May 17, 2014 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the Political Cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, known across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the Political Cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
Welcome, my friends.
I'm James Edwards, and you are listening to the Political Cesspool Radio Program live broadcast for Saturday evening, May the 17th.
I am a long, long, long way from Memphis, Tennessee this evening, calling in via telephone, taking a very rare personal weekend, a family vacation with my wife and daughter.
We haven't been out of town on a leisure trip in as long as I can remember, at least a year.
And so we are doing that tonight, but she was gracious enough to share me, at least for the first couple of hours this evening, with my extended family, you and the listening audience.
Thank you for tuning in tonight.
Keith Alexander is still up in Memphis, Tennessee, holding down the home front tonight.
Keith, how are you?
Oh, I'm doing great.
It's chilly weather here.
I'm just not where you are right now, but we're holding the fort down and trying to keep broadcast going despite the fact that our fearless leader is like Elvis is no longer in the building.
Well, I believe it was Elvis who, or not Elvis, but the Beatles who said that tomorrow may rain so I'll follow the sun.
And so I left you behind in that 38-degree late May weather we're having in Memphis.
And I'm in a little sunnier and warmer locale tonight, but we'll be home before next week.
So well, Keith, you know, last week during the first hour, we, or rather you primarily, shared with the audience a couple of encouraging Supreme Court decisions that were handed down recently.
Victories for conservatives involving the fact that the court upheld Michigan's ban of so-called affirmative action practices.
And also, I don't know if it's good or bad that we celebrate this as a victory, but the Supreme Court said that we still had permission to pray in public buildings.
And I guess that's good news.
It wouldn't have surprised me if it had gone the other way.
So anyway, relatively good news here for the political festival on those two accounts.
But tonight we mark a much more ominous Supreme Court decision.
I believe it's its 60th anniversary this year.
And this is something like the Christmas special, like our anniversary special every year.
Keith Alexander always goes for an hour on the ramifications of the Brown versus Topeka Board of Education decision.
It was handed down in May of 1954, and we're still suffering from it today.
Keith, tell us why.
Okay, well, May the 17th, 1954 was the date that the Brown versus Topeka Board of Education case was handed down.
It was actually 60 years ago today that this decision, which basically was the opening shot of the culture war that is still ongoing in America to dismantle traditional society, has been going on.
This was the first great victory, and it's the victory that is, you know, just etched in the minds of the public.
The left makes sure of that.
For example, in today's commercial appeal, the daily newspaper, there is a Brown versus Board of Education 60th anniversary special edition.
And it says, wide divide, 60 years after landmark court decision, segregation damage ground in U.S. schools.
So basically what they're telling you is a mixed message.
One, our decision is in essence, it's quoting thus there.
And two, it's failed in its primary goal of achieving racial integration in public schools.
Now, that's a curious message to send out.
If it was so wonderful, how and why has it been a failure?
I guess is a question that would be raised in almost everyone's mind.
The integration of American schools is almost always presented as a glorious market.
1944 Supreme Court decision of Brown versus Chief of Education.
However, and also because of that decision, the Supreme Court was elevated to the highest position of all governmental agencies of the U.S. government.
It was considered to be the great wellspring of goodwill and wisdom.
And it would be, you know, the pinnacle of American democracy based on the leftist vision of things.
But now, as we saw last week, when the decisions come down and they don't suit the left, suddenly the Supreme Court is transformed into a ship of fools.
Now, we need to kind of unravel that Gordian knot and figure out what's going on and why the left has suddenly fallen out of love with the Supreme Court and why they fell in love with them in the first place, beginning with the May 17, 1854 decision in the Brown case.
Well, Keith, it was interesting.
Yeah, I'm here, and I know that you're on your cell phone this evening as well, both coming from the phone tonight, rather than in the studio at Memphis.
And so folks, you'll have to limp through that with us if you will.
We promise we'll make it worth your while.
But Keith, it was interesting.
I believe that you said there that in the commercial appeal, the Memphis, Tennessee Daily, it both celebrated the victory of Brown, but lamented the fact that it didn't achieve quite everything that the cultural Marxists wanted.
