Aug. 27, 2016 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the Political Cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, going across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the Political Cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
Welcome, everybody.
This is the Night Slive broadcast of the Political Successful Radio Program.
I am your host, James Edwards.
This Saturday evening, August 27th, kind of a lot's happened since we were together last Saturday, and we have with us the man of the hour himself for this week's events, Richard Spencer.
Richard, the president of the National Policy Institute, also the founding editor of Radix Journal, RadixJournal.com.
And, well, Richard, in your own words, and by the way, ladies and gentlemen, if you don't know, Richard is joining us from Japan.
It's actually Sunday morning where Richard is while we're here in Memphis on a Saturday night here at our station.
So that's kind of a mind-bender.
But anyway, Richard, thanks for joining us from vacation.
You had impeccable timing in the planning of your trip, did you not?
Right.
I'm going to demand an apology from Hillary Clinton for creating this media storm.
On the very moment that I took my, you know, one of my very few vacations of the year, she did this to me.
I would have been very upset about that myself.
But yes, listen, it's all about you this hour.
So tell us, I don't guess anyone listening will probably not already know, but in your own words, what has happened this week?
Well, it was shortly after I arrived in Japan, and I don't know who exactly alerted me to this.
It might have been one of my friends who shares the Radix Twitter account with me.
But there was this rumor, I think it was on Tuesday, that Hillary was going to discuss the alt-right in a major political speech.
And it's funny because we have this, there's something on Twitter going on where we call it alt-right fan fiction.
And it's, you know, people will come up with these, you know, elaborate things, you know, like, you know, the great, you know, European empire has been established.
And, you know, our major political controversies are over whether we should speak Latin or ancient Greek, you know, for political discourse.
So it's basically kind of wild fantasies of what, you know, life might be like in the coming ethnostate or something like this.
But it was almost as if alt-right fan fiction were in reality.
The fact is political, you know, the leading political candidate is talking about us, is warning about us, is claiming that we are rising, that we are gaining power, we're taking over the GOP.
It really is something like fan fiction.
But I think it also has a, it really is based in reality in the sense that we have the most powerful ideas.
We are the ones getting under people's skin.
Despite the fact that our movement remains underfunded, we can be more powerful than the Heritage Foundation.
The Heritage Foundation has billions of dollars ultimately at its disposal in the sense of its endowment, its multi-million dollar budget, its many employees, and so on.
But it's all boring crap.
I mean, for lack of a better word, it's just none of it matters.
It's all stupid.
I've met so many people who work at that institution.
They are the most mediocre, sub-mediocre people.
It's just they are not, they are not really changing anything.
They aren't scaring anyone.
Hillary Clinton has nothing to fear from those people.
You noticed in her speech, she actually, she did a couple of name drops, which were interesting.
But in her speech, she basically praised George W. Bush, John McKinney, and Mitt Romney.
So basically, what she is saying, I think she was actually trying to pick off a lot of establishment Republicans and bring them to her side.
But what she was basically saying is that, you know, we have this political consensus between Republicans and Democrats, and the alt-right is the resistance.
They are the ones who are actually challenging our fundamental assumptions.
And so I think this is a great thing.
I think this is going to go down as just a major moment for us.
We are no longer battling ignorance.
We are on the map at this point.
And so it's been a long time in the wilderness, but we've done it.
So I just, I think we're going to look back upon this 10 years from now and say this was really a watershed moment.
I think that certainly none of us could have predicted that this would have occurred this year in this way, that Hillary Clinton, the leading contender to be the president of the United States, would give the alt-right such publicity.
And it's certainly no exaggeration.
Perhaps it's even an understatement to say that the alt-right has been the biggest political news story really in the world this week because of her speech in Reno, Nevada, which was, of course, centered around the alt-right and how dangerous of an ideology it is, in her words, and how it has, in effect, taken over the Republican Party via Trump.
Do you think that, tactically speaking, Richard, this is sound strategy for her to do?
