Feb. 9, 2019 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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Welcome back, ladies and gentlemen, to a show that always stands out on our calendar, if I do say so myself.
The show right before Valentine's Day.
I always like to play a few of these feel-good love songs, if that's okay with you, ladies and gentlemen, makes us feel better about ourselves, and hopefully it gives you a good feeling also.
And we're getting in now to the main event of tonight's live broadcast.
We spent the first hour talking about the absurd fake outrage surrounding the governor of Virginia, Ralph Northam, during the first hour and some of the related controversies.
And then, of course, the bigger issue of it all was that you can take these false grievances and use it to get whites to capitulate and do your bidding.
Now, though, we are going to shift gears and welcome back to the show for the first time this year, one of our regular guest and good friends, Mark Weber, the director of the Institute for Historical Review.
Mark, of course, is an accomplished historian, lecturer, current affairs analyst, and author.
He was educated in the United States and Europe and holds a master's degree in modern European history.
Mark, it's so great to have you back.
Thanks very much, James.
It's good to be with you again.
Mark, this marks the first time I can tell you in 15 years of radio that a single article or a single speech has been covered on three different broadcasts of this show.
But indeed, you're epic, and I do call it that, why conservatives can't win.
I finally remember I was on vacation at the time, I believe it was in November of last year.
I was on vacation with my family, and you just so happened to be scheduled for a broadcast during which we had Winston Smith filling in for me as our guest host, as he does on the rare occasions when I'm out.
And you and Winston covered that article.
You and I had talked about it for about an hour while I was on vacation.
And I really enjoyed that show.
Keith Alexander and I, my co-host, we covered it pretty extensively last week again because I know you had just published it, I think, recently, and we republished it.
Anyway, I think talking about it just a little bit more this evening, and as it applies to Donald Trump's State of the Union address, would still be timely.
But let's just start there.
The State of the Union, if we could.
Mark, your reaction to that.
Well, I thought it was the best speech I've seen Donald Trump give.
I mean, the best speech in terms of an ability to reach people beyond his own base.
He was enormously effective of charging up a very big base of support during the campaign.
That's why he just knocked down all the opposition during the primary.
And he excited millions of Americans who were eager for someone to articulate the rage, the frustration, the unhappiness that millions of us feel.
And he did that.
And he became president.
But Donald Trump's strength is, in a way, his weakness.
His strength is his Shoot from the hip, stick it to the bad guy's kind of personality, which certainly resonates, but it's not very effective in governing and getting support beyond the base.
But the speech he gave in his State of the Union, I thought was masterful.
I thought it was more effective than any he's given in trying to reach out.
And the polls show that a big majority of Republicans, a majority of Independents, and a very substantial number of conservatives like the speech.
He made a lot of very good points.
And I wish, I think, like a lot of people, many of his other statements and speeches were as well considered or thoughtful or thought out before they were delivered as the State of the Union speech was.
Having said that, there's things about it that I'm not too happy about.
He was very bellicose about the Middle East, for example.
There were other things.
But having said that, I think it was probably, I mean, really an outstanding speech, especially for Donald Trump.
All right, I want to get my co-host Keith to just very quickly, Keith, because we're always going to defer to our guests, especially when it's a guest like Mark.
I personally was a little underwhelmed with it.
Now, there's no doubt that it may have reached out to a broader section of the population, but with regards to him being able to deliver what he has promised his base and what his base expects, I don't know if we're any closer to that after the speech or not.
I personally thought that his Oval Office address the month prior, when he announced that he was closing down the government for a while, struck a little bit more of the tenor that I would have liked to have seen.
I mean, certainly he backed down a little bit on immigration.
He's saying now we want more people to come in so long as it's done legally.
So it's like, well, we can lose our homeland, but as long as it's done legally.
Perhaps as a politician's speech goes, it was good, but it doesn't get us any closer to where we need to be.
Well, that's a very good point, James.
I understand completely.
But his point that he was going to welcome millions of people legally into the country is a theme he's struck time and again, including during the campaign.
He said that during the campaign.
He said we're going to have this beautiful wall, but we're going to have a big gate in the wall to allow lots of people in legally, he said.
I mean, that's not new.
And I agree with you.
