May 24, 2014 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the Political Cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, known across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the Political Cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
Welcome back to the Political Cesspool Radio Program, everybody.
The second of tonight's three-hour live broadcast for the evening of Saturday, May 24th, Memorial Day weekend.
Happy Memorial Day, everybody.
We don't take nights off here in the Political Cesspool unless Christmas Day, Christmas Eve, Christmas Day falls on a Saturday, maybe Thanksgiving.
Hey, we're on the air and we're live.
It doesn't matter if I'm on vacation.
It doesn't matter if I'm finding out that I'm having a son.
Now, we knew, of course, we were expecting a child, but as everyone knows who was tuned in at the top of the show the first hour, found out today that we are having a son.
And so there is the error parent, folks.
Look, the political cesspool just got another 30-year lease on life.
I retire from radio in 30, 35 years, and the next James Edwards is ready to, literally the next James Edwards is ready to step in.
And maybe one of Sam Bushman's grandkids will be running the network by then.
And I tell you what, it just perpetuates itself on and on forever.
Shouldn't there be one, though?
Well, welcome back, everybody.
We're having a freewheeling show tonight after having been on vacation last week and coming in on one wheel tonight from the excitement of finding out that news at that little party we had earlier at my home and coming down to the radio station.
I haven't really stuck to any agenda that we have.
Of course, we're always unscripted, but we haven't really followed much of what we had planned to talk about in advance.
I did get one email during the break, Keith, in between hours, comment in response to your soliloquy on Brown.
Please reference a remark.
This comes from Frank in Pittsburgh.
I mean, we've been all over the place tonight with our callers, Texas and California.
We do have Curtis from North Dakota.
Third time's the charm for Curtis.
We're going to get to him straight away.
And now from Frank in Pittsburgh, please reference a remark that the Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor made.
She once said, and I quote, I hope nobody is recording this, but policy is made in the courtroom, not the legislative branch.
Well, just because the show, even she can tell the truth from time to time and recognizes the truth when she sees it.
Keith, without further ado, though, let's go to Curtis in North Dakota.
I said a freewheeling show tonight.
The callers have made this show so special, and we've had some good ones.
Curtis, you're live and on the air.
Yeah, hi, good evening, guys.
In reference to the prior caller who was, I guess, critical of you guys' critique of Rand Paul.
All I have to say is I hope he can go catch a spaceship this time because, my God, if you can't, if you don't see a person who basically puts the interests of Israel over this country and wants to bring, you know, forth amnesty to these illegals, then, wow, I'm astonished.
I am.
Yeah, Rand Paul, this is Keith, by the way, Curtis.
Rand Paul, it's not that he's just made concessions around the edges.
He's gone to key issues that put in question his right to be in charge of the United States government.
For example, subordinating the interests of American citizens to Israel.
One.
Two, allowing a flood of third worlders into this country so that they can adulterate our electorate and change the political landscape forever.
You know, those are about as key as they can be as far as I'm concerned.
And I don't care, you know, what other peripheral issues he may be right on.
Those are so essential and so fundamental.
And if he's wrong on those, how in the world can we allow somebody like that to be president?
How can we support somebody like that?
I could have said it better myself.
I'm sorry to interrupt you, but it's just I'm thinking to myself, you know, I'm not the most politically savvy person in the world, but those two factors, to me, are a red flag.
And if anybody cannot see that, then, you know, I feel sorry for that person.
Well, I won't.
I won't necessarily be that harsh, Curtis.
You know, I was very pro-Paul originally and certainly supported his father even more so.
And as I said, there are free-thinking members of our listening audience around the country and around the world who, this is a hot topic for them.
This is a live wire.
You know, I would say fundamentally our audience agrees on the most part on most issues.
But this is one where there is, I won't say controversy, but a difference of opinions.
And, you know, again, when you're dealing with people who are obviously free thinkers, they wouldn't be listening to this show if they weren't.
You know, they should draw their own conclusions.
You know, listen to us, of course, and take what we say into consideration.
But draw your own conclusions about Rand Paul.
I do think that, I mean, I can't understand where that guy was coming from.
And I respect and appreciate that opinion.
I'm not middle of the road on almost, there's almost no issue in which I would fall in middle of the road.
And certainly, I lean against Rand Paul now.
I do think that there may be some issues where he would vote constitutionally, and you could count on him perhaps to vote constitutionally more sound than some of the others.