Well, I actually wrote an article on this.
I actually do think that it is a sound strategy.
One could say, and I think there's a lot of truth to this argument, that she's being stupid because it is a better strategy for her to pretend that we do not exist.
And this has been basically what people have been doing for a while.
I remember just getting frustrated many years ago when I was at Totheys Magazine or alternativeright.com or Radix and publishing these pieces that I thought were excellent, that were the kinds of things that, you know, journalists around the world should be talking about and arguing about, and no one was reading them.
No one was paying attention.
Maybe they were reading them, but they weren't talking about them.
They were afraid to.
It was, you know, the alt-right was the equivalent of internet pornography, the political variety.
But I actually, I have my own theory about this, that she actually is doing a Machiavellian move here.
I think that Hillary Clinton is making a pitch to a lot of mainstream Republicans and that she wants to bring them over to the Democratic Party and turn the Democratic Party into something like a one-party ruling.
She wants to create something like a one-party government with the Democrats in charge.
She sees that the Republican Party is the white person's party.
Mitt Romney got close to 60% of the white vote.
Trump is going to need more than that in order to win.
The GOP just reeks of whiteness from the perspective of non-whites.
And she views it as a declining, demographically declining party.
She wants to create the party, and that's going to be the Democratic Party that's going to not just be minorities, but it's going to include a large swath of establishment types and mainstream whites, soccer moms, or so on.
She's already brought over the neoconservatives, which is a very interesting, underreported phenomenon.
But Robert Kagan is on her team.
Paul Wolfowitz will be voting for Hillary Clinton.
So she's already won over the neocons.
And I think she wants to bring over a lot more Republicans.
So what she's been doing in a way is empowering the alt-right, and she's in a way encouraging us to take over the GOP.
That's my interpretation of what's happening.
I don't think it's a good idea to presume that your opponents are stupid.
I think it's usually a good idea to presume your opponents are very intelligent and savvy and that they're playing a game.
And this is the, so that's my perspective on this, and this is the game I think she's playing.
She's oddly trying to empower us.
When we come back, Richard, we're taking our first commercial break of the evening.
We've got Richard Spencer live from Japan on the Political Cess Bull tonight talking about Hillary Clinton's alt-right speech, its ramifications, how we got here, and where we go from here, and more.
This hour, he's with us.
Stay tuned.
We're going to continue to unpack this thing right after this.
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Welcome back to the show, everybody.
We have Richard Spencer, man, who in many ways is at the center of the alt-right universe, which is at the center of the political universe this week.
And I think certainly it has been a tremendous breakthrough, the likes of which the good guys haven't seen in perhaps a generation or more what happened when Hillary Clinton gave this publicity.
And by extension, the entire national and in many ways international media covering the alt-right.
What is it?
It's been leading so many people to these principal websites.
And what comes from that?
We'll ask Richard what he thinks at least.
But first, Richard, I want to backtrack just a moment because I think if you asked five people this question, you would get five different answers.
None of them really wrong.
But what is the alt-right?
In your words?
Oh, gosh.
This is the problem because you have to try to sum something up that is quite large and has some different layers to it and just a sentence or so.
I would say that the alt-right is an ideological political movement that is based on European identity and that is emerging in North America, but is actually has actually has connections around the world.
But I think alt-right is also, I would say, a style as much as it is an ideology.
I think that's what is so peculiar about it.
The alt-right are people creating hilarious memes on Twitter.
They're people shouting Pepe when Hillary Clinton mentioned alt-right.
It's a combative, ironic, mischievous style as much as it is an ideology.
But it is an ideology and it's an ideology that's firmly rooted in European identity.
I would also say that what differentiates it from traditional conservatism is that we seem to be coming out of the current year, as we call it, out of 2016.
This isn't an ideology about going back to a simpler time or going back to a better time.
It is not paleoconservatism.
I think the alt-right firmly understands that that's impossible.
The alt-right is really about moving out of this catastrophe that we're experiencing into a new kind of reality, into a new kind of social order.