I actually saw today something that ties in with that perfectly.
It was in the hotel lobby this morning on the ticker there.
I was watching a little news programming, and Michelle Obama, Her Highness, went to Topeka, Kansas this week personally and lamented the fact that there is still segregation in public schools and the segregation is beginning to creep back into public education.
Well, they can legislate from the bench all that they want and they can force these things.
They can force busing into the suburbs.
They can take black kids and bus them 40 miles across town, but they cannot legislate against nature.
And it is natural selection.
It's natural preference that different people tend to migrate to those with whom they have the most in common.
It's not to say that people of different races and ethnicities necessarily hate one another, but you're naturally going to want to be with the people with whom you find you have the most shared traits.
And so, yes, they can force the schools to be integrated.
They can force racial diversity in the schools, but they cannot force kids to talk to kids that they don't necessarily feel as though make the best company.
And that's across the board, and that goes both ways.
Well, yeah, I saw that.
They had a part of the, I think it's on page 5A of today's commercial appeal.
They had a large article on Michelle Obama at Topeka saying, First Lady Law of School Diversity on Anniversary.
President meets with families of plaintiffs.
Now, Exactly what's going on here.
You know, what you described is what our ancestors in their wisdom would have called the phenomenon of birds of a feather flock together.
We had extreme measure which culminated in the early 70s in America.
The Supreme Court ruled England was necessary, busing children across town to attend schools that were far distant from their homes at great expense and convenience to all parties involved in order to achieve this goal of racial integration.
You know, a black child and white child sitting next to each other in every school.
So most of those orders have been dismantled, and that's what they're dismaying about in this article.
We'll talk more about this subject.
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Welcome back, everybody.
James Edwards and Keith Alexander together, as always, every Saturday night.
It doesn't matter what sort of obstacles we have to overcome.
And let me tell you, we've had to overcome a few obstacles to make tonight's particular show happen.
There's always, well, I say always, there's hardly ever any problems pertaining to in-studio technical difficulties.
Tonight there were, but we overcame that and we're connecting via the phone line, but still a world apart.
I understand it's cold and rainy in Memphis.
It is the exact opposite where I am enjoying a very rare family vacation.
I feel guilty actually having a good time being in a nice place when we're talking about a topic so sordid.
But Keith, if you would remind the folks, the ominous anniversary that is this week in May.
This is the 60th anniversary of the May 17th, 1954 decision of Brown versus Speaker Board of Education, which is significant because it was really the fire opening shot of the culture war of the left against traditional America that is still ongoing in America.
The latest front seems to be gay marriage, but I'm sure it's not the last front.
And we're certainly seeing America transformed against the will of the majority of Americans right before our eyes.
And we need to understand that the Brown decision, even more so than for its initial and primary purpose of integrating public schools, was much more significant than that.
Its biggest significance was in the way it basically discovered the philosopher's stone for left-wing change in America, namely the new reinvigorated power of judicial review in which the left learned how to govern America without winning elections or persuading legislators.
The recent decisions being handed down in Arkansas, for example, authorizing gay marriage, despite the fact that the people of Arkansas have voted by referendum not to have gay marriage is a perfect example.
This was a lesson learned by the left in the Brown versus Board of Education decision.
Furthermore, the civil rights movement, the movement for black civil rights, is always home ground for the left.
Whenever they run into tough sledding when it comes to some of their latest left nostrums like environmentalism or global warming or gay marriage, they can always be predicted to return with numerous articles lauding the sanctity of liberalism as evidenced by the U.S. Civil Rights Movement,
and in particular the Brown versus Topeka Board of Education decision.
So we need to keep that template in mind.
But what the left did in Brown was much more important than racially integrating schools.
It was That it was the we saw the flowing of a new method of undemocratic change that was ushered in in this decision through the power of judicial review, which had been around, I guess, since the founding of the Republic.
The earliest case before the Supreme Court on it was Marlbury versus Madison.
Then you had the Indian Removal Act case, in which the Supreme Court said that the Indian Removal Act under Andrew Jackson was unconstitutional.
