There's just so many examples of that.
I'll give a couple of examples.
When I was there, the new director of the national theater in Austria, it's the so-called Bergtheater Theater.
It was built in 1714.
It's been around for centuries.
It's one of the leading centers for operas, plays, theatrical productions in the German-speaking world.
Very venerable theater.
And the new director of it did an interview about what his plans are.
And he said in the interview, he said, well, for me, he said the whole concept of a national theater is outmoded.
He says it's irrelevant.
I want this to be a European theater.
That means it embraces these so-called European values of diversity, multiculturalism.
In other words, it's one more example, and there's many of them in Austria and across Europe, where there's a direct repudiation of their own national and religious, racial, cultural heritage, not only in Austria, but in Germany.
And this is in full swing in Austria and in Vienna, as I was able to see while I was there.
And I mean, the population is changing.
While I was there, there was also an article that I've followed up since then about the overall demographics of Austria.
I mean, first of all, the people of Austria, like most Europeans and like most European Americans, don't have enough children to replace themselves.
They're not even replacing themselves demographically.
And so the population with immigration, especially from the Middle East and Northern Africa, is changing the very character of the people there.
We attended a mass in the, well, the skyline of Vienna is dominated by a large Gothic structure, the Cathedral of St. Stephen, the Stefan's Dome.
It's centuries old, something five, six, seven centuries old, and it dominates the skyline.
And we were there because we knew someone who was in the choir, actually, of a mass that took place.
It was completely packed.
I mean, there was standing room only at this very impressive, large religious service that we were at.
But one striking thing about it to me was the large presence of priests who participated who were from Africa.
There's a shortage of Austrians who become priests, so they've been importing them from Africa.
And that's just one sign of how even the very people of Austria are changing over time.
And the embrace of Austria, which is traditionally a very Christian and Catholic country, has changed tremendously over the last several decades.
Something like 42% of Austrians say they don't believe in God anymore.
They're not Christian.
I mean, that's very different than what the situation was during the 1930s, 40s, 50s, and even into the 60s.
Mark, Keith Alexander, just a second.
Let me ask you this.
Would you say then that Austria and Vienna are beyond hope?
If there is any hope, what is it?
You've talked about this far-right party.
What percentage of the population is in support of that vision of the far-right party versus this vision that you have just been outlining and detailing for us?
It's very difficult in Austria, as you know, as well as in the United States or any European country, to be overtly and openly supportive of and embracing the heritage of any of these countries.
It's considered shameful.
It's considered bad because it's a rejection of the principle of egalitarianism and universalism.
And this is true in Austria.
So that the so-called right far-right Freedom Party has maybe, what, 14, 15% of the vote, but it's in coalition, but its support is squishy in a sense.
And because it's constantly under attack.
It's constantly, anybody who overtly supports president.
Now, having said that, public polls in Austria show overwhelming unhappiness with the third world migration into the countries.
They're very unhappy with the trends that are happening.
There was just the other week a poll, a leading Austrian newspaper got just deluged with letters after it published an appeal by people that Austrians feel increasingly like foreigners in their own country.
Now, that's happening all over Europe.
That's happening in England.
That's happening in France.
But people feel like they can't do much about it.
Now, there are some voices opposing that.
And probably the most important one in Europe is the voice of the Premier of Hungary, Viktor Orban, who is explicitly rejecting liberal democracy.
He says, no, we're not in favor of liberal democracy.
We're not in favor of egalitarian democracy.
We want to keep Hungary Hungarian.
Now, that is a very jarring thing for the leaders of France or Germany or Britain who say just the opposite.
Well, and as you know, Mark, Victor Orban was in America just a few days ago and caught a lot of hail from the media for saying something so sensible and healthy.
Right.
Well, are Austria and Hungary basically at odds with each other?
Right, right.
I mean, Victor Orban is still the leader of the country, and he's still welcome that people have to deal with him.
But it's a very important ideological thing.
And really, to me, to define a country based on its ideology is just nonsense.
I mean, a nation, I had a long discussion with an official from the Dutch government who I met when we were in Austria.
And we talked about this.
And he talked about how confusing this is.
I said, if European is defined by support for liberal democracy, that makes modern-day Japan more European than modern-day Hungary.
That means that, I don't know, it's just crazy.
It means that if you define a European by how much they support liberal democracy, I don't know, the leader of Botswana is more European than William Shakespeare, for example.
That's right.
That's right.
It's just crazy.
It's madness.
I mean, there's many examples of that, particularly in Austria, and how people are very, very sensitive to being called fascist or anything like that.
If you say you reject diversity, oh my goodness, that's, I mean, and there's a constant drumbeat in the media and in public life in Austria, denouncing anyone who comes close to even embracing anything like, well, the heritage of not only of Austria, but any of Europe.
I mean, Austria.