So it's a very forward-looking movement and way of thinking.
So if I could sum it up really briefly, that's how I would do it.
And I think that's very fair and certainly accurate.
Of course, perhaps more than you, I would do wax nostalgic for the 50s America, understanding, of course, that you can't go back, understanding that.
But I read in one article that the alt-right are marauding conservatives.
And I know you don't like the word conservative as much as I do.
But in a way, I guess that would also be accurate because it is a right-based movement, perhaps not so much on social issues.
But all of this is fair, and it kind of gives you a general idea or a sense of what it is.
But at the root of it all, certainly is a race consciousness that conservatism of any stripe doesn't have.
Exactly.
That's what I mean by identity.
I mean, it's like you can't have, you can't have a true conservatism or a true right without that.
If you don't have that, you could say race consciousness or identity, then all you, you just descend into legalisms.
You become like the contemporary American conservatives where they care about the Constitution or free enterprise or global commerce or what have you, but there's no there there.
They're not really defending anything.
They're accountants for massive demographic and social change.
Well, and all that's fine.
You have to have laws in any country that would govern the people, but these laws and the Constitution and all of these other things are only going to be as good as the people behind them.
And if you have people from a third world society, law and order are just not hallmarks of those places.
But let's go back to this.
So the alt-right is still a relatively new phenomenon as it exists and as it is known colloquially.
How did we get from the emergence of the alt-right just a few short years ago, certainly within the last, what would you say, five to ten years on the outside to where we are now with someone like Hillary Clinton bringing us firmly into the mainstream?
How did that happen in such a relatively short amount of time?
Well, I guess I could take full credit.
No, just kidding.
Well, look, I'll take some credit.
There are a lot of good people who are doing good work.
And we've had an explosion of good writing.
We've also probably, probably more important than good writing has been this explosion of people on social media and so on.
So we've had some technological help in the sense that you can now be a participant, be an activist, but do it while you're working your job, do it in your off hours, and actually have a huge impact.
I mean, someone like Ricky Vaughan on Twitter, who is, I don't know how someone tweets this much, but he was actually measured by, he was measured by MIT as one of the top 100 political influencers.
And this is an anonymous account.
I mean, it's a heroic job that he's doing.
So I think technology has helped us.
I just think people are being, I think, how do I say this?
I've used the term being red-filled by life.
Being red-filled means that you're taking the red pull of truth, hard truth, and you're not taking the blue pull of delusion.
I think a lot of people are being red-filled by life.
I think the world is changing.
I don't think you can look at the refugee crisis in Europe and not see this as anything other than a kind of race war.
And I actually do hesitate to use that term, but that's what we seem to be watching.
We seem to be watching a world war in which young men of other countries and actually civilizations and races are crossing borders.
They're entering the capital of the capitals of Europe, and they're ultimately enjoying the spoils of war.
That is, they're raping women.
We are watching a world war take place.
And it's not a war with bullets.
It's a war of culture and a war of people.
So, you know, I don't know if you, I don't think anyone can watch this and not recognize that something traumatic is occurring.
I don't think anyone can look at the current institutions, like particularly academia, but really tons of other ones, and not conclude that there is an anti-white bias at the core of them.
It's only, I'll sometimes get these people who will interact with me on Twitter, these kind of like baby boomers who will talk to me about how I'm in control of academia at this moment.
Like they seem to be, they seem to have formed an opinion when they were like 12 and they have not changed it.
Like you have to change, you know, the world changes.
You have to change your opinion as the world changes.
They can't.
It is just these ostified minds.
But anyway, I don't know.
You just have to look at the world we're in and you come to our conclusion.
So I think that's what's happening.
I mean, more than anything I've written.
I don't think I have changed the minds of millions of people.
I don't, you know, my ego isn't that big.
I think basically I was just kind of on the crest of the wave, a little bit out in front of some of these ideas, as were you, as were other people.
But other people are coming to them now.