He seemed to even back away in a way from the emphatic statements he's made about a wall.
And a lot of us, I think, were expecting that he was going to do something very surprising or startling in the speech.
It was underwhelming in the sense that there was a big buildup for something very, very surprising, a state of national emergency or something like that.
And so I understand that.
And you're raising really a larger point.
Yes, I've always said, and I said even during the campaign before he was elected, that Donald Trump has performed a great service in emphasizing the stupidity of political correctness and many other things to highlighting issues that needed to be highlighted.
But having said that, I said then, and I say now, that it's best to keep expectations about a Trump presidency very low.
As you know, many of us are not, well, not so surprised that he's not coming through with some of the most important of his promises.
And he knows that.
He knows that he's in danger of losing the support of his base.
But like many politicians, they often think, well, my base doesn't have anywhere else to go.
They'll support me no matter what.
And maybe that's part of what his calculation is.
Okay.
Mark, this is Keith Alexander.
Good to talk with you, by the way.
I was very impressed with your speech.
Let me say that Trump's State of the Union address came at just the right time for me because it also came out that Paul Krugman, a very unlikely source, wrote a very interesting and, I think, insightful article recently.
And then on the other hand, Pat Buchanan made some very prescient comments about the State of the Union too that I'd like to cover with you.
Krugman basically said that there is a big, underserved part of the American electorate that is socially conservative or populist and fiscally liberal, and neither party wants to embrace it.
Well, when we come back, Keith, I'm going to let you pick up where you're leading off, and then we'll get back to Mark as a response to what you're talking about.
And we're going to talk more about the State of the Union, and then we're going to circle back to why conservatives can't win.
Mark Weber's excellent speech to the IHR, IHR.org.
We'll be right back.
Why don't we say to the government, writ large, that they have to spend a little bit less?
Anybody ever had less money this year than you had last?
Anybody better have a 1% pay cut?
You deal with it.
That's what government needs, a 1% pay cut.
If you take a 1% pay cut across the board, you have more than enough money to actually pay for the disaster relief.
But nobody's going to do that because they're fiscally irresponsible.
Who are they?
Republicans.
Who are they?
Democrats.
Who are they?
Virtually the whole body is careless and reckless with your money.
So the money will not be offset by cuts anywhere.
The money will be added to the debt, and there will be a day of reckoning.
What's the day of reckoning?
The day of reckoning may well be the collapse of the stock market.
The day of reckoning may be the collapse of the dollar.
When it comes, I can't tell you exactly, but I can tell you it has happened repeatedly in history when countries ruin their currency.
Hey, listen up.
This is a deep state alert.
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Stockman hit the Obama administration hard and they hit back with the full force of the federal government.
The guy who said he wanted Mark Levin as Speaker of the House was the first to threaten Obama's impeachment, exposed Hillary's selling steel to the Iranians, and blocked both Obama's immigration and gun bills from even reaching the House.
But Obama holdovers came after him in federal court with trumped-up charges and have locked our guy up.
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I'd advise Mr. Trump to stop whining and go try to make his case to get votes.
The press has created a rigged system.
They even want to try and rig the election.
Well, I tell you what, it helps in Ohio that we got Democrats in charge of the machines.
And poisoned the mind of so many of our voters.
At the polling booth, where so many cities are corrupt and voter fraud is all too common.
And then they say, oh, there's no voter fraud in our country.
I come from Chicago.
So I want to be honest.
It's not as if it's just Republicans who have monkeyed around with elections in the past.
Sometimes Democrats have to.
You know, whenever people are in power, they have this tendency to try to Tilt things in their direction.
There's no wrong.
You start whining before the game's even over.
Whenever things are going badly for you and you lose, you start blaming somebody else.
And you don't have what it takes to be in this job.
To get on the show and speak.
And though I really keep trying, I think I may start trying.
My heart can't wait another day.
Of course, ladies and gentlemen, we think about Valentine's Day being between sweethearts and man and woman, but we do truly love our extended family as well in a slightly different way, of course.
But we never shy away from an opportunity to tell you, our loyal and steadfast listening audience, how much you mean to us and how important you are in the continuation of our work, a work now that dates back 15 years.
This is our 15th year on the radio.
