April 29, 2017 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the Political Cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, going across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the Political Cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
Welcome, everybody, to the Night's Lot broadcast of the Political Cesspool Radio Program Saturday evening, April the 29th.
It's hard to believe that Confederate History Month is in its closing hours, but alas, here we are, and we are going to try to give it a fitting send-off for the 2017 year edition.
Of course, April 2018 will be here before you know it, as the years and months do seem to blur together now more than ever, at least from my perspective.
But this has been a particularly fast and busy month with everything going on behind the scenes with the radio program and our production, a lot of third-party media interest in the program right now, and of course, the shows each and every Saturday and all the work that goes into.
I need to write a blog entry at some point that takes you behind the scenes on a normal week of the Political Cess Pools production.
I read a pretty fascinating article.
It was about how the day-to-day operations of a basketball team, when it's game day, how the players come in hours before and go through these trainings, when they take naps, just all the stuff that goes on behind the scenes.
You think when a basketball team plays or any sports team plays, all that matters is when the game kicks off or tips off and then when it ends, and you don't really think about the travel and all of the things that people have to do to get to the arena, or in our case, the broadcast.
I could do an article about that sometimes to let you know what we do between Saturday evening at 6 p.m. and Saturday evening at 9 p.m.
What we do before and after those times.
There's a lot that goes on outside of that three-hour time span each week, and I think you would be fascinated to learn about it, and so maybe I'll do that.
But one of the things, of course, that we made mention of last week on the show is our new broadcast studio.
And I actually got quite a few emails from people wanting to know more about it.
And I'll tell you that we started thinking about it in January.
It was right after the new year.
In January, we started considering, hey, what if we had our own standalone studio that would double as an office and as a headquarters where we could do the day-to-day business of the show in addition to broadcasting the program?
Because basically how it's been is we have our studio at the radio station that we share with other programs, and it doesn't make for a good work center, so we have to work off-site.
So this would basically consolidate all the operations of the political access pool.
So we started thinking about it, talking about it in January, and we found a good deal on a facility.
And this isn't uncommon in radio now.
You don't actually have to go to a radio station in order to produce your program.
You can go to an off-site studio that's linked up directly to your network, which will beam the feed to the AM affiliate station.
So for all of you listening on the AM dial or on the internet or on the phone or on the Roku channel or however you listen to the Political Cesspool, whether live or after the fact in our new and remodeled archives, that won't change at all.
You're going to notice no difference whatsoever.
We may sound a little bit better with the new equipment, but that's it.
Everything else stays exactly the same for you, but for us, it gives us the opportunity to have one site where we can do all of our work, where we can answer the correspondence, where we can plan events, where we can do media interviews, either video or audio, above and beyond our own program, and, of course, broadcast our own show every Saturday night.
So we're very excited about this thing.
We found the site.
It's being refurbished.
Now, it's not being built from the ground up.
We found a building.
And we are refurbishing it right now.
We've been doing that for a few weeks, really for about a month and a half, almost two months, really.
And it will be done two weeks from tonight.
Two weeks from tonight will be our first show in this shiny, splashy new place.
I say shiny and splashy.
It's really no frills.
It's not, I mean, it's no frills in terms of, it's nice.
I mean, it's got a new paint job.
We put some new carpet in there.
It's nice.
It's functional, but it is a war center.
It's a command center.
It's not a place where you would, I guess, bring a date or anything like that.
It's a broadcast studio is what it is, in an office.
It's nice.
It's clean.
It's new.
But we didn't waste money is what I guess I'm saying.
We did what we had to do to get it operational and not much more than that.
But it is nice enough to put on video, which we're going to be doing some more video productions of.
The last thing they're doing, we've got a couple of crews there working now.
They are putting in the gun ports.
And one of our advisors said they need to dig an escape tunnel.
But I said, you know what?
We're not going to do that because our motto here is no retreat, no surrender, no apologies.