Well, then on the other hand, what you were saying, Mark, is that people in the privacy of the voting booth or in the relative privacy of giving their candid opinions to pollsters are more than willing to say that they are opposed to what is in effect diversity boots on the ground as far as the changing demographics of their nation.
Keith, that's true.
But they're also, some people just despair, and other people will say that, but they also want to try to make the change without being disruptive.
Hold on right there, Mark.
It is amazing to me how quickly the first three segments of this hour have gone by.
We have one more segment and one more segment only with Mark Weber.
We're going to get to it right after this.
Stay tuned.
Let's hang on and come back to the political sesh pool right after these messages here on the Liberty News Radio Network.
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Welcome back.
State on the show.
Call us on James's Dime at 1-866-986-6397.
Before we continue on with Mark Weber, we are blessed here at TPC to receive not just emails, a great abundance of emails every week from listeners, but also these wonderful handwritten notes and cards that come into the mailbox every week.
And I'd just like to share a couple of them with you very quickly.
We'll just shoehorn this in very quickly because they are timely and, you know, we like to disprove SPLC's information that our listeners can neither read nor write.
That's right.
Dear Jay, this comes from me.
A listener in the local area, Stuart, writes, dear James and crew, I'm grateful for TPC.
I wish I could pick up the show live on the local radio, but I always listen to the replay on Sunday mornings when it comes in.
I love you guys.
I love the people that support you.
Well, thank you so much, Stuart.
And to the other point that you wrote me about, we won't share that over the air, but listen to me.
You're taken care of, so don't worry about that.
This comes from a listener in Georgia.
Jules writes, dear TPC crew, I couldn't think of a more worthy cause to send money to, so enclosed is a check.
As I look around today, progress just means that we're going progressively wrong.
And this downspiraling clown world of politically correct culture, multiculturalism, diversity, and degeneracy, it's refreshing and uplifting to know that we have a voice of courage on the radio airwaves.
Longtime listener and supporter.
That's Jules in Georgia.
Thank you so much, Jules.
And this one comes in from Bill in California.
That's over on Mark's coast.
And Bill writes, you have to be big-hearted to stand for the European American.
I am 88% white, so this is important to me.
Well, let me tell you something, Bill.
And this is a guy who sends in money, if not every week, every other week.
And he's done so for years.
You may be 88% white according to your DNA results, Bill, but you're 100% in our hearts.
And with that, we'll go back to Mark.
Really always a privilege and a pleasure to have Mark Weber on IHR.org for the Institute for Historical Review.
Be sure to check it out, support it, bookmark it.
And I always love being able to have the insights of someone who has just come back from Europe.
So Mark just been, as you know, two weeks in Central Europe and Austria, and we're talking about it.
Now, I still maintain that there is a common denominator when you look at the countries in Eastern Europe.
They, as Mark mentioned a moment ago, they were not subjected to the degeneracy of the American influence of our Western media.
And the countries in Western Europe are increasingly falling, whereas the countries in Eastern Europe are increasingly rising with regards to traditionalism and as a support of healthy standards of living.
And I think another reason for that, Mark, is, of course, over there, you're not ostracized.
You're not ostracized in Hungary for being Hungarian first.
Your media is Hungarian first.
Your government is Hungarian first.
Your leaders of industry may be Hungarian first.
In Austria and other places, of course, you are socially ostracized for that.
So I have always maintained that, of course, as we know, politics follows culture when it becomes the path of least resistance to be as we are.
Now, that's not to say that there aren't resistant movements in these Western nations.
Obviously, even here in America, we have men like Mark Weber.
You have us.
And certainly in Austria, you have dissident political parties.
There are people there stoking those empers.
But I have always maintained, Mark, that when the tide turns and it becomes trendy and vogue, fashionable in the path of least resistance, the path to power and prosperity to be a nationalist, well, then all of these people will have always been true believers, wouldn't they?
And I think that they can get there.
The question is how and when and what will he have to go to before we see that healthy manifestation of dignity and self-worth that we see in Eastern Europe.
So I guess with that, Mark, take it back.
And we've got about eight minutes before the end of the hour.
Take it in any direction you wish.
But how do we get Austria?
How do we get America?
How do we get these other Western nations to the place where some of these Eastern generations are now?
Yes.
Well, before I deal with that, James, I want to thank you for reading those letters.
I think this is true of all organizations that are swimming against the tide.
Every day, or virtually every day, we get email messages or letters or notes from people who are very, very happy with what we're doing.
And it's a source of tremendous encouragement for me and for others here over time to know that we have that kind of support.
You know, I often think I look around and I see these people in political life, Theresa May or Barack Obama, whatever, Donald Trump.
I sleep a lot better at night, I think, than many of these people do who are very confused about what they're doing and trying to deal with all these crocodiles snapping at them and so forth.