And for the majority of those 15 years, the vast majority of those 15 years, our current guest and good friend Mark Weber, the director of the Institute for Historical Review, has been making appearances during which he never fails to deliver robust commentary and enlightened takes on the issues.
And Keith, we are talking with Mark, of course, about the State of the Union address.
Then we're going to circle back at the end of this hour and revisit with the author himself his speech, Why Conservatives Can't Win.
What were you talking about before the last break?
Well, I was talking about Paul Krugman's recent article in which he says that probably the largest part of the American electorate is socially conservative, fiscally liberal, and neither party wants to reflect that reality or to embrace that part of the electorate.
Trump spoke to their concerns and basically bamboozled a lot of us into thinking that he thought what he was speaking, which would have put him in line with that part of the electorate.
But once in power, he spent all his political capital trying to, for example, pass a favorable tax bill for the moneyed interest, saving the insurance industry by torpedoing Obamacare, things like that, but not delivering on any of the cultural issues that really animate people who consider themselves to be conservatives.
What do you think about that analysis?
Well, are you asking me, Keith, or James?
Yeah, that's right.
I'm asking you what you think about that analysis of what is happening.
Generally, I think Krugman's right as far as he goes, the basic issue to me in America today is one of identity.
What does it mean to be American?
What is it we want to conserve if we're conservatives?
What's really important?
And Paul Krugman puts it in terms of social conservatism or fiscal conservative or so forth.
That misses the main point.
There's really two conflicting and sometimes overlapping, overlapping ideas of what America is.
The truth is, there wouldn't be a United States of America except a country founded by people from Europe.
It's not a country of just the people who happen to live here.
But that's what most Americans now more or less accept.
But there's a racial cultural definition of America that's more important than just the people who happen to happen to live here.
And that's really what's behind, I think, what's happening in the crisis throughout the Western world today.
This basic question of what does it mean to be British?
What does it mean to be European?
What does it mean to be American?
And essentially, it was taken for granted up until the beginning of the 20th century that America is a white European country, a Christian country.
That was taken for granted.
None of the founding fathers would have disagreed with that.
They took that for granted.
That has been replaced in recent years, especially since World War II, with the notion that America is a propositional country.
It's a country based on the idea of a certain belief in equality and justice and democracy.
That's not what the founding fathers believed at all.
But that new view, that view that America is defined by adherence to an ideology, is a view that even conservatives have come to accept.
And that's very, very dangerous because the result is we vote for people expecting something and we get something very different.
In Britain, the population voted to leave the European Union.
They voted for Brexit.
They're going to get what they voted for, which is to leave the European Union.
But what they really want is for Britain to be the way it used to be.
They want the Britain of the 19 up until World War II or the years after that.
Well, I think that's really, Mark, I think that really is hitting close to the core of things.
White people are the only group denied a sense of racial solidarity.
And on the other hand, we're in an era of identity politics where every other group is not only allowed but encouraged to have an exaggerated sense of racial solidarity.
And that is, for example, that's what's happened to the Democratic Party.
They've basically banished white people and participation from their party altogether, at least to the extent that they can.
On the other hand, it has also engendered this kind of populist right-wing blowback that we're seeing both in Europe and in America to this.
We have to have identity politics.
If whites are denied identity politics, we will continue to bring a knife to a gunfight and we're going to lose.
And this seems to be behind everything that's going on in politics nationally today, both here and overseas.
Keith, I agree completely, and it's a point I tried to make in that essay.
Identity politics is crucial.
That's real hardball politics.
That's playing hardball.
Those people who don't play identity politics are playing softball and they'll lose because that's not the real game that matters.
I mean, identity is crucial.
It's not merely that.
I mean, the real question is, is race important?
That's a fundamental question.
If it's important, then it must be dealt with overtly.
It should be dealt with explicitly, not just taken for granted.
And the great tragedy of America in recent years to me is that people have taken that identity, that reality, the racial question, for granted.
They've sort of assumed that if we have certain conservative economic and cultural policies, that the country will still stay more or less the same.
But if the country changes racially, those other things just don't matter very much.
As I said in the essay, race is far more important to what a country is like than whether its tax rates are high or low or whether the gun control laws are lenient or strict.
And as I put it in my piece, what would people rather have?
