May 16, 2015 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the Political Cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, going across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the Political Cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
Welcome, one and all, to the night's talk broadcast of the Political Cesspool Radio Program.
A special presentation as I am on the road on a family vacation at an undisclosed beach.
Indeed, you know, my wife and I celebrated our ninth wedding anniversary just a couple of weeks ago, and we normally take a rare family vacation during or near our anniversary date.
And we weren't going to do it this year, and then the skies kind of parted, and we had an opportunity to do it, take a relatively inexpensive trip.
And also, in addition to the fact that we typically take a trip at this time of year, I had had, as I shared with everyone recently, some very minor health problems.
I'd had some spotty vision and had gone in to see an optometrist.
And I attributed that to high blood pressure, which my primary care physician had said I was beginning to develop.
And sure enough, I was filling a prescription for my wife the other day, and I started having the same symptoms with my vision.
And I said, you know what, I'm going to check this out and see if the theory holds.
And I was at a Kroger grocery store, a Kroger pharmacy, and I went and did their, you know, nifty blood pressure cuff.
And sure enough, my blood pressure at the time of the symptom was 170 over 100, which, you know, isn't enough to go into the hospital by any stretch of the imagination.
But it is something you want to keep an eye on.
And we're going to have a very busy June on the Political Cesspool during coming up next month.
We have a project we're going to be working on during the month of June and a couple of special series that we're going to be bringing to the audience.
So I figured if we're going to take a vacation, now is the time.
And as God is my witness, I'm in Naples, Florida right now, on my way down even further south.
I swear Rush Limbaugh had dinner next to me.
I can't say for sure.
But I believe, the conservative talker that he is, I believe he has a house somewhere down here in this conservative bastion of Naples.
I'd have to look into that.
But it sure did look like him.
If it wasn't him, he could have taken a gig as Rush Limbaugh impersonator.
But anyway, I'm down here.
I'm excited about it.
But as much as I should probably be taking the entire show off, I just can't peel myself away from you, my loyal and much-loved audience.
Even in this time where I've been a little down health-wise, and even though on a family vacation, it reminded me of a Garth Brooks song.
I'm much too young to feel this damn old.
And hopefully a week of rest and relaxation with my wife and children will help that.
Tonight's show, let me tell you what we have planned for you this evening.
It's going to be a little different.
You know, these rare opportunities that I do take a trip on a Saturday night.
Now, you've got to understand, you know, being in the studio on Saturday night, every night virtually of the year is, you know, plays havoc with one's social calendar, being that Saturday night is normally the night that normal people get together and do things.
And so certainly not for yours truly.
We're always working on Saturday night.
Well, tonight, we are going to play tapes in the second and third hour.
Earlier this month, well, I guess it was actually back in March, we had Sonny Landam and Ramsey Paul live on the Political Festival.
It was Ramsey Paul's encore interview.
And of course, Sonny has been coming on for years, multiple appearances.
During the time that they were on in that particular episode, back in March, I said, you know, you got to go back and listen to these interviews, these previous interviews that we had conducted with Ramsey Paul and Sonny Landam on, I think they were taped and aired live on December the 31st of 2011 and in January of 2012, respectively.
And it's just, you know, I'm having fun tonight, so I want you to have fun as well.
So here's basically how the show is going to go.
We are one day shy of a very ominous date in American history.
It is one day prior to the 61st anniversary of the Supreme Court's most ominous and faithful decision, the Brown versus Board of Education ruling.
Keith Alexander breaks this down like none other.
It's a precedent-setting maneuver by the Supreme Court that forever gave the federal government and the Supreme Court the ability to bypass the will of the people, bypass the democratic process, and issue laws through the bench.
Basically, these are judges who also fancy themselves as legislators.
Well, how did that happen?
It was Brown versus Board of Education.
Keith's going to break it down for you this hour.
And then, in the final segment of this hour, Scoop Stanton is going to call in during his typical time.
I'm going to call back in during the last segment.
You're not going to believe what a small world this big blue ball of ours is, ladies and gentlemen.
You know, this Amtrak crash that happened up in, I believe it was Philadelphia, somewhere in Pennsylvania, if I'm not mistaken, killed seven people.
I know the conductor or the engine.
I never can't remember if it's a conductor or an engineer that drives the train.
I believe it's the engineer.
It would be more helpful if they just called him the driver or the pilot.