But I also can see that, you know, why some people would hold the kind of rancor that you do.
And I can understand that as well.
But you waited a long time to call in tonight.
So by all means, take all the time you need.
Is there anything else you want to talk about?
Yeah, my second issue.
Now, last week I tuned in and I think I heard the, I wouldn't say rant, but Keith's critique about the Brown versus Board of Education case.
Now, I'm going to say, now you can call me names and say whatever you want about me, but the fact is, okay, you can't have two separate, you know, disparate people in a geographic area under two, I guess, how do I put this?
If you have a country and you have a majority, okay, who I guess in some cases are the ones who have the economic clout and power, and then you have a minority group, basically, who feels they're being crapped upon by the powers that be within their society.
You really can't subject those two to the same, I guess, laws, if that makes sense.
I mean, do I make sense here or just no, really?
Explain that a little bit more.
I thought everybody was subject to the same laws.
They just had a law at the time that said that separate but equal was passed constitutional muster under the 14th Amendment, and then it was changed, and it was used as an occasion for unelected, untouchable governmental officials to basically manage what had always been before a very local governmental issue, which was the running of public schools.
And I think that just like the slavery issue, if the government hadn't gotten involved, that the goodwill of the people would eventually have made a correction.
It would not have been at the pace that it was done as a result of the Brown decision.
But when things are forced like they are by fiat from basically an oligarchy of judges, it was called a crit archie by Justice, I think it was Reed, who was on the Supreme Court at the time that that decision was reached, then you make mistakes.
And I can tell you that in my opinion, much of what has happened to public education in America today can be traced.
I think much of the badness, much of the decline in American life and particularly American public education can be traced back to the Brown decision.
Uh-huh.
Well, I'm a little bit hazy, I guess, but I guess I'll have to, you know, it might daughter me, but I guess dog tailing with that, okay.
Now I often hear a lot of folks say that integration destroys the black family.
Okay, I don't see how integrating a society gives a black man carte blanche to abandon and not raise their kids.
Now you have to seem to understand.
Curtis, please.
Curtis, hold on right there.
We're going to take a break.
I want you to repose that question when we return so we can take it from the top.
Keep that thought in mind.
We're going to let you state it again, and then we'll let Keith and I will take it.
We'll answer it.
Stay tuned.
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And now, back to tonight's show.
All right, welcome back, everybody.
James Edwards and Keith Alexander in studio.
It's Memorial Day weekend, so I guess we're taking a departure from our normal program during which we cover issues based upon topics that were predetermined.
It's a more topical show.
Tonight, the listeners are driving it, and we didn't intend it to be that way.
It's just sort of turned out that way.
It's a holiday weekend, so we're going to do something a little different.
We've been taking calls all night.
We have Curtis on the line in North Dakota, and I'm going to ask him to restate the point he was making before the break, and then we'll toss it over to Keith.
But I think, as I mentioned with Brown last week, you know, the biggest concern is that, well, first of all, I mean, obviously there's a racial dynamic there that can't be dismissed.
And I think without question, the standard of education is worse in integrated schools than it was in segregated schools, as Keith mentioned.
I think schools, public schools particularly, have become more violent and more disruptive and less educated as a result of this decision.
But even if you agreed with the decision in principle, I would have a hard time for anyone to say that the methodology in reaching it was good, circumventing the will of the people, legislating from the bench.
And if you allow it there on an issue you like, where does it stop?
And certainly that has been the question because it doesn't stop.
They've used this precedent time and time again.
We see it now with the so-called gay marriage issue.
They've used it many times since Brown and before the homosexual marriage issue, and they will continue to use it.
And almost always when you're talking about judicial fiat, it goes against the will of the people.
And the will of the American people is typically fundamentally conservative, if not Christian.
And so these rules go against good people.
But Curtis, please, back to you.
What were you talking about before the break?
Well, I was trying to grock or rather understand the contention a lot of folks have made about the integration.
Or I guess integration happened way before my time.
A lot of them have said that integration basically was a device of the black family.
Okay, well, I take issue with that for the mere fact that I'm sorry, just because a society is integrated does not mean a man should stop fathering his kids or being a father.
You see, that part I really don't quite get.
Can somebody please expound upon that or educate me, please?
Okay, well, first of all, let me say in North Dakota, you're pretty well insulated from the consequences of integration.
You don't have a very heterogeneous population up there.
I was born in Minnesota.