A conservative Nicaragua or a liberal Denmark?
I mean, these are conservative Haiti.
You made that analogy in your situation.
I don't think hardball versus softball is strong enough.
I think it's better to say bringing a knife to a gunfight because this is going to turn deadly if the left has their voice.
That's another way to put it.
That's right.
And look, I mean, I didn't put this in the essay, but even conservatives and liberals, look, conservatives and liberals both think that the way the Jewish community plays politics is just fine.
Well, they play identity politics.
They make appeals on the basis of community interest.
And everybody thinks that's just fine.
It's fine if black people do that.
But in our society, both conservatives and liberals say that white Americans cannot, must not act in that way or think that way, and they get punished if they do.
That's just incredible.
That's exactly the opposite.
The situation is so bad, many of the white Americans are ashamed of being white.
That's incredible.
Mark, hold on right there, my friend.
And I want to direct you, ladies and gentlemen, as we did the next commercial break to check out the Institute for Historical Review, IHR.org.
IHR.org for the Institute for Historical Review.
We'll be back with its director, Mark Webber, right after this.
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Perfect.
You kiss her live behind, like the sweet song of a fire.
You light my morning sky to burning up.
Well, there's that Elvis guy again, Keith.
You know, he used to be big news in Memphis until we took to the airwaves.
You know, he dyed his hair black.
I guess that's a form of black for you.
I'm glad he's not alive to have to deal with that these days.
But hey, folks, if you're enjoying the music we're playing for Valentine's Day, send me an email.
And because I picked it all out, if you don't like the music, email Keith.
We're back with Mark.
I got a laugh out of Mark for, you know, so that's good enough.
All right.
Well, we do try to have a good time here, you know, Mark, but then again, the work must intrude, and that's always difficult.
But hey, we're talking with Mark about the fantastic article, really one of the best I think we've ever covered on this show.
Why Conservatives Can't Win.
We've covered it a couple of times now, even going back to last fall.
We're going to spend the rest of the hour covering that.
But Mark, just very quickly to put a cap on the State of the Union thing, let's just, I'll give you a minute, Keith, a minute, and then we're going to turn it back to you to go into the broader discussion, which I really think focuses more on the grand scheme of things.
At the end of the day, a state of union speech is not as big a deal as the topics you're addressing in your speech, which you transferred to.
What will they say?
When all is said and done, more will be said than done.
Your speech turned article.
Anyway, you're great on the Trump speech for the State of the Union.
And what you see coming up over the next couple of weeks, does he do another shutdown?
Anything going to happen?
Or is it just going to, they're going to run out the clock and no wall in two years?
Well, I never thought there was going to be a wall.
I thought that was utopian from the get-go.
I mean, I never expected that.
And when the Democratic Party seized control of the House of Representatives, the chances of that went way down.
The time that the wall could have been built by Trump when he had the most political capital was in the first 100 days of his administration.
He's now no longer Republicans no longer in control of the House, so chances are much slimmer.
I expect what will happen.
There'll be some sort of compromise that will allow Trump to claim there's a wall or a part of a wall or much of a wall, and the Democrats will be able to claim there isn't a wall and they've won, and there'll be some sort of compromise.
But I've always said the expectations about a Trump administration should be kept very low.
The big thing that Trump has done, he's brought in the, he lower taxes, that's taxing through.
But that's something that any Republican would have been able to do.
I mean, Trump just has too many strikes against him coming into the White House.
He's got the media against him.
The Democratic Party hates him.
He has big opposition within the leadership of his own party.
He doesn't even have the loyalty of people, apparently, in his own administration.
And he doesn't even have loyalty of himself, okay?
He apparently wants everybody in his administration to be from the Ocela corridor, you know, the bullet train that goes from D.C. to Boston.
The people that he uses to bucket boyish spirits by coming out and making speeches and the people whose votes delivered him into the office, he does not trust him to be part of his government.
All right.
Now, Mark is speaking very pragmatic right now and very soberly, and I think very realistically.
Mark, just to put a cap on this, you grade the speech A to F, State of the Union, because I told people we'd get that grade tonight.
So I got a glimpse.
As a speech for him and his administration going on, it's not going to make much difference.