Then you had Abraham Lincoln in the state XRL Milligan case, in which the Supreme Court said that the president had acted unconstitutionally in arresting the entire Maryland legislature and holding them in the whole prison ships in the Potomac River for the duration of the war.
Roger Tawney, the then Chief Justice, said that that was unconstitutional.
But of course, what was significant about all those earlier attempts to assert a right of judicial review in which the U.S. Supreme Court was the final word on the constitutionality of laws, like segregation laws that were being challenged in the Brown versus Board of Education decision.
What was significant about every other attempted assertion by the Supreme Court of a right of judicial review was that the executive branch blithely ignored them, or the legislative branch as well blithely ignored the Supreme Court.
Andrew Jackson in the Indian Removal Act, which led to the Trail of Tears with the Cherokees moving to Oklahoma Territory, was advised of the Supreme Court's decision, and his response was, Mr. Marshall, that's John Marshall, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court at that time, has made his decision.
Now let him enforce it.
Why didn't Eisenhower do like his predecessors when he was confronted with the Supreme Court's assertion of a power of judicial review in the Brown case?
I guess we'll never know.
Maybe because he was an old soldier, when he heard something that sounded like an order, he clicked his heels together, saluted, and went about obeying it.
But whatever it was, it was a cataclysmic change in the art of American government.
And now it's turned on the left.
These last two decisions, the town of Greece versus, I think it's Garrett or something, was the prayer case that you were talking about that we reported on last week.
And then the shoot case involving the Michigan Civil Rights Initiative, which ended affirmative action in public sector employment and education in Michigan.
Those two decisions have gone against the left.
So suddenly the power of judicial review is coming under close scrutiny by the left.
Of course, it was the best thing since Floating Soap when everything was going the way that the leftists wanted it to do.
So, you know, isn't it funny, you know, what a difference a day makes, I guess you would say.
But, you know, what you were saying something in the first part of the show that really struck me, you know, how the Supreme Court has been transformed from, you know, being a, you know, the most righteous institution in American government to a ship of fools in the short period of a couple of years, because now Supreme Court decisions are coming down, which do not advance the left-wing agenda.
Well, you know, I'm not certain that we've turned the corner by any stretch of the imagination, but we'll take small victories when we can get them.
And you had a couple of favorable Supreme Court rulings here in relatively short order.
And so you certainly would be foolish to not appreciate that.
Now, is that a trend?
Is the new trend beginning to manifest itself?
Well, it's too early to say, but we'll take it, knowing that we still suffer from the precedence that the Supreme Court has said.
Are you really back in 1954?
You really did a great job of breaking it down, Keith, as we do every year.
I mean, this is an issue that we revisit every year in May and for good reason.
Now, why do we oppose Brown so much, the Brown decision?
Is it because, oh, we hate black people?
Well, no, absolutely not.
As we always say, equal rights for all, special privileges for none.
I want to see all cultures respected.
I want everyone to live well and prosper.
But at the same time, what we have seen here with this ruling is the Supreme Court figured out that it could completely circumvent the will of the people.
It could completely usurp the rule that the people have over their government at the ballot box, completely do away with it.
And everything that has come down the pike, every radical egalitarian movement that has come since forced integration of the schools has come primarily from the Supreme Court.
And you say, well, I love the fact that the schools are integrated.
I think it's great.
Well, I would disagree with you on that, that it's great.
I think education standards have fallen.
And frankly, people, you still have segregated schools.
Yes, they are forced to be in the same building together.
But most people, as we talked about at the very top of the show, black, white, whatever, still choose to be with people with whom they have the most in common.
That's what Michelle Obama was lamenting here recently.
But if you want to go about social change, do it the right way.
Get the people to back it.
Don't cheat anyway.
You're getting these liberal judges to write laws from the bench.
That's completely unconstitutional.
And if you're honest at all, you know that's wrong and it shouldn't have happened.
Let the people vote on this stuff.
And I'll tell you, actually, if you voted today, I'm not sure if the measures put forth in Brown was passed.