My father used to always say that he was astounded that everybody in Minnesota seemed to be, he said that in the county that I was born in, there was one, not two, but one black person in the entire county.
But that didn't disqualify all the local people from being instinctive experts on race relations who would lecture him about how badly Southerners treated black people and how they ought to behave.
Okay, he said it was like people that lived in the desert presuming to tell people that lived in the jungle about jungle survival techniques.
And I think that's a point that needs to be made.
Basically, what happened is that regardless of whether you think that integration was a good thing or a bad thing, and also you think that integration, liberalism is what the integration of the schools, that was the principle that was validated in the Brown decision.
Liberalism has been responsible for the decline not just of the black family, but of families generally, of the institution of marriage, the adulteration by things like no-fault divorce and now gay marriage.
All of this, see, Brown was a camel's nose in the tent.
And they led with what they considered to be their strongest suit, which was a case for racial integration.
And after that, everything else followed, and they used the same template when they could not persuade a majority of the American people to go with the change, as, for example, with gay marriage.
As you see with gay marriage, they had 31 statewide referendums on legalizing gay marriage.
31 states turned it down, even liberal California.
So what does the left do?
They go back to the old blueprint and playbook established in the Brown decision of finding a friendly federal judge who would say that preventing what they want, be it school integration, be it gay marriage, is unconstitutional, violates the Constitution, and then try to force all other governmental agencies and branches into doing their will.
And that's the philosopher's stone.
That was the strategy that was developed in the Brown decision so that the 3% could rule against the wishes of the other 97% of the people of America.
And you can't let a camel's nose in the tent.
As the Arabs will tell you, if you let so much as a camel's nose in the tent, the next thing you know, the camel's moved into the tent and you've been moved out of the tent.
We've had an alarming societal decline since the Brown decision, in the 60 years since the Brown decision.
America was, let's say, in the post-war period between 46 and 54, at the top of its game.
We were the cultural leader of the world.
We were more prosperous.
We were more productive.
And we, quite frankly, had the most egalitarian society in the world.
And now we're falling farther and farther behind the rest of the world.
Education is a perfect example.
We used to be at the top of education for the first world.
Now we're near the bottom of educational achievement in the first world.
And it's because of the triumph of liberalism.
And the triumph of liberalism would not have been possible without the Brown decision because the Brown decision set the template.
And the template was when you can't get it, the change that you want through democratic means, you revert to anti-democratic means, like the enforcement of the decision of a critarchy of hand-picked government officials who are basically insulated from removal from office like the U.S. Supreme Court to affect that change dictatorially on the American people.
And the American people, being law-abiding, say, well, if the Supreme Court said it, then it must be so.
And they acquiesce.
And look at all the change that has been wrought in America.
Look at every radical egalitarian movement we've had.
We've had the civil rights movement or the black rights movement.
Then we've had criminal rights movements by Miranda versus Arizona, Escobedo versus Arizona, Gideon versus Wainwright.
What has that done?
We've had a proliferation of crime and criminality.
Basically, the left didn't want criminals punished for their crimes.
Then you had radical feminism.
Women are the same as are just as good as men.
And, you know, time-honored sexual differences that are recognized by virtually every society in the world.
Keith is receiving a personal phone call right now on his cell phone, and he will be back with you.
Momentarily.
He's turning it off.
I turned it off, excuse me.
But nonetheless, see, this is the way that liberalism works.
And the Brown decision discovered this secret formula for anti-democratic success.
So regardless of what you think about integration of the schools, even if you think that was the most wonderful advance ever, it doesn't justify the corruption of the entire system of government that has resulted from that decision, Curtis.
Uh-huh.
I thought integration was the best thing.
I was just kind of questioning, I guess, your angle on it in a way.
Not that I'm here to pick a fight with any of you, but.
No, no, no, no.
Well, listen.
And like I said, it's about the aspect of force.
You know, that's certainly one of the main things going on with Brown that we take issue with.
There are more.
But with this, again, you asked the question, when does it stop?
And, you know, certainly no need for you to apologize, Curtis.
We're talking about people, again, if I may use the term free thinking.
And we appreciate people who call in and think for themselves and aren't acolytes, even though we think we're pretty well versed on things.
But we're going to take a break and we're going to come back and we may offer a few more thoughts on this.
But we thank you for the call, Curtis.
And when we do come back, folks, we would ask if we want to keep the party going on this open mic night to give us a call during the break and we'll put you on the line maybe.