I mean, to be effective as a president within the system means a president who's going to carry on the same trajectory and the same trends that have been in place, which are ultimately very harmful and damaging for our people and our heritage and so forth.
So, I mean, when I say it's a good speech, I mean, it's a speech that's going to make a lot of people even outside of his base think, well, he's more presidential and so forth.
But having said that, that's just one more sign of ultimately his weakness as a president.
But I think this is a get-go.
This goes into, I think this is a perfect segue now into your talk about why conservatives can't win.
And I think Trump has basically, I think the first two-plus years of his administration shows why broader-based conservatives never win.
And this gets to what you wrote, and I think it's one of the greatest things I've ever read.
It just puts it into such sharp focus.
I've read it a couple of times on the show.
I'll read it one more time right now.
This is from Mark Weber's speech, Why Conservatives Can't Win.
If white America has a future, it won't be secured by conservatives.
It will be secured only by European Americans who reject business as usual politics in the familiar but ultimately irrelevant conservative and liberal categories and who instead embrace a worldview rooted in their heritage, history, and identity and act forthrightly to defend and promote their own group interests.
Short, sweet, to the point.
Beautiful.
Yeah, let me say this, if I could, Mark.
You're welcome.
Here's what the situation is as I see it.
Basically, you can break down the white electorate into the big honkies who are few in number but large in influence and the little honkies who are large in number and few in influence.
We've got a government that basically gets elected like Trump does on the votes of little honkies, but they spend all their political capital doing the bidding of the big honkies.
A little honky issue would be like the Confederate statues or statues to other heroes of Western civilization like Columbus, Washington, and whatnot.
And it's ominous to me that those are being torn down now with impunity because that's how both the Bolsheviks and the Jacobins started.
They started by tearing down statues to heroes of the old regime, and it wasn't long until they got to the real business of the guillotine, the gulags, and the enforced famines.
I think we're hurtling towards that, and we need a Paul Revere to warn us.
And let me compliment you, Mark.
I think your speech is as good of a Paul Revere warning as anybody could ever get.
I got to tell Mark this, live and public on the airwaves.
When we reposted that this, what, about a week or two ago, what was your reaction to me, Keith, when you read it?
I said, we've got to have this guy on.
He never goes too long without being on, but we got to have him on to talk about this.
And so that's what we're doing now.
Mark, we have just a minute or two.
It's very timely right now.
Well, it's always timely.
Especially now.
I didn't tie this to Donald Trump or any one administration.
This is part of a bigger problem, and it's a problem that comes up time and time again.
Conservatives are voting for people who say things they like to hear, but they're not really getting what is really crucial.
They're missing the big point.
This is fundamental.
I mean, and our leaders, all of them, are sort of deceiving people.
Donald Trump calls himself a nationalist now, but he's a civic nationalist.
He's in favor of a kind of nationalism for the United States of America.
Well, that's fine in a sense.
But if the definition of America is all-inclusive, that is, the kind of America that liberals believe in, it means the death of our heritage.
It means the death of the heritage that made America what it is.
That's really crucial.
And millions of people, when somebody talks about how they love America, Ronald Reagan was very popular with conservatives, but he was also a man who was a universalist.
And he, as you well know, he signed off on this big amnesty.
He believed in America for everyone.
You know, the situation is, I'm trying to get a bigger point, too.
White Americans are ashamed.
As you know, it's not just that Elizabeth Warren claimed to be an Indian.
She thought there's a tremendous advantage in our society of claiming to be non-white.
That's a tremendous shift from what it used to be in this country.
You know, American Indians weren't even citizens of the U.S. until the 1920s.
I mean, the very first State of the Union address was given.
It wasn't a speech.
It was written by George Washington.
It deals overwhelmingly with the problem of how to handle the Indians as an alien group.
I mean, that's how things have shifted in America.
And those are the things that all the great questions of our time are really questions of identity.
And unless that is clear and clearly laid out and clearly articulated, then confusion results and defeat will result.
Well, Mark, let's put this to the last thing then.
What is the cure?
What is the antidote for what ails us?
Identity politics for white people or what else?
The first prerequisite is to tell the truth.
I mean, to tell the truth about all these things, about American history, about race, about oath.
Right now is.
Mark, I'm sorry, my friend.
Hang on right there.