If we ever got overrun while we were on the air, like the Cowboys wanted to die with their boots on, we want to die with the microphone in our hand.
But anyway, they're putting the finishing touches on it right now.
Keith, you've been over to the site.
You excited to move and have a change of scenery and a little more space to operate and all that stuff?
Well, it's nice to have a home, I guess.
Nice to have a place that's all our own and no one else's.
And that's really something I know you've been striving for for years.
Turn your mic on.
I had that on.
Oh, is it on?
All right.
Keep talking then.
Is it on now?
Yeah, I think you were always on.
I would have heard the producer would have said something otherwise.
I'm sorry.
Keep going.
Okay, well, anyway, it's good to have your own place.
Like a boll weevil, we're looking for a home, and we've got it now.
We've got the political cesspools, radio, home, and it's where it is.
You know, and that's great.
It's good to have, and it's good to have something that belongs to us and only us.
And, of course, we talked to our station manager here in Memphis.
We talked to our network owner in Utah, Sam Bushman, of course, and we made sure that logistically this wouldn't interrupt with the live broadcast or how the arc happened.
And we were able to get some advice on the technical equipment we would need in order to make this happen.
And it's all systems go with the blessing of everyone.
And we're excited.
So maybe when people are in Memphis, we might do some tours from time to time.
But the reason I bring this back up is this.
We didn't make mention of this last week.
The reason I bring it back up is we did receive some emails about this from people, listeners, excited about the expansion, excited about the improvements.
And again, we never want to be complacent.
And we're not doing this move in order to make ourselves more comfortable or in order to squander resources.
We think that this is a very wise allocation of resources that will enable us to do more and to work more effectively and to get the message out to a greater number of people to perhaps do more interviews if we choose to take some of these requests.
We will have a place where we can receive people.
And of course, we'll have video link up and radio studio quality link ups that we can do at any time without having to reserve studio time to take interviews.
Can do this and of course tape some more segments.
And there's just a lot of things we can do.
Things we've thought about, things that we will continue to think about, and new ideas will present themselves.
But that's going to happen in two weeks from tonight.
So the reason I bring this back up, in addition to the fact that we've received some emails from people asking about it, is next week, next week on the political cesspool is the big move.
And we're going to be moving all of the equipment.
We will be replaying a show next week.
Next week will be a best of show.
We haven't done that.
I was talking to Sam Bush, but I don't think we've done that in two years.
We used to do it maybe once a year for whatever reason, if everybody was going to be out or if it was a holiday or something.
But we just chugged right through all the holidays.
We did a Christmas Eve broadcast live last year with the election going on last year.
We were on every week live.
But this is one of the rare, rare, rare circumstances.
I think the first in a year and a half, maybe two years, where we are going to tape, or rather, replay a best of show.
Three of our favorite hours, rebroadcast next week while we're setting up the new studio.
We're live tonight, rebroadcast next week.
Back to a live show two weeks from tonight, but we got to take a break and get down to business.
Stay tuned.
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We don't have any gold at the house.
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It's time to jump back into the political cesspool to be part of the show and have your voice heard around the world.
Call us at 1-866-986-6397.
I want to share a quick story and then turn Keith loose.
There is a new major feature-length profile on Pat Buchanan from Politico.
Now, Politico is a bastion of establishment-friendly left-wing commentary.
They've attacked us, but this is a surprisingly objective feature article on Pat Buchanan.
And it was one of the things that I enjoyed reading more than anything I can remember reading in a long, long time.
We tweeted about it.
It's up on our website now.
Check it out.
Read the whole thing if it's random happenstance or if perhaps something else was in play here.
1992.
1992.
My grandfather is diagnosed and dying of cancer.
My dad wants him to go to the best hospital that there is in this region, which is Vanderbilt University Medical Center.
They have a state-of-the-art, groundbreaking oncology department.
And so my dad and my grandfather would go up there for his treatments all the time.
One day, when my grandfather was in the hospital room at Vanderbilt in Nashville, it just so happened that Pat Buchanan was speaking on that campus.