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Oh yeah, now it's finally time.
It's time to jump back into the political cesspool.
To be part of the show and have your voice heard around the world, call us at 1-866-986-6397.
Have your voice heard around the world indeed.
Art Frith really earning his paycheck tonight with those great drops.
You would think he was here in the studio with us.
But he gave that number again, and I want to offer it a third time.
1-866-986NEWS.
We're going to get to a caller in Oklahoma in just a second, or if you prefer, 1-866-986-6397.
If it's, you know, they don't use letters in dialing very much anymore, but it's kind of cool to have it, especially if you're a talk news program.
Since we're kind of departuring, making a departure tonight from our standard fare of offering up a story each segment or every other segment and doing more of an open mic program this evening, I want to tell you that if you haven't been to the website the last few days, a lot of great articles have been posted there.
We didn't really follow much of a script last week either.
It was Brown the first hour and Ted Pike the second hour, and then Eddie and Sam just really rock and rolled the third hour.
But we didn't cover a lot of news per se in terms of the stories that have been posted to our website.
So I'll give you a quick recap of some of the things that have been posted in the last two weeks.
We had three stories about the whole Michael Sam incident, which we did talk about last week, obviously.
But one of the best was Michael Sam, the hero of the Christophobic post-American narrative.
That alone is worth a visit to thepoliticalcesspool.org.
Emily's abortion video, I think we talked about that two weeks ago on the show.
And a good article about immigration and the recent GOP primaries.
Africa's, you want to talk about diversity.
Here it is in our articles.
We have one about abortion, one about homosexuality, the culture war, immigration, Africa's moonshine epidemic even.
A good article about Pat Buchanan.
Walter Jones repels the war party's attack.
Obviously, Pat Buchanan and Walter Jones have a few things in common, not the least of which being that both have appeared on the Political Cesspool radio program.
Pat numerous times, Walter Jones was on last year, I believe it was, did a great job.
So those are just some of the articles you'll find at thepolitical cesspool.org tonight.
One of the most quirky, Cambridge graduate defends her Jamaican rapist husband.
You're talking about, it just goes to show that a prestigious degree doesn't necessarily afford you common sense.
A woman doing good deeds in Tanzania meets a fellow from Jamaican.
They get married.
He ends up raping a woman.
I mean, no surprise there.
And threatening to kill her.
And the woman says, well, he's just a sweet guy and everybody makes mistakes.
Other articles.
An original article by James Edwards, the house that Frank Sinatra lived in.
That's a good piece.
Talks about how Hollywood was firmly in the hands of communist control even as early as the 1940s and before that.
The house Sinatra lived in.
France's new nationalist mayors crack down.
A rare good story to be found.
More coverage of Ted Pike's what's behind the cyber hate bill.
He talked about that on the show last week.
Another take on Donald Sterling, the satanic statue that we talked about last week in Oklahoma.
Christian Brothers lose their television show for being pro-life.
On and on and on.
I go through that litany very quickly because we haven't had time to talk about any of them in the last couple of weeks on the show.
But you can find them there at your leisure at thepoliticalspool.org, and I would encourage you to do that.
We have several callers on the line now, so we're going to work through them as quickly as possible.
Let's go to James in Oklahoma.
James, you are on the air, and what a fine name you have, sir.
Good evening, this one.
I'm a retired lawyer, and I want to tell you what I learned in my law school studies about Brown versus Board.
I started law school in 1970, and I was required to take a course in the first semester in the history of the common law, in which I learned that judges find the law by examining the customs, the acts, the doings of the people, and gives the customs of the people the force of law.
The judge finds the law.
My legal education was interrupted by the United States Army.
And when I finished with my military experience, I returned to law school.
The faculty had entirely changed, and so had the curriculum.
There was no course in the common law required, offered, let alone required.
Instead, we were required to take a course called Law as an Instrument of Social Change.
And the central piece of this course was Brown versus Board.
And the central question was, do judges make law or find law?
My fellow students hadn't a clue what was being taught to them because they didn't know anything about the common law, that the law is an instrument of social stability.
They were being fed change the law through the courts.
Do judges make law or find law?
And we were taught that to make the law, they don't find law.
Because one of those customs of the law that the common law gave force of the force of the law was racial segregation.
And so not only did it change our society, it changed a thousand years of Anglo-American law.
We no longer acts, doings, customs of the people, the force of law.