And maybe we had to wait for five years, but they're here now.
And that's what's happening.
It's just this movement is only going to make sense if it's based in reality.
We're not like, we're not some esoteric mystical movement.
We're not the flat earth society, i.e., we're not doing something that's fringe, but it's fringe because it has no resonance and is meaningless.
We're basically doing something that is fringe because it's taboo, because people don't want to know the truth.
And so that's why the alt-right is exploding.
And I think Hillary at some level recognizes this.
And I mean that very seriously.
I think she recognizes that white identical things here politics in the U.S.
Well, Richard, hold on right there, my friend.
We've got two more segments with you.
My co-host Keith Alexander is in studio, and he's got a question or two for you on the flip side of this.
And then, of course, I do as well as we continue to bask in the glow of the fallout of what's happened this week.
More with Richard Spencer right after this.
You're listening to Liberty News Radio.
With news this hour from LibertyNewsDaily.com, I'm William Grigg.
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Okay, so we have Richard Spencer for one more segment.
Daylight is burning in Japan.
Keith, Alexander, quick question from you, and then we'll talk more about this after Richard leaves because I want to get in a few predictions from Richard before we run out of time with him.
Go, Keith.
Great, Richard.
Keith, how are you doing, sir?
I just wanted to say this.
One of the adjectives that I would use, and I think you used it obliquely when you said mischievous regarding what the alt-right is, subversive is the adjective I would use because basically you have now conned one of your great enemies,
Hillary Clinton, into boosting the alt-right into a position of prominence in the political dialogue that the paleoconservatives were never able to achieve in 20 or 30 years for one thing.
The other thing I would say is that what you do basically is you take the PC filter off of the political dialogue.
There are two great taboos for political correctness that they do not want discussed under any circumstances.
That is race and Jewish power and influence.
Am I wrong with any of this or do you want to comment on any of it?
No, not at all.
I mean, I do think that Hillary has a plan of what she's doing, but I agree with you on another level that we kind of conned her.
The way that I would describe it is that sometimes you have to make self-fulfilling prophecies.
Sometimes you have to present yourself as bigger than you actually are.
It's just an act of PR.
I've said things like that in a lot of interviews.
We're taking over the right.
And obviously that is, you know, on one level, you could say, oh, it's ridiculous.
It's not like Richard Spencer and his army are in charge of the conservative movement or political campaigns.
No, we're not.
But they're reading us.
They're responding to us.
We've gotten under their skin.
They know that we're right.
They know that we're smarter than they are.
So it's like we are taking them over.
And we're the ones creating the agenda.
We're not just responding to it or reacting to it.
So I think sometimes you need to say things like a self-fulfilling prophecy and to promote yourself.
And yeah, I think we did kind of con her to a degree.
Again, I wouldn't, I do think that there's another level to it.
I do think that Hillary knows what she's doing and that this is a strategy on her part, too.
Well, there's no doubt she focus grouped the hell out of this thing and didn't just do it on a whim.
So she thinks that there's something of value in what she did this week.
Let's just hope, obviously, that she's wrong.
But make no mistake about it, ladies and gentlemen.
Richard Spencer, obviously, to say the least, a key player in the emergence of the alt-right.
And of course, as circumstances become more dire, as they have throughout the West and this country as well, opportunities and solutions will present themselves.
Something is going to fill that vacuum.
And thankfully, I think we're seeing the emergence of what that may be.
And there's been, I was talking with our producer, Sam, during the break, and he worded it perfectly.
Really, there's been a confluence of many different factors that have led to this rise of the alt-right.
Certainly Donald Trump hasn't hurt.
And the way he shifted the Overton window, there has been, of course, the internet and what has been able, what has been accomplished via the internet.
The presentation, and this is something that I think you really excel at, Richard.
I think projection is key to project yourself as ready to fill this void in leadership, to present yourself fashionably and intelligently.
And that is certainly, I think, something that are hallmarks of the alt-right.