It was when he was running for president in 1992.
My dad heard about it.
He left my granddad's hospital room, walked over to the Buchanan speech, and of course loved everything he said.
He, of course, knew who Pat Buchanan was before the speech, but because Buchanan was there while my dad was there with my grandfather, he wanted to go in and catch it.
Later that spring, we were on vacation in Fairfield Bay, Arkansas.
I may have told y'all this story before.
My dad was talking, we're at a bowling alley.
We had about four lanes in the whole house.
I was 11 years old, about to turn 12 that summer.
I remember my dad saying he was going to vote for Buchanan in the Republican primary in 92.
I didn't know anything about politics.
I didn't know anything about Buchanan.
I didn't know anything about it.
I was an 11-year-old kid.
I didn't know that.
That wasn't my interest.
My interest was playing with my friends and basketball and things like that.
But I remembered my dad saying that to this man who owned the bowling alley.
And I remember the man in the bowling alley said, well, he's not going to win.
He doesn't have a chance.
That's all I remember.
I was just a kid.
Now, then some years later, many years later, in 1999, seven years later, I was flipping through the channels and I saw a crossfire.
And there was Pat Buchanan.
And I said, that's the guy Dad mentioned.
I remembered it seven years later.
It stuck with me.
I don't know how.
It wasn't anything that was even remarkable at the time.
Dad said something about this guy.
Dad liked this guy.
So I started watching.
And then I started liking what he was saying.
This was at a time when I was beginning to form my own political opinions as an 18, 19-year-old young fellow.
And then Pat ran for president that third time that year.
And I got involved with the campaign, ended up becoming a delegate for Pat, and, of course, traveling the country, working for him as a volunteer.
And of course, got to spend some time with him.
And that's what got me started.
And from that, I ran for office in 2002 because I wanted to continue the fight.
Because I ran in 2002, the opportunity to get into radio opened up.
So if it wasn't for the Pat Buchanan campaign of 1992, he would have never stuck out in my mind.
I would have never found out about him.
I wouldn't have gotten involved in politics.
So was that all just a random happenstance chain of events, or do you think God's hand was in that?
I don't think God put Pat on this earth to give birth to the political accessible, but I can tell you that if it wasn't for Pat Buchanan, you wouldn't be listening to me right now.
There would never have been a political accessible radio show.
And isn't it just funny how things work out like that sometimes?
Well, what has happened is that Pat Buchanan's been the North Star for a lot of true conservatives throughout his life.
His first book is aptly named Right from the Beginning.
He was right from the beginning.
He is the person, truth be told, that ought to be Trump's chief advisor.
He was involved with the Republican Party back in the seminal Goldwater presidential campaign.
He was conservative before conservatism had any following.
This was back in the heyday of the civil rights movement, where everything, you know, was the left was righteous and holy, and the conservatives were mendacious troglodytes, Klansmen, Nazis, etc.
And he gave hope where there was no hope for so many people.
There was hope for so many people coming to us through Pat Buchanan.
And, you know, I had a similar experience.
That's just all that there is.
You know, it's Pat Buchanan was the, you know, the leader of our movement, and he's never said anything that is not true, not doesn't resonate with the people.
You can always depend on his take on the affairs of the day as being the correct.
So, you know, I just want to let you know I'm in the amen corner with you on that, James, because Pat Buchanan is Pat Buchanan and Ann Coulter are the two people that have at least a major foothold in the legacy media that are dependable exponents of all the best thinking on current events.
Well, it was one thing that just really tugged at my heartstrings, Pat Buchanan said in this article, which everybody has to read.
If you read one thing for the rest of the month, go and read this politico feature on Buchanan.
He said, the ideas made it, but I didn't.
But it was even much more than that.
Michael Cushman wrote a review about this featured piece in Politico.
And there's a picture in this thing that you've got to see.