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If Planned Parenthood were what they publicly declare themselves to be, they would welcome transparency.
We all know why they hide, because we know what they hide.
We can confirm federal judges who follow the Constitution rather than reverse engineer their preferred policy outcomes.
The truth about abortion is spreading because of advances in medical imaging, because of brave journalists, tireless activists, compassionate doctors, nurses, and other health care professionals.
The rising generation of young Americans is the most pro-life in decades because they know too.
And one day soon, we will reaffirm our nation's principles in their dignified fullness and avow once again that all men are created equal.
All are entitled to life.
Welcome back.
Get on the show.
Call us on James's Dime at 1-866-986-6397.
Make no mistake about it, ladies and gentlemen.
Everything that we do in our work, and I'm pretty sure I can speak on behalf of our esteemed guest, Mark Weber, when I say this, comes from a spirit of goodness and a spirit of love.
And we're talking about Valentine's Day, love for our people, love for our history, our culture, our heroes, our faith, our language, everything that makes us unique.
Love for our families and love for our extended family, which I consider our race to be.
What is love, if not loving your own family a little bit more than the other.
Now, Mark, we were talking a moment ago about solutions.
Now, yes, tell the truth.
Tell the truth.
Embrace your identity.
Embrace your uniqueness.
Here at the Political Supple, 15 years on the radio, we've been around long enough to know the people who are doing the best work.
And we have, now we still invite on new guests, first-time guests.
I think this year already we've had a couple of first-time guests on the show, but there are about 30 men that, of course, you're at the top of that list, Mark, as people that we like to have on in a regular rotation.
Because once you find the men that are really delivering and really delivering the commentary that you need to get out on these airwaves, why would you look anywhere else?
So that's what we're doing.
That's what we're doing tonight.
And you were talking a moment ago about telling the truth.
I'll tell you who's not telling the truth is the conservatives who continue to lose, and they've lost everything for decades and decades, even going back to R.L. Dabney, Stonewall Jackson's chaplain.
He knew this whole thing, just following the shadow of liberalism into perdition.
The GOP thinks it's winning, Mark, by co-opting liberal heroes and icons and issues and pretending that they were the ones to be first on board with the program to say that Martin Luther King was a Republican and all of these things, which maybe he was, but he certainly wasn't a conservative.
Cultural Jiu-Jitsu, we call it.
Yeah, this middle jiu-jitsu where Democrats are the real racist and so on and so forth, as if they are winning anything by pretending that white liberals and non-whites will vote for them if they just pretend hard enough to be able to do that.
Libertarian white people are bad.
Anyway, either way.
Let's get back to the solutions.
You were talking about that before the break, Mark.
Go ahead.
Well, yeah, I mean, it's simple to say that, to tell the truth.
But I am encouraged, James, by a lot of things.
There's a growing awareness across the country, and I'm especially gratified by the intelligence, the dedication of many young people that are coming up.
The reason for that isn't just because more people are out there talking like you are.
It's because it's more and more obvious that the system is failing.
There's an obvious, huge contrast and gap between the stated ideals of our society and the leaders of our country and what its country is supposed to be on the one hand and the reality on the other.
I mean, that's just more and more obvious.
It's something like what was happening in the old Soviet Union in the decades before it finally just fell apart.
It was obvious that the slogans of communism and Marxism, the Communist Party, didn't accord with daily life.
And that's now obvious to everybody in America.
That's one of the reasons why Hillary Clinton could never get any traction.
Her slogan might as well have been more of the same, but nobody wants more of the same.
More cowbells.
Everybody can see this is not the direction to go in.
Something is very wrong.
And it's necessary to build upon that awareness that something is wrong to provide answers.
Now, one of the problems is conservatives are by their very nature not people to yell and scream and start hitting and causing trouble.
They tend to be careful, prudent people.
But the situation is now so bad it's necessary to be more boisterous, to be more feisty than conservatives generally tend to be.
And in other words, the conservative virtues are also, in a time of crisis, vices.
It's necessary to be much more forthright and active than has been the case in the past.
But that means acting on the basis of what's really true.
Now, I have very little confidence that within the political system we have now, and especially with the media the way it is and the way the schools are in America, it's not possible to reach the mass of people.