I can understand that.
But I don't know him well, but I know who he is.
You know, what are the odds that he would come from the city of Bartlett, Tennessee, which is where I live, got about 60,000 people population.
But not only did he hail this engineer or driver, if you will, of the train from my town, my little city near Memphis, I have had a very loose relationship with him in terms of he worked at the local newspaper, the Bartlett Express, during the time that I ran for office in 2002.
So I would go in there and proof ads and approve the content of the piece that I was running to promote the campaign.
I'd pass him.
And so he was the one, of course, who was driving this train at 106 miles an hour when he should have only been going 50 miles an hour around that bend.
So I'm going to give you some personal insight and going to cover an angle of this train crash that you're not going to hear on any other talk radio program in the country.
So stay tuned for that later this hour.
Of course, Keith Alexander coming up immediately after this first segment to talk about Brown versus Board.
And then later, enjoy a real rebroadcast here on the Political Cessible.
During the second and third hours of tonight's show, you're going to hear from Ramsey Paul, an interview conducted in 2012, and Sonny Landam, and an appearance he made in 2011, respectively.
Sonny's going to be talking about the ins and outs of Hollywood and making movies.
Kind of trivial compared to the content that you normally hear on the political cesspool, but interesting nevertheless.
Like I said, we're going to kind of have a fun time tonight with the show.
And it does just go to show that our broadcast archives, ladies and gentlemen, are absolutely littered with treasures.
I mean, you can go back years and every show is a diamond.
And just great guests throughout.
Just because a show is three or four years old doesn't mean there's not something there that is still current and something that you can draw inspiration from.
And so we're going to play these shows tonight and hope that you'll enjoy them and at least be entertained, if nothing else.
Rampsy Paul and Sunny Land, two of the biggest characters we've ever had on the show.
It should be good fun.
I want to thank the people who have written in.
I got the sweetest letter from a couple in Idaho, Dwight and his wife, writing in just an incredibly heartfelt note congratulating me on my anniversary.
And I showed that to my wife, and I want to thank them for their generosity and their kindness.
We got a letter from Brian.
in Arkansas that means a great deal to me this week.
I checked in that box right before we started heading down to Florida.
And then a letter here from Nathan in Vermont, Vermont, Idaho, Arkansas, everywhere.
They are turned into the political festival tonight.
Thank you for keeping Alexander.
I'll be back later this hour.
And if you can enjoy a couple of tapes broadcasts, it's a round episode tonight.
We'll be back at Full Streets next week.
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Scott Bradley here.
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It's time to jump back into the political cesspool to be part of the show and have your voice heard around the world.
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Okay, folks, as advertised and as promised, Keith Alexander has now joined the broadcast live this evening, at least for the first hour.
He's in Memphis.
And I just want to say, as I turn it over to Keith, he's going to break down the ins and outs of Brown's disastrous ramifications and how it has been used to absolutely circumvent rule of law, rule of the people, the voting public, etc.
Nobody can break it down better than Keith.
I just got a message in from a gentleman who says he is listening to the show while he is attending a symphony.
So you got a guy at a symphony.
He says he's got one earbug in his ear listening to the political festival while he's at the opera.
Now that is dedication.
God bless you, sir.
Keith, Brown versus Board, break it down and show them why.
They treat it to the political festival for hard-hitting news and commentary.
Okay, well, I hope this is music to everyone's ears.
Like our symphony fan, this is something I live for every year.
Why?
Why am I interested in the Brown versus Board of Education decision so intensely?
Isn't that about school desegregation?
Isn't that a dead issue now?
Well, no, it's not.
This is like the big buying theory, only in terms of society and civilization, Western civilization.
The Brown versus Board of Education decision rendered on May the 17th, 1954.
Tomorrow will be the 61st anniversary of that fateful decision, was like the big bang for liberalism.
It led to every subsequent, the triumph of the left, and the template that was set in the Brown case has been used and reused.
It's being used right now in the fight for homosexual rights and homosexual marriage.
Exactly the same template that was perfected and used in the Brown decision.
And I'll go into that a little bit further later.
First of all, let's get some particulars about the Brown decision.
Brown decision was heard by the Supreme Court on May, excuse me, in 1952.
It was not decided in the outcome of 1954.
The actual total of the case was Oliver L. Braddell versus Board of Education of Peak Al.