And there's this opportunity for people to come together under a common banner.
If you would argue that Christianity played a role in our past in uniting the tribes in Europe, I think maybe the alt-right is doing that now for race-conscious whites in that certainly I've been doing this for 12 years.
Peter Brimelow has been doing this for longer than that.
Jared Taylor, you, of course, were active before the emergence of the alt-right.
But now it seems as though there is a banner under which everyone has come together or is coming together and certainly new people as well, the likes of which we've never seen before.
Is that a fair assessment?
Yes, absolutely.
I think that the alt-right was always a big tempt.
And remember, I don't want to bash the paleocons too hard, but the paleocons would become very prickly and very narrow.
It's almost like you had to agree with everything in order to be a true one, or they would denounce you.
So you had to be a kind of a weird southern nationalist Roman Catholic pro-Serbian or something.
I have no idea.
It was a jigsaw puzzle and the pieces never fit together, at least as I viewed it.
But the alt-right, I think there's a great benefit to having a banner.
And yes, there's a problem with that.
You don't want to get too wishy-washy.
You don't want people trying to co-opt you.
You don't want people coming in who have no idea about our core beliefs and are just think that the alt-right just means that you're, you know, you have a tattoo and you are a conservative or something.
You bring up something very good there, too, Richard.
What you've done with alt-right, and what I see is one of your primary contributions, is you've made right-wing thought fashionable.
And never underestimate the importance of fashion.
I think that a lot of people who are liberals or Democrats in today's American society do it out of a desire to be considered fashionable.
Absolutely.
Yes, it is indispensable that you have to present yourself as the cool one.
You have to present yourself as the edgy, the dangerous ones that people want to be a part of.
This is certainly how the left won.
The left didn't always win political debates.
I mean, the left won music.
They won artists.
That's much more important than winning elections.
The right won a ton of elections.
Ever since, say, the 60s, you know, major paradigmatic shift in the 60s and the 68 movement and all that kind of stuff, the right has won a lot of elections, and they have utterly lost the culture war.
And yet, they don't draw any lessons from this.
They still claim, oh, let's go elect Mitt Romney.
We'll save America.
They don't learn from what happened.
And it's obvious.
You don't need to win elections.
You need to win the culture.
That's much more.
Bit Romney, the ultimate square.
I do want to ask you about that, Richard, because we only have about two minutes left.
I know you got a jet after this one.
Predictions.
So I think this thing is still wide open for Trump.
He could still very well be the next president.
He may not be, but he could be.
You still have these debates.
There's going to be 100 million people probably watching that first debate.
If Hillary has a seizure, if he really rattles her, it could change on a whim right there.
And we don't know what Assange is going to do.
I respect Julian Assange.
I think he's doing what journalists used to do before they became mouthpieces for the regime.
He may have a big surprise that could turn this thing.
Two questions for you.
How do you see the rest of this election playing out?
I know your opinion is as good as anyone else's, but I'd like to hear it.
And also, what happens should Trump lose with the alt-right post-Trump?
Well, I mean, look, I think the polls are real.
I'm not going to deny the polls or become a revisionist on the polls.
I think you have to treat them as real.
A lot of people four years ago didn't treat them as real, and they looked like fools afterwards.
So I am going to look at this as Trump has a chance, but it's going to be really difficult.
And I do think that something has to happen.
I don't think soft-peddaling immigration is going to really help him because it's like his brand is already cemented in stone.
I think this stuff promoted by Kellyanne Conway is just idiotic.
But I think it's going to be very tough for him to win.
I think there might need to be an outside factor.
Something might need to change the game for him to win.
But in terms of the alt-right, I think it's very important that we say that, look, Trump was great.
We love Trump.
We think he is a much better option for president, unquestionably.
But we aren't Trump.
We aren't Trump's cheerleading squad.
That is not what the alt-right is.
We were here before Trump.
We're going to be here after Trump.
And we're going to be here regardless of what Trump does.
Maybe Trump is going to sell out.