No, in fact, the customs of the people were the last thing that they wanted to discover through the courts.
They were very honest, apparently, in naming the courts as a primary instrument for effecting social change, which, of course, is the absolute opposite of endorsing the customs of the people.
So you're right.
There was a sea change that took place.
And basically, because of the Brown decision, liberalism became an irresistible juggernaut.
There was no way to stop this speeding express train that was coming through American society and culture.
And as a result, we're showing why it was necessary to have a judiciary that was the weakest and least dangerous branch of the federal government, as Hamilton called it in Federalist No. 78.
When it changed from being the weakest and least dangerous into the strongest and most dangerous, basically, American society was changed forever and not changed for the better.
We have been catapulted into a decline, I think, because of the power of judicial review.
Do you think that's too great of a claim to make, James?
Furthermore, we now have 40 years of lawyering and studying.
We haven't defogged understanding of the role of the judiciary that has existed for a thousand years in England and America.
Right.
And quite frankly, all the king's horses and all the king's men, I don't think, can put it back together again.
Even though we have a Supreme Court that is now a minimal majority conservative, and it's using the power of judicial review to invalidate some liberal innovations because now liberalism is the new establishment.
They now control the legislative branch.
They now control the executive branch of government.
And the power of judicial review is kind of like Custer's last stand for the rest of us or the Alamo.
We're trying to fend off liberalism.
But, you know, I don't think it's going to last.
And quite frankly, our society cannot absorb these pipe dreams of liberalism that are being enacted into law, such as gay marriage, such as, you know, the changes that have been affected in public education.
Public education is in a shambles in America today.
And, you know, anyone who doesn't acknowledge that won't acknowledge that the sun rises in the east and sets in the west, as far as I'm concerned.
If you live in a place like Memphis, Tennessee, I don't see how in the world you could draw any other conclusion, honestly.
James, the final word to you.
I congratulate you, fellow.
I'm a great admirer.
Well, listen, I think that is, to say the least, reciprocated on our end to you and the rest of the audience.
I've said intelligent before, but just the caliber of the folks who listen to this show and their prescient comments.
And thank you for stepping up and standing up and being honest tonight about a very crucial issue that seems to get nothing but lip service from most talking heads.
Well, we certainly buck that trend here, and it's good to know that we have fine company thanks to James in Oklahoma.
We've got a commercial break coming up, but when we come back from the break, we're going to keep the phone lines lit up tonight.
I tell you, Keith, we should do this more often.
You know, this was something that Bill Rowland used to really love to do.
God bless Bill, who's looking down on us tonight, this Memorial Day weekend from heaven.
But Bill loved to do nothing but caller shows when I would be out and he would be filling in before you came on so prominently, Keith, and we had some more options, I guess.
But, you know, it's something we haven't done in a while.
And I think on a holiday weekend like this, it's a perfect opportunity to do it.
And we didn't plan to do it.
It just kind of evolved that way after the show started.
And we're going to keep riding it.
I tell you what, the callers are the stars of the show tonight.
Certainly, we're playing second fiddle to them, and we've been bouncing across the place, North Dakota, California, Oklahoma, and other ports of call.
We've been to Texas once.
We're going to go to Texas again.
Right after these words, we're going to hear from Patrick in Houston right after this.
Stay tuned.
Let's hang on and come back to the political sesh pool right after these messages here on the Liberty News Radio Network.
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Yeah?
Did you want to see me, sir?
Well, I did, but now that I do, I'm not so sure.
Sir?
Johnson, I got a mission for you that could change your life.
Oh, good, sir.
It involves traveling halfway around the world without so much as half a clue of where you're going or what you're going to do when you get there.
Situation normal, sir?
But I'll be leading this mission, Johnson, so I'll be telling you what to do.
You, sir?
That's right, Johnson, and I say first things first.
Oh, good plan, sir.
And what I say is first is food.
Always remember that, Johnson.
Food is a big deal.
Sir, my brother-in-law can get a really good deal on some surplus MREs.
Johnson, if you've got half a brain and that empty head of yours, you'll call the freeze-dry guy like I did.
That food is better for you, it rehydrates faster, and it's good, Johnson.
And it keeps for up to 30 years.
Will we be gone that long, sir?
I hope not.
Now, get your supplies organized and meet me down to the pier at dawn on Sunday.
We sail at sunrise.
Yes, sir.
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To get on the show, call us on James's Dime at 1-866-986-6397.