It's one of Pat Buchanan seated at his home, holding a revolver, seated in front of a portrait of General Robert E. Lee, which hangs in his house.
The entire article is worth reading.
It recaps Buchanan's fascinating career and pioneering campaigns in which he advocated the America First platform upon which Donald Trump won the White House last November.
It avoids, remarkably, avoids name-calling.
Surely this reporter has been fired by now for not putting in racist xenophobe and bigot literally in this piece.
But it's a fair analysis of the paleoconservative rejection of globalism and third world immigration.
The most interesting part in the lengthy article, though, is contained in the very frank admission that Buchanan offers, quote, it may be too late for the nation I was trying to save.
And that's where we are.
He had actually a quote to end it, Keith, that reads, we rolled the dice with this country's future, and I think it's going to come up snake eyes.
Well, the thing, the fact of the matter is we didn't roll the dice with the country.
The left did.
And the left never admits they're wrong, never admits defeat, never admits any weakness.
And that's why they're so dangerous.
They are cloaked in this mantle of self-appointed righteousness.
And James, there's nobody that could critique what has happened to America during Pat Buchanan's lifetime better than Pat Buchanan could.
He knows that we lost something wonderful and that basically by changing the demographic profile of the United States, it may be impossible to get America back to where it used to be.
I don't think you can, as we've said on this show numerous times, you can't have a first world nation with a third world population.
That was the ultimate ploy of the left when they couldn't get minds changed among the founding stock of America or the traditional stock of America.
The way that they accomplished their change was, as Bertold Brecht said, if you don't like the election results, change the electorate.
That's what they've done.
They brought in third worlders, third worlders who have no respect for the founding principles and the institutions of this nation, people that think that small government is the very definition of bad government.
They are instinctive leftists.
They have their hands out.
They say, what have you done for me lately to the government?
And that's the truth of the matter.
And again, as always, when you hit the nail on the head, you drive it straight.
And you can always depend on Pat Buchanan to hit the nail on the head.
We'll be back.
I want to talk a little bit more about this and then much more this hour in the two hours to come as we wrap up Confederate History Month and talk more about the headlines and advancements of interest to our audience.
Stay tuned.
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Welcome back.
To get on the show, call us on James's Dine at 1-866-986-6397.
Well, folks, of course, anytime Pat Buchanan's name comes up, I'm nostalgic and sentimental.
That's the kind of guy I am.
I'm a fighter, I'm a warrior, I'm a street brawler.
You know, James, I don't think he could ever be replaced.
We've lost people like Sam Francis and Joe Sobren through the years, but there is no one that can compare with Pat Buchanan for chronicling what's happened to America and has been like Horatio at the bridge, fighting to keep the hordes of barbarians out and to keep liberalism at bay.
One of his, in fact, I have a book here that I was going to quote from if the occasion arose tonight, where the right went wrong by Pat Buchanan.
That's, you know, he is the right winger that refused to celebrate George Bush, refused to celebrate George H.W. Bush.
He's the one that knew what was happening and that he chronicled not only the rise of liberalism, but the decay and the decline of true conservatism.
Well, as I said, I did an interview a couple of weeks ago.
It was up on the website about masculinity.
And yes, I mean, you need to be strong.
You need to be tough.
I mean, these are the character traits of a man, but you also have to have a heart.
And so I care for my friends.
I care for the people who have come before me.
And I care for Pat Buchanan.
And when I read something about him, I think back on that story I told y'all in the last segment about my grandfather and my father and how the name Pat Buchanan first became known to me.
All of that stuff, nostalgic.
And it gets to me on a personal level.
So I mean, the relationship with Pat is, you know, of course, he's appeared on this show three times.
Every time I've asked Pat to come on this show, he's come on.
And every time he came on, it was national news and he took a beating over it.
But still he came and he knew he was going to get beat and he still came on the show.
And the only reason Buchanan hasn't been on this show more is because I quit asking him to come on for fear he would say yes because I hated to see what happened to him after he came on.
Well, he's loyal.