It kind of looks like that way this week, I'm sorry to say.
Maybe Trump is going to leave politics if he does not win in November.
I don't know what's going to happen.
But the fact is, we've just got to keep doing what we're doing and just basically insist that the alt-right is not Trump.
This was an exciting moment, but our ideas are bigger than he is.
I think it's certainly true that the alt-right has played a role.
I guess it could be debated to what extent in the rise of Trump.
In the rise of Trump.
And even people who aren't even familiar with the term alt-right are still our people out there.
And I have said this for years.
We've been doing this for 12 years on the radio, talking about all of these issues that have now become certainly so quasi-mainstream now.
But these people that are out there fundamentally supporting our issues that haven't heard of the alt-right yet are still our people.
They just haven't joined up.
And certainly there's no membership card to be had, but there is still so much fertile recruiting ground out there.
And as I mentioned before, as the circumstances continue to darken that you get your membership when you're called a racist, that's right.
But as things continue to deteriorate, I think these ideas will become even more and more empowered.
Richard, a final word to you before you leave.
Well, everyone should come to the MPI conference.
Sorry, I'll make my final word, a plug.
Please.
It's going to happen.
It's going to happen on November 19th, that weekend.
So this will be about 10 days after the election.
And I think that is going to be very, very significant.
We're going to be able to talk about where we're going next.
Give the website, Richard, where they can get more information, date, time, location, et cetera.
MPIEvents.com.
Or just look at me on Twitter, Richard B., as in Bravo Spencer, Richard B. Spencer, at Richard B. Spencer on Twitter, and you'll find information for MPI events.
Okay.
Richard, thanks for taking time out of your vacation to join us live from Japan tonight.
We'll talk to you when you get back home.
Thank you.
I smoke because it's a habit.
It's very hard to quit.
I've tried.
My wife smokes.
It's not allowed in the home.
It's not allowed around my children.
I just know it isn't good.
My husband hates that I smoke and I smoke outside.
It irritates her a little bit, but I think she sees and understands what I'm trying to get across to her, that it's not only bad to her, but it's bad to my three beautiful daughters and my two sons.
My dad gets upset with my mom because she smokes and he doesn't.
And whenever my mom goes and smokes, she has to go smoke outside.
I don't think my mom should smoke because it's really bad for you and it could hurt you really bad.
I do think there is a correlation between parents and kids.
The parent smokes, the kids think it's okay for them to smoke.
Sometimes, all you need is a small reason to quit.
Yeah, I love my mom very much, but I still wish she'd stop smoking.
Smoking.
If you think you're old enough to start, you're smart enough to stop.
A public service message from this station and the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.
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My response is you got to take the free test available now.
Get a hold of Kurt Crosby to learn about it.
The number's 801-669-2211.
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Or email Kurt, C-U-R-T, at LibertyRoundtable.com.
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Welcome back.
To get on the show, call us on James's Dime at 1-866-986-6397.
All right, folks, if you're tuning in just now for the first three segments of the first hour, we had Richard Spencer of the National Policy Institute live on TPC from his vacation in Japan.
The kingpin of the alt-right, according to the national news.
The media has certainly meant him that, and there is certainly some credence to that.
He has adopted that.
That's his thing.
He's more identified with the alt-right than anyone else who is named as part of it because that's really been his thing.
He's the one who's been pushing it.
And even as recently as I think two or three weeks ago, you'd say, well, are you alt-right?
Well, it wouldn't be the first word I used to describe myself, but certainly the media considers myself to be.
And we'll talk about some of the news articles that have come out this week later on in the broadcast.
But this is the thing about the alt-right, as I said, this banner that so many people have come under.
It is diverse.
I am certainly very much a paleoconservative and a southern nationalist.
Richard was talking about.
And a Christian.
And a Christian.
And there are Christians in the alt-right.
There are certainly some people in the alt-right who are antagonistic towards Christianity.
But when the shooting starts, rhetorically speaking, we're all going to close ranks.