It's open mic night here on the Political Cesspool radio program as we continue to skip around the country.
I was saying in the break how much I'm enjoying this as we take calls a little more often than we typically do.
And, you know, a lot of radio programs, they'll take a call and you'll be lucky if a caller gets two words in before they get cut off.
And we savor our callers a little bit more than that and almost treat them as many guests in their own right.
But it's a lot of fun.
We should do this more often.
Typically, we don't open up the phone lines.
And if someone does call in, it takes us a while to get to them.
Tonight, though, we didn't plan to do it, but we're doing it and we're having a lot of fun.
We're thinking about doing it more often.
We've got a couple of callers on the line right now in the queue.
So we're going to try to get to as many as we can.
Patrick and Houston, up first, up next, I should say.
Patrick, what do you got for us?
Well, regarding Rand Paul's visit to Israel, what is Eddie expect him to do?
Jump in front of a train and get run down?
If he doesn't present himself to Israel and play the game, he can't be elected president.
He's playing to win.
You cannot say screw you to the Israeli interest and not expect to have every aspect of the media powerhouse crushing your campaign.
Well, let me say this.
As an elected member of Congress, he has already made his obligatory trip to Whaling Wall and gone to Israel, okay?
He hasn't said anything negative about Israelis or the Jewish lobby or anything like this.
Having to go very publicly and do this again, basically, you know, if that were all that he had done, we could forgive it.
I think that the biggest problem is his complete about face on immigration because that is the one thing.
Once you make that change, there's no unringing the bell.
You can't get back to it.
Well, and I'm going to give you another word on this.
I'm going to give you another word on this, Patrick.
But I think, you know, the Stand with Israel Act was above and beyond.
I see what Keith's saying there is that, you know, he made the obligatory trip, if you can call it obligatory, and I guess it is, you know, for all intents and purposes, as much as we would disapprove of it.
But, you know, to go over there and worship at the Whaling Wall, to never criticize Israel under any circumstance, even no matter how much they may deserve it.
All that is one thing, but the State With Israel Act was certainly another level.
But again, this is a topic during which our audience is encouraged to draw their own conclusions, support Rand Paul, if you believe that's the best way to go, and I would understand it.
But a rebuttal, if you would.
The reason I like Rand Paul, the reason I'm probably going to end up voting for him, is he's the only politician that stands four square for civil rights.
He wants equal rights.
I don't think he's in terms he's going to be in favor of affirmative action.
Right.
Superior rights for individuals.
If you just give me equal rights, I will rise to the top.
Listen, listen, what you say here is completely, it has a lot of merit.
And I'm willing to be courted and open-minded and persuaded one way or the other.
I mean, this is where we stand, or at least our opinion on Rand Paul now.
But like I said, a lot of people out in our audience that I respect either won't think, consider supporting him for some of the things he's done, or they take the position that you and I believe another caller from Texas took earlier in the night.
And again, I find merit with those arguments.
And this is just something that everyone as an individual in our audience and around the country, I guess, is going to have to make their mind up.
But certainly do what you wish on this.
And I can understand both sides.
This is one of the issues where I will say, and I'm not trying to be a tweener on it, but I really understand both positions with regards to people's take on Rand Paul.
You seem to be passionate about yours.
And again, I do see its merits.
And thank you so much for the call and for offering us your thoughts on Rand Paul.
Another hot button topic tonight, as I knew it would be.
And this is one of the issues, one of the rare ones, I think, where you will find passionate arguments for and against on a certain matter.
And Rand Paul is one.
Let's go to Tom in Indiana.
Tom, thank you for calling in.
And folks, if you want to call in before we run out of time this hour, again, that number is 1-866-986 News, 1866-986-6397.
Tom, it's all yours.
Tom, are you there?
Tom from Indiana.
Going once, going twice.
Okay, we'll wait for Tom in Indiana to call back.
And folks, if you would like to call in.
Oh, there he is.
Tom, it's all yours, my friend.
Yes, sir.
I've heard y'all talk a lot about Brown versus Board of Education, but I never heard y'all talk about the Supreme Court decisions that took prayer out of public schools and then some subsequent decisions that affected about the Bible in public schools.
No, we've talked about those things.
The thing is, though, the discovery of the Philosopher's Stone, the use of the power of judicial review to thwart the will of the people, these were just follow-up.
This was a mop-up operation from liberalism.
Getting rid of public prayer, for example, would never have happened.