It was filed in federal district court in Kansas on February the 28th, 1951 by an attorney named Carl Budso of the NAACP of FIFA.
U.S. Supreme Court ruling was issued on March 17, 1954 after a rehearing of the case, which was a very faithful and important facet of this whole story.
The number of plaintiffs affected by the U.S. Supreme Court ruling were 13 parents on behalf of 20 children.
A black male, Oliver Brown, sued a Kansas school board on behalf of his daughter, Linda, a third grader, on the basis of racial discrimination in her schooling.
Mr. Brown was aided chiefly by the black organization NAACP's Legal Defense and Educational Fund.
Other groups, primarily Jewish groups, aided Mr. Brown by filing what are called amicus curiae briefs or friend of the court briefs.
These included the Jewish American Congress, which was founded by Felix Frankfurter, who was the primary architect of this decision behind the scenes.
He orchestrated this thing.
And the fact that his organization, the organization that he founded, had filed an amicus brief should have been enough in and of itself to disqualify him from sitting on and deciding this decision.
But that was just the first of numerous ethical missteps and infractions that characterize this case.
Lawyers then appealed the case to the U.S. Supreme Court.
There, Brown's case was combined with four other cases.
Only two of the cases out of the five came from the South.
The other three or 60% of the cases came from outside the South, but this is supposed to be a case about Southern segregation in education and the policy of segregation, racial segregation generally.
Now, what is it about this case that was wrong?
How was it wrongly decided?
Let's get into that.
Judicial activism, to which conservatives and Republicans object, was born in a 1954 Supreme Court decision, Brown versus Board of Education of Topeka.
Yet conservatives and Republicans who oppose judicial activism support the decision that gave it birth.
Republicans and conservatives support Brown in order to demonstrate their non-racist credentials.
Brown has lost whatever connection it might have had to the law.
Today Brown is about racism, pure and simple.
Brown is one of those politically correct decisions, the status of which is independent of facts and understanding of the law.
Law school academics such as Uch La Law Professor Eugene Bolkoff and George Mason University Law Professor David Bernstein think that Brown was a Supreme Court case about Southern segregation.
As long as they make it clear that they're against Southern segregation, Bolkoff and Bernstein don't have to know anything else, such as, for example, that Topeka is not in the South or that Brown was a consolidation of five cases, 60% of which were not in the South.
Neither academic has any idea of Brown's legal history.
They don't need to know.
All that is important is that they support the Brown decision as the best thing since floating soap.
Why does Brown generate unthinking, uninformed support?
Could it be that Brown is supported because it is understood as a continuation of Reconstruction against the South?
Has Brown become central to the intellectual and moral ascendancy gained by minorities and liberals by exploiting white guilt?
Is this intellectual and moral ascendancy based on white guilt the reason that anyone points out the sins of the Brown decision or the cons of it risks being demonized?
Brown lives in myths.
One of the greatest myths is that Brown was a 14th Amendment decision.
As all the parties to the decision recognized at the time, it was not a 14th Amendment decision.
Those who welcomed the decision also realized that it was not based on the 14th Amendment.
One party to the decision, Justice Official Philip Ellman, a Jewish member of the tribe, and also the former law clerk of Felix Frankfurter, the primary architect of this decision, revealed in a February 1987 Harvard Law Review article that the Brown decision was a product of an ex parte dialogue between a sitting judge, Frankfurter,
and a litigant, Ellman, which transgressed the fundamental ethical norms for the judiciary.
When Ellman spilled the beans about the conspiracy, Brown's supporters, including the New York Times and the dean of the Harvard Law School, among them others, condemned the impropriety used to orchestrate the outcome.
It is obvious that if Brown had been a 14th Amendment case, the ex parte dialogue would have been pointless.
There would have been no need to dirty a 14th Amendment argument of the conspiracy based on an un-American argument that the ends justify the meaning.
The Brown decision was not a 14th Amendment case because the same Congress that passed the 14th Amendment right after the Civil War had also segregated the schools of the District of Columbia.
Back in those days, there was not a separate municipal government for the District of Columbia or Washington, D.C. Instead, it was governed directly by Congress.
So the Congress that passed the 14th Amendment also governed D.C. and passed into law on that same year a law, an ordinance that created a racially segregated school system in the District of Columbia.