He's truly loyal.
Everybody trumpets and talks about how loyal Donald Trump is.
Donald Trump isn't loyal the way that Pat Buchanan is loyal.
Pat Buchanan, his word is his bond.
He says what he means, means what he says, never backs down from his comments.
He is, for example, his personal moral life is impeccable, unlike certain other people that could be named recently.
You know, there's not a thing that there's not a blemish on him.
He is a paragon in every way, and he is, most importantly, right on the issues and has continued to be correct over his entire 60-year career in public life.
Well, and of course, working on that campaign, you picked up on a few things.
And one of the things that I was always told he hated to do, he didn't just hate asking for money, as we do.
He hated thanking people for money because it embarrassed him that they gave.
And I could tell you a lot of things.
I mean, he's just a great guy is what you need to know.
And the real McCoy when it comes to conservatives.
Well, he's certainly that.
And we said that Trump was like him in many ways.
He was like him on some issues minus the social issues.
Pat Buchanan was everything Trump was, but stronger.
Plus, he offered conservatives the red money on the social media.
He has none of the weaknesses.
He doesn't, for example, you never hear Pat Buchanan saying that the DECA kids, the dreamers, need to be left in America.
He's not subject to phony emotionality and the appeals of somebody like an Ibanka Trump.
He burns with a gem-like flame.
His conservatism and his insights are absolutely pure and holy.
And he is a true and pure paleoconservative.
And I don't want to deify anyone, but I would say he's about as close as you're going to get from, if you can even call him establishment, which I don't guess you can.
Some ways you could, some ways you couldn't.
But yes, Trump took most of the Buchanan platform and applied it to himself minus the social issues.
Pat was much stronger than him, much better than him on the social issues.
Of course, Trump's the way Trump is.
But if Buchanan got into the presidency, he would not cave to Jewish power.
And we're going to get to that.
That's coming up because there's more on Trump we're going to cover tonight.
But the thing that Trump had that Pat didn't, of course, was universal name recognition from a life as a celebrity and, of course, billions of dollars to buy his way into the media.
And he was more of a circus act than Buchanan.
But of course, Trump had a shallowness to him that you'll never find in Buchanan.
Buchanan is deep.
They say still water runs deep.
Well, he doesn't lose his temper.
He doesn't go nutsoid.
But on the other hand, he has thought out every position and thought about every permutation of what he's talking about.
Trump shoots from the hip, and, you know, that's good.
You have to basically be facile in order to be a leader.
Philosopher kings don't have long range.
You can't philosophize out on the battlefield.
And Trump is a leader, not an intellectual.
Pat Buchanan is an intellectual.
Well, and I said Trump's campaign was a circus act in some ways it was.
I'm not knocking that at all.
That is not a derogatory remark.
I had probably more fun from an entertainment perspective last year watching and being involved in a certain amount of time.
I've never seen anybody irritate the mainstream left the way that Trump did.
The Trump campaign, and of course, candidate Trump was far superior than President Trump, at least thus far.
But the Trump campaign was the most entertaining year of my life from a political pundit's perspective, going to the RNC and going to the inauguration and all the stuff we were involved with as outsiders.
We were never involved with the Trump campaign the way we were with the Buchanan campaign.
But the way that we were involved, the way the media tried to involve us in the Trump campaign, it just made for such an incredibly fun year.
A hard year, a busy year, but a great year.
Anyway, to Buchanan, the reason we're talking about him so extensively this first hour is that Buchanan and James Edwards and the political cesspool and all of the people that work with us on this show, we just wouldn't be here if it wasn't for him.
Now, he didn't directly put us on the radio or encourage us to get into radio.
He had no hand in that, but it was just a domino effect that I believe was guided by divine providence.
You finally found a person in the political realm that inspired you.
Well, this is, and honestly, Keith, I was so, I was young.
I was 20 years old when he ran for president the last time in 2000.
And, of course, at that point, you're still able to be shaped and formed a little bit more than you are as you become a secure, too.