And I think what the alt-right is doing.
They're even saying David Duke is alt-right.
He will be on our show later tonight.
But, of course, David was active before either Richard or myself were even born.
Like that old song, he was country before country was cool.
But so the point is it's a loose affiliation and confederation, I guess.
And it is, the exact definition is open to interpretation.
And here's the thing about that.
You know, Richard, I think, has done a great job with that.
And there are areas in which I've known Richard for years and years.
We've collaborated.
He's had me speak at the National Press Club at NPI events.
He's been on this show many times.
They've featured my work on his websites and I've done podcasts with him on his website.
So there's a lot of cross-pollination.
Richard is a friend.
But as with most people, almost all of them, really, Richard and I have some fundamental disagreements or areas with which we disagree with one another.
And I think it's a big enough tent.
But that's a good thing.
I think that's healthy.
And please, by all means, finish your thought, Keith.
But this is fine.
I can work with people who don't see eye to eye with me on everything.
And certainly, I don't say that to in any way impugn Richard's work, which has been absolutely fantastic in terms of how he's been able to shepherd the alt-right.
That's his baby.
We have different audiences.
Here on AM Talk Radio, it's a different audience than what he's gearing towards with his work.
But it's good.
It's good to have differences of opinions in different styles and different presentations because we need a broad-based movement.
And I think one perhaps is beginning to coalesce and it's calling itself the alt-right, Keith.
Yeah, alt-right is two things.
You mentioned style.
It's style and substance.
In terms of substance, I think that the defining characteristic of the alt-right is that it takes the PC, the politically correct filter off of the political dialogue.
According to political correctness, it is taboo to mention two topics above all else.
You cannot mention race.
That is, unless you are praising black and brown races and vilifying white races.
And on the other hand, you have to totally avoid any discussion of Jewish power and influence in the triumph of liberalism that's occurred over the past 70 years in America and Europe.
Now, Richard Spencer and alt-right and us and all sorts of other groups don't acknowledge those taboos.
We insist upon discussing those topics.
We do it in a polite and rational way.
We are not full of hate.
But on the other hand, we're not going to shut down parts of our brain when we discuss obvious problems in society that are related to either race or Jewish power and influence.
Now, the other thing that the alt-right is, is a different style.
It's subversive.
It is ironic.
It basically infiltrates the media of the left.
The left has a lock on mainstream media or establishment media.
But as you can see from this past week, the alt-right has managed to crack the code and become the biggest news story in the political landscape here in America, at least for one week.
And they've managed to do this despite it's it's like Donald Trump.
It parallels Donald Trump in a way because Donald Trump is so outrageous that the left just could not stop covering him.
And they found out that in final analysis, they were just giving him a lot of free press.
Same thing for the alt-right.
The alt-right now, Hillary has decided that she wants to cast Donald Trump and the Republican Party as the alt-right party.
And of course, Richard Spencer and a lot of people in the alt-right are more than willing to say, yeah, if you want to say that we're that powerful and that big of a player, we'll accept the mantle.
Well, this is where we're at.
And certainly another thing that came about with regards to the timing of this alt-right media fascination is Trump's move to hire Stephen Bannon as his campaign CEO.
After Andrew Breitbart died, Stephen Bannon, I believe, bought Breitbart.com and became alt-right friendly.
I think even Richard, and this was a question I was going to ask Richard, we didn't have time.
I would like to know if Richard himself believes that Breitbart and Bannon specifically are, in fact, alt-right.
I don't know exactly.
I think that's an invention by the left-wing media.
Well, I mean, Milo has written for – there's definitely some smoke there in terms of – Well, tell everybody who Milo is.
Well, Milo Yiannopoulos, we interviewed him at the Republican National Convention.
He's just a flamboyant, even though he says he's not all right, because I asked him that in the interview.
I said, Milo, do you consider yourself to be all right?
And he said, no, but I defend them.
I've written articles about what they're doing.