Therefore, it's quite obvious that the authors of the 14th Amendment did not consider racial segregation to be a violation of the 14th Amendment.
Now, when Ellman spilled the beans on this conspiracy, everybody went berserk, but it never could have been achieved without that.
The Brown decision is not a 14th Amendment case because the same Congress that passed the 14th Amendment has also segregated the schools of the District of Columbia, like I said.
That fact made the argument unconvincing that Congress intended the 14th Amendment to abolish segregation.
Decision six decades prior to Brown had ruled out, ruled that segregation was a social convention that did not imply inequality before the law.
Precedent against a 14th Amendment case was overwhelming.
We'll get back to the Brown decision and why it was dishonestly decided and also what its ramifications are generally on our society.
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Welcome back.
To get on the show, call us on James's Dime at 1-866-986-6397.
Well, getting back to the whys and wherefores of how the Brown decision was reached, it took Frankfurter, Justice Felix Frankfurter, and Philip Eldman is Mephistopheles, who'd been a former law clerk and was then working for the Department of Justice, supposedly on the side of the opponents of the Brown decision.
18 months from December 1952 to May 1954, aided by the death and illness among the justices to orchestrate the decision.
The reason it took 18 months was that the entire court and opposing counsel understood that the NAACP brief, in the words of Justice Robert H. Jackson, starts and ends with sociology.
The court opposed overturning legal precedent on the basis of non-legal opinion, especially when such extraordinary action risked unleashing the ruthless use of federal judicial power.
Justice Frankfurter's orchestration of the Brown decision might not have been successful without the death of Chief Justice Fred M. Vinson of Kentucky.
Vinson was the Chief Justice and was also a jurist who felt that bound by the constitutional role of the judiciary.
His replacement was a politician, a ruthless politician, California Governor Earl Ward, who had no inhibitions about exercising as much power as he could get away with.
The Brown decision effectively ended constitutional law by teaching a generation of judges that the Constitution has no meaning apart from the judiciary's subjective feelings about social policy.
Brown or legal precedent day law school teaches their students to find support for their breach not only in folk science, also in literature.
Debate among legal scholars is whether or not American judicial precedent can be used as precedent in appellate cases and authorities in foreign countries.
Brown decision rests on Gunnar Meridolph's book.
Tom Okay.
So, consequently, when Fred Simpson died, I was further told that I was meeting secretly in a parking garage like in the Watergate trial.
that he was shocked and he said this was the first truth he'd ever encountered in life of the existence of God.
In other words, he was going to get his way despite all the obstacles, appropriate obstacles that he faced.
Then, when the decision came down, the New York Times said it was based on sociology, not legal precedent.
This was the liberal New York Times saying that.
Now, again, just hide and watch.
Tomorrow in your Sunday newspaper, you're going to see an article extolling the virtues of the Brown decision and why it was the most wonderful development in Western civilization.
They don't tell you anything about the dishonesty that was involved in reaching the decision.
Now, for every one of the countless Hosanna's sung to what was probably the most dangerous and destructive Supreme Court decision in American history, there's a good reason to condemn Brown and the men who delivered it.
In many ways, Brown has served as a model by which the court has gutted every state and local statute, no matter how long-standing or popular that wanders into its sight.
The state segregation laws at which Brown aimed were merely the first and easiest targets of the new doctrine.
But the court, emboldened by this act of usurpation, soon hunted down others in the Morand and Escobeda rulings of the 1960s, which gutted state and local law enforcement powers, decisions banning school prayer, erasure of state and local laws against sedition and obscenity, capital punishment statutes, laws governing sexual morals, and of course, the Roe versus Wade ruling in 1973, which legalized abortion.
This is merely a partial list of the tyranny the court has succeeded in creating because the American people allowed it to get away with Brown.
But the constitutional impact of Brown was disastrous.
Its merits in law don't even exist.
Raymond Walters, one of the country's leading scholars on the Brown decision and one of its major critics as well, said in the Occidental Quarterly, the rationale of the court was spurious.
Historical research has established that the framers and ratifiers of the 14th Amendment did not intend to outlaw school segregation.
It is hardly conceivable that the Congress that submitted the 14th Amendment intended to destroy the various states' rights to maintain segregated schools when that very same Congress provided a system of segregated schools for the District of Columbia.
Moreover, several of the ratifying states continued to operate segregated schools without perceiving that they were in violation of the amendment.