And the thing is, none of the Bushes were going to inspire you.
No, no, no.
No, if you profess to have been inspired by the Bushes, you are irretrievably phony.
No, that's not it.
He inspired me for a lot of ways, but I always tried.
And maybe it comes out in my personality.
I mean, I am my own man, and I do things my own way.
And we do things here on this show.
We talk about things that even Buchanan doesn't talk about, at least not a lot.
And you know what they are.
And we're not Buchanan, and we're not a facsimile of Buchanan.
But I did, I think we have this show in some ways embodies his temperament.
I mean, we don't back down, but we're still genteel.
We're charismatic, but we're still gentlemanly.
We strive to be intellectual.
We strive not just to have opinions, but to have reasons for those opinions.
Well, after he lost, I was so, after he lost in 2000, I was so convinced that those ideas were right that I wanted my campaign for state representative in 2002 to be an extension of the Buchanan campaign.
And then when I failed in that endeavor, I wanted this radio show to be an extension of that campaign.
And in the early days, it really was and still is in many ways.
But of course, we've evolved as men do.
Well, basically, we saw a vacuum, or at least James saw a vacuum.
I want to give James all the credit.
I didn't come along until later.
But James saw that there was not a voice for true, authentic, traditional conservatism on the radio, in the news, wherever.
Pat Buchanan was a voice in the wilderness.
And basically, what James wanted to do was to have at least one more outlet where somebody could tune in and get the 200-proof truth about issues from a truly conservative viewpoint.
You take Buchanan at his base.
Trump went this direction.
He took a lot of the Buchanan platform minus the social issues and he won the presidency.
We took the Buchanan campaign, the Buchanan ideas, and started this radio show, but we are probably more explicitly pro-Christian.
I mean, Pat is certainly a defender of the faith of our fathers, but we probably dwell on that a little more, certainly more.
Pat Buchanan has written some beautiful columns defending the Confederacy and our southern forebears.
And Pat's a proud son of a Confederate veteran.
But we, of course, focus on that a little more ourselves, especially this month.
But one thing we do a little more than even Pat is, of course, tackle the Jewish question.
And we're a little more race explicit than he was.
Although, of course, if you read Suicide of a Superpower and go back and listen to the interview I did with Peter, Death of the Western.
He's very racially explicit.
I mean, Pat certainly has an understanding.
We take it a little more what would you say?
Well, we get down to the nitty-gritty is what we do.
We get down to where people live and what is, you know, basically the practical consequences of race and Jewish power and influence in our lives.
Pat Buchanan is not like, for example, Paul Craig Roberts.
He used to write explicitly on race and then he either got scared off or he made a pragmatic decision to leave that and just focus on foreign policy primarily.
Pat has never backed away from his positions, but he knows, for example, that he's got to tread lightly on the Jewish power and influence issue in particular because those are the people that control the media.
He's in a different position than we are.
He did take a route through the mainstream media for his career.
We're building our own media here.
And so we had a little more leeway to do things.
And of course, we're proud to have made that evolutionary turn.
And our show stands alone for many reasons.
And that's one of them.
We got to take a break.
We'll get back.
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We had intended to do a segment, maybe a segment and a half, breaking down this political profile of Pat Buchanan, and it has turned into an hour-long tribute.
But that's okay, because again, the significance of this man in my life as a person and the growth and development of this radio program cannot be understated.
He was your inspiration.
Let's just say this.
He's your primary inspiration.
He's the one that got me involved.
From there, everything else blossomed, but it had to start somewhere.
And it really started back in 92 with my dad seeing him speak, I guess, and then him mentioning his name.
And for some reason that defies belief, I reconcile that.
The shade was planted and has grown into the thing of it at the time.
But seven years later, seven years later, when I'm flipping through the TV and I see Buchanan, then I instantly recall, didn't dad say something when I was a kid about this guy?
Folks, listen, I believe God's hand was in that.