There would never have been a feminist movement.
There never would have been a criminal rights movement.
There never would have been an environmental movement.
There never would have been a homosexual rights movement had there not been a successful civil rights movement.
And there never would have been a successful civil rights movement without the Brown decision.
The Brown decision broke new ground.
It discovered the Philosopher's Stone.
And this is the problem that we have with most conservatives.
Most conservatives, people like Sean Hannity, people like Rush Limbaugh, people like Bill O'Reilly.
They want to give a pass to the civil rights movement and then focus on the other natural consequences of the template that was set in the Brown decision, which has done everything that you're talking about.
We are just as opposed to abortion as we are the results in the Brown decision.
We are just as opposed to getting rid of prayer in public school as we were Brown.
But Brown came first, and that's the problem that you have.
You cannot let the camel's nose in the tent.
And we have a difficult time with mainstream conservatives getting them to understand that if you support the methodology in Brown, how can you argue with the exercise of it to do away with prayer in public school?
That's another example of the 3% ruling over and against the wishes of the 97%.
Well, Keith, you're exactly right.
You know, you can't support the legislation.
You know, they want to be politically correct.
So they can't possibly oppose any aspect of the so-called civil rights movement.
That gets a pass.
It's sacred.
You cannot criticize any measure of it, how it came about, anything at all.
So they give that a pass, but they give, as you said, the methodology that it took to push that through on the American people a pass.
And then they will say, well, I disagree on this, this, this, and this.
Well, it's either all good or it's all bad.
The camel's in the tent.
It keeps going back to that.
But Tom, do continue on.
We want you to be sure to be able to make a full point.
That's all I wanted to say.
Thank you.
Thank you very much for the call.
We might have time for one more.
Well, I don't know.
We're getting pretty tight here.
If you can get it in quick, folks, 1866-986-6397.
But no, I mean, and that's a very important issue.
And if you want to, Keith, just spend a minute here talking about that because that's an issue near and dear to my heart as a Christian.
The assault on prayer, the assault on Christ, the assault on God.
The prayer in public schools, certainly an important issue, too.
See, it takes something like that for the average citizen to understand just how intensely anti-democratic the power of judicial review as wielded in the Brown decision is.
It basically nullifies everything that our caller from Oklahoma, James, the retired lawyer, said he learned when he first went to law school was the purpose of the common law, to basically endorse the customs of the population.
The law was transformed from endorsing the customs of the people to destroying the customs of the people, such as our Christian heritage.
This is a result of liberalism.
Liberalism came from the French Enlightenment, which was decidedly anti-Christian and anti-clerical.
Voltaire, one of the leading lights of the French Enlightenment, used to sign his letters, La Ross in Fomme, erase the infamous thing, the church.
Diderot, one of the secondary lights of the French Enlightenment, said, mankind will not be truly free until the last monarch is strangled with the entrails, that's the intestines, of the last priest.
I don't see how you could be more explicitly anti-Christian than these French Enlightenment people were.
And for some reason, we have people that think there is such a thing in the world as liberal Christianity.
That's an oxymoron.
That would be like holy sin.
Liberalism is the avowed enemy of Christianity.
And Christians need to wake up and realize that.
We say on this program for a reason, that liberalism is the modern face of evil.
And you can't embrace the civil rights movement.
You can't embrace the methodology endorsed in the Brown decision and then try to come back and say, I'm opposed to the, you know, taking prayer out of school by the Supreme Court.
Well, you've let that camel in the tent, unfortunately, and now you can't complain about how bad he smells.
And again, you know, to wrap up on Brown.
Brown, obviously a hot topic tonight.
People calling in, it looks like I think at least half the callers that called in wanted to revive or extend the discussion on Brown.
And the whole thing, and we mentioned it last week, too, the whole thing about the civil rights movement isn't that we oppose equal rights for all.
I have no problem with that at all.
Equal rights for all, special privileges for none.
That's a motto of this show.
But I think ultimately it wasn't about giving blacks equal access to certain institutions.
It was about having whites trade places with them.
And that's what you have in the reverse racist practices of affirmative action and set-asides and quotas where you are given opportunities and positions based upon the color of the skin, not because of your merit.
And so we oppose that, and that's what it was all about.
The abolition of private property rights, freedom of speech, association, and now reverse racist practices are the spawns of the civil rights movement.
Whether or not it was intended to be that is up for interpretation, but I say it was.