Evidence with respect to original intent is so clear that it discouraged even legal historian Alfred Kelly, who was working on Brown for the NAACP.
Kelly recalled that the problem we faced was not the historian's discovery of the truth.
The problem instead was the formulation of an adequate gloss to convince the court that we had something of a historical case.
The social science also invoked in Brown was equally fraudulent.
The court relied on a psychology experiment that supposedly proved that segregation gave black children feelings of inferiority.
The experiment involved all of 16 children in South Carolina, but the psychologist who conducted it, a black man named Kenneth Clark, never disclosed that the same tests were given to hundreds of black children who attended segregated schools in Arkansas and unsegregated schools in Massachusetts and showed the opposite result.
If the test was a valid means of indicating what sort of schooling enhanced black self-respect, writes Professor Walters, the data tended to favor segregated schools.
Moreover, the test failed to distinguish the impact of school segregation from that of other kids of other kinds of segregation and thus proved nothing about the issue before the court in Brown, nor did segregated schools seem to harm other minorities.
The educational success of Asian, Catholic, and Jewish students also cast down on the contention that isolation inevitably impaired educational development, Professor Walters writes.
But the constitutional and scientific flaws of the decision paled before what it has done to American schools, cities, and the people who created them.
By cramming through a legally groundless ruling that authorized federal engineering of American society, Brown not only alienated Southern whites for at least a generation, it wrecked public education and helped revolutionize both cities and suburbs.
The development of the suburbs was largely a product of the Brown decision, white parents trying to escape the baleful influence of racially integrated schools on their children's education.
Now, also, in 1954, America's public school system was ranked at the top for the first world in educational attainment.
Now, we are at the bottom of the first world, primarily because of the baleful effects of the Brown decision.
Today, schools, once entirely white, because of segregation laws, are entirely black because of Brown.
A white middle-class exodus has meant the domination of cities by a black underclass, the crooks and demagogues that those people put into office and the financial and social devastation of American urban life.
As our national ruling class learned anything from the blunders of Brown, for an answer, take a sip of what's going to be poured into your coffee tomorrow when you read the Sunday paper.
Like I said, you're going to see nothing but almost religious awe for this decision.
And the decision not only affected public education, it showed the left the way out of the wilderness.
It gave them the power of judicial review.
According to the founding fathers in Federalist No. 74, I believe it is, Alexander Hamilton described the judiciary, the judicial branch of the proposed federal government, as the weakest and least dangerous branch of the government.
Because of Brown, it is now the most powerful part of the federal government, and it is the one of the three divisions which is unelected.
They're just appointed and subject to removal only by impeachment.
So consequently, the most undemocratic branch of our government wields the most power.
It's so powerful that basically presidential elections have come down to a plebiscite on who gets to choose who fills vacancies on the Supreme Court.
The other unelected part of our government, the bureaucracy filled with technocrats who tend to be Jewish, is another way in which we are now groaning under tyranny, being ruled by unelected officials, judges, and bureaucrats, due primarily to forces set in motion by the Brown decision.
The Brown decision also led to a divorce of state and local control over all aspects of our life, but particularly education.
Before the Brown decision, education was considered to be primarily the function of government.
Now, Because of Brown, Brown basically mandated that the U.S. Supreme Court was going to be the oversight committee, or in effect, the real school board for every school system in the United States.
People that are opposed to Common Core, for example, in our public schools today object primarily because it is decided at the federal level.
Well, we wouldn't have that problem of federal control of local school boards were it not for the Brown decision.
Let me tell you that, you know, I could go on for more and more segments, but I think you get the idea, folks.
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Hello, everyone.
James Edwards here.
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Welcome back.
To get on the show, call us on James's Dime at 1-866-986-6397.
How about Keith Alexander the Great, everybody?
He demonstrated once again over the course of the last two segments why you listen to the political festival each and every week.
Well, I'm back with you now.
At least for one more segment before we play a couple of great taped broadcasts, the second or third hour, of course, next week.
back to full three hours live on the radio.
But anyway, as I try to navigate the wilds of Naples, Florida, I had to hop back on with Scoop Stanton.
Scoop wanted to talk about the train wreck up in Philadelphia.
And then he mentioned the name of the engineer.
And I said, hold on, wait a minute.
We'll get to that.
But first, Scoop's going to tell you the who, what, where, when, and why about the story.