All we can do, I think, and hope to do at this point is to try to reach the small minority, and it's always a small minority in every society, who have both the heart and soul to care and the intelligence and brains to think about these kinds of issues in a serious way.
That's our great task.
I've said that over and over.
And in other words, keep expectations modest and realistic, but never give up and to carry on as best we can in spite of how gloomy and how difficult the situation seems.
It seems.
I mean, I don't see any huge awakening in a sense with the stock market crashing or something like that.
What I do see, though, is a continuing this breakdown of basic trust in our society and a sense that things are not on the right track.
And that's an opportunity for all of us to build upon to increase awareness about what really matters.
Mark Keith, again, the big question is whether Marshall McLuhan was right.
You and I remember him from our college days.
His book, The Medium is the Message, basically was that if you control all of the electronic media, you control people's opinions and the formation of their opinions.
And of course, all of that apparatus, as you pointed out, is in the hands of the enemy.
And the big question and the big challenge is how to get our message across effectively because our ideas are winning ideas.
Our ideas appeal to people's instinctive sense of right and wrong.
But, you know, you can't get a national media show like Rush Limbaugh or Glenn Beck or Mark Levin unless you fit within their parameters.
And of course, the truth is outside of their parameters.
How are we going to accomplish this?
Well, that's a big challenge, and you're absolutely right.
I think that you laid out very well just the limits and the barriers.
But having said that, we have something that the other side does not have.
Both conservatives, general, establishment, conservatives, and liberals, we have the truth on our side.
When we talk about these things, it's backed up by reality.
That's very important.
Now, some people don't care about reality, except in their own personal lives.
But what we're saying about history, about life, about America, about these issues, this is based in reality.
And people live their lives in accordance with that, even if they claim to believe things other than that.
But that's why all we really can reach at this point, I think, is a small minority of people.
But great changes in history are made at the beginning, and certainly by minorities.
Minorities who are a majority of dedication, of spirit, of activism.
And a dedicated minority ultimately will prevail over an unsure and weak majority.
I agree, Mark, and that's why it is a privilege to be in the trenches with people who have the courage of their convictions.
And it is a very select fraternity right now, but it will be the people from our circles that I believe lead the reclamation of America's destiny.
Lead out of the wilderness into the promised land.
IHR.org, you want to support Mark's work?
We would encourage you to do that.
You can read, and I'm at the website right now.
I am reading through his year-end report.
Great stuff at the Institute for Historical Review.
Keith, what do you think about Mark?
I think Mark is, you know, when you hit the nail on the head, you drive it straight.
And I'm always impressed when I read or talk with Mark on the issues of the day.
I think he's one of the clearest thinking and most, and also, you communicate so well.
You know, your head is not in the clouds.
You know how to tell people how a cow eats a cabbage.
And that's what we need.
Well, thank you, Keith.
Keith, I'm going to keep in mind the going to a gunfight with a knife.
That's a good one.
Well put.
People from your coast, Mark, all the way up in Washington State, say they tune in to hear Keith's southern colloquialisms.
Another one is from our hero Elvis Presley that we need to keep in mind is his admonition.
Too much conversation, not enough action.
No, that's for sure.
So we're going to Keith.
Mark's been out there for a long, long time, and he remains out there.
Mark, it's been another hour with you that has gone by far too quickly.
We are already looking forward to the next time already, and I hope that the day will come quickly.
Well, good luck, James and Keith.
It's a pleasure as always to be on with you and carry on.
You're doing a great, great service to what's right and for our people.
And back at you, my friend.
And we'll talk to you again soon, brother.
Can't wait.
Okay.
Mark Weber, everybody, IHR.org, the Institute for Historical Review.
Keith, always great to have Mark on.
He has logged a lot of appearances on this show over the now 15 years.
And it's like I said, we have a regular rotation of guests.
We do work in new guests from time to time as needed.
But when you have, you know, the people that are regular guests, and you can name them, I mean, there's about 30 of them.
Well, it's like W.E.B. Du Bois' talented 10th.
He was definitely in the towns of 10th.
We'll be back.
Listen, we're going to have a very fun third hour.
We're wrapping up the Valentine's Day show with a fun third hour.
It's going to be some rollicking stories, some stuff you need to know about.