It's a very gratifying, good feeling to know that we're doing the right thing and that we have a core, a base of people who understand and applaud what we're doing.
That's a tremendous thing.
Hear, here.
Hear, here, to that, Mark.
And I have to just chime in, interject, and echo you on that.
It is a life worth living.
I would not trade the relationships that I've built.
And I know I'm speaking for you.
You just were basically reinforcing my sentiment.
We don't read enough of these.
I always enjoy reading a couple occasionally on the air.
But I have lived a life that I can look back on.
I sleep well at night.
I have a wonderful family.
I've lived a life worth living.
And I might not be as rich as I would have been if I'd played the game and gone along.
But I tell you what, how boring would that have been and how unfulfilling of a life that would have been?
There is something to be said for the men who stand up for what they believe in, men like you who were doing this and have been doing this far longer than me.
But it is interesting, too, how these types of people are drawn together, how we found each other, and of course this long-standing relationship.
Well, I don't want to talk about that for the entire rest of the year.
We only have five minutes remaining, and it has been such an interesting topic.
But I'm glad we did have that little sidebar there because people need to know we are building a community here.
And, of course.
We're not doing this in vain.
No, there you go.
That's it, Keith.
We're not doing this in vain.
Mark, last five minutes are all yours, my friend.
I want to make a point.
Yeah, this is important, not only for what we're trying to achieve or the larger purpose, but also even individually, because a life is not worth living unless it has meaning and content and purpose.
And purpose and content and meaning do not come from just our lives alone.
It comes from being a link in a larger chain to being something, being part of something much larger than ourselves.
And those people who live lives in keeping with the spirit and the prevailing ideology of our time are focused really just on themselves and a fuzzy, confused sense of even who they are and where they fit into things.
It's no wonder that there is this unprecedented level of distrust and discord and despair in American life because the ideology that prevails in this country is unable to give meaning and content and purpose to anyone's lives.
And only those who are rebelling against that, who say no to that, can, I think, sleep well at night or live lives that aren't really meaningful.
Because anyone looking at the trends can see that this is not good.
There's a widespread consensus about that, even though there's confusion among people about how it began or where it started or where it's going.
There is a consensus across the board that things are not good and they're not getting better, even in spite of the fact that we have relative prosperity in our society.
Well, I'll tell you what, to fight for what you believe in, you can't put a price on that.
And at the end of the day, I have a family that loves me.
I have friends that I'm proud of.
I am proud of my friendships, friendships with men like Mark Weber.
And I'll tell you who doesn't have a family that loves her is Angela Merkel.
She has no children.
She's barren.
So, I mean, at the end of the day, what do you place your value in?
Right.
I want to show the president of France, Macron, the Chancellor of Germany, and the Prime Minister of England, each of them, none of them have any children.
That's indicative.
That's a symbolic of Europe today and its future.
They're people who, when they die, people will remember them as placeholders politically in a time of decay and breakdown in the West and in Europe.
And if the good guys prevail, if our side prevails, they will not be remembered at all.
Right.
At all.
Not even as placeholders.
They're never going to satisfy those satisfied.
It's an impossible double bind for these people.
And that's what Sam Dixon, I'm sorry, Mark, I was just going to say, Sam Dixon talks about this, and that is that the left, the people that they are trying to placate, their own enemies.
I mean, truly, their own enemies, not just the enemy of our people, but they're the enemies of Merkel as well.
She's a white woman.
Trying to placate their enemies.
At the end of the day, how many statues to Earl Warren have been raised by blacks in America?
None.
They don't remember the white traders.
They remember their heroes.
And see, they have this Passover syndrome, Mark.
It's called, I'm just going to say this.
They have this Passover syndrome.
Somehow, by taking this anti-white position, they're going to be the last to fall, and they're absolutely wrong.
No, their fate is worse than ours.
They don't even have people that will remember them.
So, Mark, I'll tell you what, as much as I enjoyed the first three segments, this impromptu segment, not that any of it was scripted, but this unplanned conversation that we're having this segment may have been the cherry on top of it all with only now seconds remaining.
Mark, the final word is indeed yours.
Well, okay, I mean, I want to stress, I guess, the main point is that the trends in Austria and the trends in other European countries mirror and parallel those that we've seen here in our country.
And it just underscores.
I hear a lot of people in Europe will say, well, maybe in America they'll do things that are going to turn things around.
And in America, you'll hear, well, maybe in Europe they're going to turn things around.
Everyone, I think, should ask, well, what can I do myself to oppose these trends and to act in a force right and righteous way?
That's the question that every individual should ask himself and not wait or expect that someone else on the other side of the Atlantic.
A great way to end it.
I'll tell you what.
Mark Weber, thank you.
You're welcome anytime and every time.
Let us know next time you're available, next time you have a topic for conversation, and you're in IHR.org.