And we never know how God uses us and how God uses other people to impact us and the lives of others.
But this is what I believe.
Now, I want to get you to answer to this, Keith.
The political profile, which I encourage you to read, we posted a link to it at our website entitled Political Profiles, Pat Buchanan, appropriately enough.
The writer writes this.
Even if Trump delivers on the loftiest of promises, Buchanan fears it will be too little, too late.
Sweeping change was needed 25 years ago, he says, before thousands of factories vanished to the North American Free Trade Agreement, before millions of illegal immigrants entered the country, before trillions of dollars were squandered on regime change and nation building.
He's not unlike the countless Trump voters I met across the country in 2016, many of them older folks yearning for a return to the country of their youth, a place they remember as safer, wider, more wholesome, more Christian, more confident, and less polarized.
The difference is that Buchanan refuses to indulge in the illusion that a turnaround to this utopia of yesteryear is possible.
Economically and demographically and culturally, he believes the damage is done.
Well, the damage is done because Jewish power and influence wants it done.
They are instinctive globalists.
Of course, they become miraculously transformed into nationalists when it comes to the issue of the state of Israel.
But the rest of the world needs to give away their national identities, give away all ties to kinship and tribe, and become good citizens of the world.
That's where this proposition nation idea of the United States comes from.
That's the hallmark of neoconservatism, which, of course, is just another repackaging of Jewish liberalism.
This is where the problem is.
When you let Jewish power and influence dominate your culture, dominate your politics, dominate your entertainment, they are relentlessly working on you in a not only Marxian, but a Freudian way.
That's what cultural Marxism is.
It's a fusion of Freudianism and Marxism.
The Freudianism comes in through psychological conditioning.
But, for example, let's look at Trump.
We need manufacturing jobs back.
Manufacturing jobs pay middle-class sustaining wages.
The only other sector of the economy that provides blue-collar people with middle-class sustaining income is government employment.
Of course, blacks flock to that.
Minorities flock to that.
They love it because they can't be punished and they can't be denied benefits for incompetent.
They cannot be fired or demoted for incompetence or insubordination because of the Hatch Act and civil service protection.
They get Cadillac health insurance and they get defined benefit pensions.
And furthermore, we can't afford it as a nation.
For every dollar you pay out in wages to someone with a government job, you have to collect basically $1.25 at least in tax revenues.
And that's the key to having high taxes.
For example, the city of Memphis, Tennessee has the highest taxes in the state of Tennessee.
And that's because we're the only major city in Tennessee that has a black majority.
So that's what, that's the problem with governmental employment.
You need that manufacturing employment, but those jobs have gone.
And you see, this is even though throughout the campaign, Trump promised the equivalent of tariffs, which are border taxes, but you can see it just developing as he gets more and more Jewish advisors in his inner circle.
Tariffs and border taxes will be a prime example of when all is said and done, more will be said than done.
That's unfortunately what's going to happen.
You seem to agree with Buchanan that there's no way to put the mess back in the bull, so to speak.
But this is what, and Michael Cushman, who also profiled this political piece, wrote at OccidentalDescent.com.
Toothpaste back in the tooth.
There you go.
Let's do that.
Let's do that one.
This is what Southern nationalists and many others on the alt-right have been saying for quite some time.
As much as we may like it, we can't go back to the 1950s.
Even if all future third world immigration, both legal and illegal, were halted today, which isn't going to happen under even the most positive scenario imaginable with Trump, whites would still become a minority in the USA in the near future.
That means that the United States will surely become the sort of leftist, overtly anti-white state we all fear.
Without dramatic demographic change, the USA will simply not survive much longer in any recognizable form.
That is not to say, though, that Trump can't do some good things for us.
He certainly can.
He can delay our oncoming minority status, buying us some time.
He can tear down political correctness.
He can move people in a more identitarian direction.
But ultimately, our salvation as a people and a culture lies outside the current political system.