He's been thrown into the gumbo by the establishment media.
He's part of the alt-right now.
Whether he likes it.
It's the same with us.
Do we consider ourselves to be alt-right?
Well, you could say that.
I certainly don't take offense to it.
We are, I mean, what is it?
Alternative right.
We are an alternative to the neoconservative right that basically the mainstream wants to validate as the only legitimate conservative thought in America.
And of course, they are anything but conservative.
They are basically in domestic policy indistinguishable from the left.
And in foreign policy, they just want war.
They're hawkish about wars in the Middle East that tend to redound almost exclusively to the credit of the state of Israel.
And, you know, as we say, people ask, who are you?
I would say in this order, I'm a Christian, a husband, a father, a southerner, certainly, to a large degree, a political paleoconservative.
One of the things paleoconservatives do that the alt-right doesn't so much is it also focuses on social issues In addition to nationalism and populism.
But am I all right?
I guess you could say that.
Certainly.
I'm very supportive and friends with a lot of the people who are the key players.
The media itself is calling me a key player.
So if the media is reporting it, it has to be true, right?
We'll talk again about some of these articles.
Sure, you could say I'm alt-right if you want to.
I don't take offense.
I would accept that.
Well, what we are definitely not is neoconservative.
Paleoconservatives were the first people to distinguish themselves from neoconservatism, which was the invention of Irving Kristol, the father of Bill Crystal, the editor of the Weekly Standard.
And now the alt-right is likewise distinguishing themselves from this neoconservative blob that goes under the banner of mainstream conservatism now or establishment conservatism.
And it is by virtue of its style and its, you know, air basically attracting a lot of young adherents to it, which is something that paleoconservative was paleoconservatism was not able to do that.
That's right.
And that's, again, I think Richard Spencer has been key in that.
He has made it fashionable to a very young and fashionable crowd.
And if you go to even American Renaissance conferences now, again, what show but the political cesspool?
Pay attention, folks.
So two weeks ago, we had Jared Taylor on.
Last week, Kevin McDonald.
Already tonight, you've heard from Richard Spencer.
Later tonight, David Duke, I'd like to know what other radio show in the country is having that lineup in a three-week time span.
But you even go to American Renaissance conferences now and is very young, very well-dressed, very well-educated.
And that is so important.
We touched on that with Richard.
To be presentable in terms of your intellectual prowess and the way you dress, this is so important.
And Richard has certainly marketed his ideas to that crowd.
And obviously, if you're going to have a movement that's going to take root, you're going to have to have young people be part of it.
Yeah, if you're going to grow and you're going to not die off, you've got to have young adherents.
Now, on the other hand, later in the show, we're going to have the man that stretches across the spectrum from the days of the White Citizens Council all the way to the alt-right.
Moses of the alt-right.
Will he get to the promised land?
Or will he wander in the wilderness for 40 years like the Israelites?
So that's coming up later tonight.
What a show.
What a lineup.
What a great time to be alive.
And again, I know this is one of the things that's been the bane of our movement, whatever you want to call the movement.
If you don't want to call it alt-right, that's fine.
I understand that.
I appreciate it.
Let's all work together, though.
It's so easy for us to say, well, we don't like this element of this particular person's leadership style, so we can't support that.
That is something that really afflicts conservatives.
And so we've got to get past that.
We really have to close ranks because it's not a matter of preference anymore.
It's really going to come down to a matter of survival.
And all of this stuff, the jealousies, the leadership jealousies that have proliferated, all of that seemingly fading away now.
Now, who are the enemies?
You're defined by your enemies, and our enemies are the neoconservatives, the cuckservatives, the ones that sell out the interests of the white majority of people that make up the Republican Party, and people like Ben Shapiro that have put themselves forward as spokesmen against us.
Well, we're going to more about this.
This conversation is going to continue between Keith Alexander and myself in the second hour.
Stay tuned.
And one of the things I'm really proud about the political cesspool is we've always worked well with everyone.