Scoop, take it away.
All right.
Thank you, James, and good evening, says Full Family.
Now, last Tuesday, Amtrak train 188 left Philadelphia's 30th Street station at approximately 9.10 p.m. Eastern Daylight Time.
With one electric locomotive and seven passenger cars carrying 238 passengers and five crew members.
At approximately 9.21 p.m., the train was approaching a left curve, and the engineer applied the train's emergency braking system.
The train was traveling at 106 miles an hour, yet the maximum speed around that particular curve was 50 miles an hour, and the overall maximum speed for that train was 70 miles an hour.
Now, Amtrak has something called the Acceleran, which travels well over 100 miles an hour.
But on 188, eight people were killed and 200 people were injured.
Right after the crash, engineer Brian Bostain would not make a statement until he retrained the services of an attorney.
Bostain lawyer said his client had no recollection of the incident and tested negative for drugs and alcohol in the system.
Once the media got a hold of the story, we heard about everything.
Lack of positive train control, which automatically slows a train down.
We heard how the government needs to pass more laws, even though it was mandated that all trains need to have this positive train control by December 2015.
We heard that the government needs to regulate Amtrak when in fact the government operates Amtrak.
We also heard that the government needs to spend more money, yet Amtrak receives over $1 billion in taxpayer funds.
We also saw Rachel Maddow blame corporate greed for lack of positive train control, even though Amtrak is a government entity.
We saw and heard everything except the actions and the responsibility of the man at the controls of the train.
We all know of William Rockefeller who fell asleep operating a train in the Bronx killing three.
Our New York correspondent, Sean Burgo, is actually live at the scene reporting about the incident.
But what about Brian Bostain?
At this point, I'm going to turn it over to Mr. Edwards, who has insight on Mr. Bostain and why we don't hear about him.
James, take it away.
Thank you, Scoop, and thank you for bringing the story to my attention.
I was traveling down on Thursday when Scoop was texting me about this story.
And then it was when he dropped the name of the engineer that I said, let's put this on the program.
So going back to the year 2000, when Pat Buchanan was running for office, I did a couple of interviews.
I was the treasurer of his campaign in Tennessee and did a couple of interviews with a newspaper called the Barlow Express.
Now, there's three kinds of newspapers.
There's the Daily Fish Rap, which basically parrots all of the politically correct talking points on any given story.
Then there's the Weekly in some of the major cities.
It's even further to the left than the Daily.
And then there's newspapers like the Bartlett Express, where on any given week, the front page headline will be, girl catches fish at local pond, or the flowers look very pretty this week.
These are the kinds of stories that they have in the Bartlett Express.
But for all, you know, intents and purposes, it was nice people that worked there.
And anyway, did a couple of interviews with them on Buchanan's behalf in 2000.
Then in 2002, when I ran for state representative, I ran a lot of ads.
I had an ad in the Bartlett Express every week because the majority of my district was from Bartlett or in the city of Bartlett, which is about 60,000 people.
And then when the political festival started in 2004, we continued to run ads for the program in the newspaper for some time.
Well, anyway, during this period in the early 2000s, the train engineer in question here worked at the Bartlett Express.
Now, I knew who he was.
I saw him in the offices when I'd go in to prove some of these ads.
He was kind of a diminutive guy, a little socially awkward, but he was just out of high school.
And aren't we all at that age?
Well, anyway, he moves from conservative Bartlett, Tennessee, where in all of the political races, whether it's city alderman up to state representative, if you win the Republican primary, you win the election.
The Democrats don't even run anybody.
It's just a real conservative.
You go on any street, there's at least four churches.
This is the kind of town Bartlett is.
That's where I live.
Well, it didn't obviously take well with Mr. Boston because he ended up moving to San Francisco and becoming a very militant so-called gay rights advocate.
And he was hard and heavy and vocally about his opposition to Proposition 8, which of course was the legislation of California to back up marriage as a union between a man and a woman as God designed it.
So why are we bringing this up to you?
Why is his homosexuality something to be considered in this train wreck?
Well, as you'll know if you listen to the political festival up until the 1970s, the American Psychiatric Association listed homosexuality as a mental illness, as a disease.
So the question you must first ask, if you believe they were right up until that time, I believe that they were and are.
Of course, it's no longer listed as a mental illness anymore.
Political correctness took care of that.