Pat Buchanan recognizes this, and thankfully, this political article, this author of this featured piece on Buchanan, was honest enough to present Pat's views in an objective manner for the public to consider.
Well, as we say on this show, demographics is destiny.
Cultural Marxism is based on the insight, on the revelation that Marxists back in the 1920s came to after considering the experience of the First World War, that the real fault line in human society is not economic class as Marx and Engels imagined it to be.
It's not even religion.
It's race.
And all non-white races, according to cultural Marxist insights, has this unquenchable hatred for whites because they have either been defeated by them militarily or dominated by them economically.
And we continue to have better societies, more attractive places to live, more attractive countries, more prosperous countries, despite all their efforts to the contrary.
So there is this incredible envy built into race relations.
And they know that if they can get enough non-whites into this country and they can start controlling the ballot box, that they can start a punitive campaign against whites the way they have in South Africa and the former Rhodesia.
If you want to know what the future would look like, look at what's happening to white people in South Africa and Rhodesia or the former Rhodesia.
This is what will happen.
I've predicted before that when whites become a minority in America, minority rights in America will almost immediately become a thing of the past.
This is what we have to look forward to unless we can actually put the brakes on this.
And we need a higher level of consciousness of this problem than Trump brings to the table.
As long as he's listening to Jared Kushner in Ivanka, as long as his outlook is leavened with kind of sentimentality about what happens to the Dreamer kids and whatnot like this, we don't have a prayer long term, but we can have more time.
And we can also, during the passage of time, hopefully through this program and other similar outlets, raise the consciousness of white people to the extent that they understand what the future holds in store for them unless they change course drastically.
Absolutely, Keith.
And I don't want this to be a gloom and doom hour because it's not.
We are hopeful and we are optimistic.
Will America ever look like the 1950s again?
Probably not, but you know what?
It's not over till it's over.
It's not over till it's over.
And I don't want to be cliche here, but we don't know what's going to happen.
Right now, sure, if present trends persist, it's not going to be good at all.
But it doesn't have to be that way.
Who would have thought last year that the alt-right would have broken through to the extent that it has as a political force?
Who would have thought that that 12-year-old boy in the Bowling Alley with his father in 1992 would grow into a man and meet people like Keith Alexander and Sam Bushman and Eddie Miller and the others who would build a radio program that become world known, that would have at any given time opportunities to work with Warner Brothers and CBS and the History Channel and all of the other media we've gotten, global news coverage, incessant attacks.
Who would have thought that that kid could have been a part of something like that?
I certainly wouldn't have believed it.
But the fact of the matter remains, and I don't want to be overly simplistic, but God is still on his throne.
And we still have a chance.
And as long as there is a chance that we're going to fight for it, even if it was hopeless, we would still fight for it while we breathe.
We hope, and we are going to continue to fight.
And I am not resigned to the reality that we are on our way to the dustbin of history.
I think tomorrow can and will be better.
We may not can see it now, but I couldn't see it when I was 12 years old.
I couldn't see the alt-right two years ago being the force that it is today.
And we can't see what's going to happen next year.
You couldn't have seen Trump being elected.
And you know, I believe, like William Faulkner, he says, I refuse to accept the death of mankind.
I think that mankind will not only endure, but prevail.
And look at me.
Faulkner was the son of a Confederate veteran.
You said in a recent interview that you weren't Ward Cleaver, but look at me right now.
I'm Ward Cleaver, right?
You said you're not dressed up in a suit when you come out.
Here I am in a suit.
That's right.
Keith comes to work in a suit.
But see, this is it.
Some of us never left the 50s because we realized that there was not going to be a better place than the 50s.
And now that other people are coming to that awareness, you said that in a recent interview.
I love it.
No, listen, you can't.
The 50s was our house.
That's a model.
That's a model we should aspire to.
It absolutely is.
Whether we can go back there or not, it doesn't look likely, but if we could, I would do it in a heartbeat, but armed with the knowledge of what will happen if we didn't dig our heads.
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