But the question must be then, do you want mentally ill people driving your trains or flying your planes?
And I'm not the only one who has considered this.
I actually saw a commentary, I'm going to post it to the website this week.
I actually saw a commentary on Fox News, no less, where one of their reporters brought out Brandon Boston's homosexuality as something that should be looked into.
They said that obviously people who are confused, as confused as homosexuals are, this is something that goes to the very core of their being and leads to emotional instability.
Now, is it possible that his homosexuality had absolutely nothing to do with the derailment?
Sure.
But on the other hand, it could have everything to do with it.
So what I'm saying is, as this investigation takes place, this is something that should at least be looked at.
But I'm afraid that this will be absolutely brushed under the rug.
And even if you say something along the lines of, well, I don't believe it's a mental illness.
You know, I think the boy while he's in the womb doesn't get bathed in enough testosterone and that, you know, something that attributes to his homosexuality.
Well, one thing you should still keep into consideration is if it was known by Amtrak that he was a homosexual at the time of his job interview or application process, did he get moved to the head of the line because he is part of a protected class, a homosexual?
Did he Poll vault more qualified applicants because they didn't want to face a potential discrimination lawsuit if they did not give him the job.
I don't know.
That's what I want to find out.
These are questions I think investigation should look into, that the investigators should look into.
But it was just, you know, I thought to me a little uncanny that this guy would come from my small town of 60,000 people and be a guy that I actually had, you know, seen from time to time and going into the offices of this newspaper.
So I think that is, you know, something that is going to get conveniently brushed under the rug.
In fact, normally when somebody crashes a plane or derails a train, if it makes major news, it's, you know, they're put under scrutiny.
I have just done a cursory review of some of the news articles about this story, and I'm seeing things like Brandon Boston.
He loved trains as a kid.
Brandon Boston living his dream as a conductor.
He always liked model train.
You know, this is something, I'm not saying, you know, you should crucify the guy if it was an obvious mistake or whatever, but normally when you are at the head of a ship sinking or something like this, you don't get kid club treatment.
And this is exactly the kind of treatment he is getting in the media.
Very interesting.
And again, an aspect of this story that you will only hear tonight on the political festival, Scoop.
Exactly, James.
And like when I was talking to Sean Bergen earlier tonight to get his opinion, he said some things that was just jaw-dropping, but we'll have to have him on next week.
But anyways, just imagine what would happen if Mr. Boston was a political cesspool correspondent.
He would have been crucified.
I remember, even though I was down here in D.C. when Mr. Rockefeller fell asleep and crashed that train on the shores of the Hudson River, he was crucified.
And rightly so.
He killed three people.
He was literally asleep at the switch.
But we don't know what Mr. Boston was doing.
All we hear was it's everybody else's fault.
It's Amtrak's fault.
It's Congress's fault.
It's corporation's fault, even though there's no corporation involved unless you go after the maker of the locomotive.
But we, you know, Mr. Bostain, he was at the controls of what happened.
Now it's everybody's fault except the guy who had his hand on the throttle going 106 miles an hour.
And that's what I'm saying.
You know, did he get the job?
Was he perhaps unqualified, but only got it because they didn't want to face a potential discrimination suit because he has now protected minorities if he's a courageous, heroic, you know, homosexual.
We don't know.
I'd like to see these guys.
I'd at least like to see it looked into.
And if they say no, well, then maybe that's the truth, but they're not going to look into it, Scoop.
Of course, they're not going to look into it because, again, he's part of a protected class.
Imagine if Rachel Maddow is sitting there saying, like, oh, Mr. Boston, he lives in Queens, New York, and he's part of the ACT Up crowd or one of these gay rights activist people.
I mean, she would never do something like that.
I'm surprised Fox News didn't even bring it up.
But again, that's what the liberal media does.
They're going to play to blame everybody else.
And then the answer to everything is, you know, jump in our back pocket for more money for a system we don't even use.
Well, this is why Scoop Stanton is such an integral part of our core here at the political festival.
He thought that this would be a newsworthy story.
The little did he know how newsworthy it was because we're examining an angle of this that everybody else is going to pretend doesn't exist or celebrate.
Oh my goodness, you know, this guy rose from discrimination to live out his dream.
Well, a little different take here.
And Scoop, that's why he got the nickname Scoop.
He's just got a knack for stories like this and really does a great job.