So I guess the bill is going to take a birth, Kita, when it's off it back to you as we continue to discuss what happened with Brown, why it was so significant, not just for the ruling of Brown itself, but for everything that's come down since then, including homosexual marriage, everything the president was saying.
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To get on the show, call us on James's Dine at 1-866-986-6397.
All right, everybody, welcome back.
James Edwards, Stephen Alexander, and we're talking about the ramifications of the Brown Burst Board of Education decision.
You know, what has happened as a result of Brown?
Well, as we mentioned, it has set the precedent for so many radical, extremist, activist, liberal judges to legislate from the bench.
They can overturn the will of the people, the popular vote, and referendum after referendum at the ballot.
All taken away with the stroke of a pen for no other reason than that you should oppose Brown.
But as far as education goes, education has certainly fallen public schools or war zones.
Very dangerous.
Thank you, Brown, for that.
You know, we're talking about this.
Yes, people like the privileges for non-black children weren't forbidden to go to public school in the 50s.
They had their own school.
You know, and a lot of people would say, Isola Foster being one of them, that they were better off that way.
Well, that's sort of 60 years.
The fallout is what it is.
Well, it really shows any commercial appeal, James.
If to get back to that article in today's commercial appeal, it says, Today, most of the court orders written in the 1960s and 70s to implement the Brown decision have been vacated.
The one in Shelby County, Tennessee, where Memphis is located, is one of those.
Many local school boards have abandoned the busing plans created to achieve desegregation and now allow housing patterns to determine the racial composition of neighborhood schools.
It says neighborhood schools, when we go back to them, as we have, produce middle-class schools for whites and Asians and segregated high-poverty schools for blacks and Latinos.
Okay, so there's kind of a re-segregation going on, or so it is alleged, by this.
I'm sure this is an article that was not written, not original with the Memphis Commercial Appeal.
It was probably syndicated and sent throughout the system of Scripps Howard.
Somebody named Tom Hargrove, who I know doesn't write for the Memphis Commercial Appeal, who wrote this.
Well, what's going on?
What's going on is freedom of choice.
There is nothing that coerces people to live in particular neighborhoods nowadays.
People can move wherever they want to, and we have government agencies whose sole purpose is to ensure that minorities are not kept out of neighborhoods by discrimination, racial discrimination.
So, what you're seeing is re-segregation, apparently, based on free choice of individuals, black, white, Latino, Asian, and otherwise, to live among their own kind, just like we were talking about with birds of a feather flocking together.
Now, also in this article, Michelle Obama says, and let me get this quote exactly for you.
She said, Speaking on the eve of the 60th anniversary of the landmark Brown versus Board of Education ruling, First Lady Michelle Obama challenged high school seniors Friday to stand up to prejudice when they see it and not be afraid to talk race.
And my retort to that is: what alternative universe has Michelle Obama living in?
When has the left ever been afraid to talk about race?
They've never been afraid to talk about race.
In fact, it's their favorite subject.
In fact, whenever, like I said, there is a left-wing project, radical egalitarian project like gay marriage or like global warming and environmental change that starts to run into massive public skepticism, they always retreat to the high ground, the high moral ground, at least in their opinion, of the U.S. Civil Rights Movement and its cornerstone, the Brown versus Topeka Board of Education decision.
Why?
The reason they do it is that there are certain weak sisters among the conservative commentariat, people like Glenn Beck, Sean Hannity, Bill O'Reilly, people like this, that worship at the shrine of Brown.
But then, on the other hand, the commercial appeal article that I was quoting acknowledges that this is not accomplished its end and that there are still massive, in fact, there are bigger problems in American education today than there were in 1954.
If you don't believe it, look and see what standardized test scores were in 1954 compared to what they are today.
It will show you that America has suffered a decline in educational achievement that is basically unprecedented in the first world over the 60 years since the Brown decision.
Now, this, you know, why would anybody celebrate that type of failure?
I would think that the rational thing to do was try to figure out why it happened and to correct those problems.
Instead, there's this slavish worship of the Brown decision, and we quite frankly take issue with it.
There are several good books that we'd recommend to people to read if they want to find out the real history of the Brown decision, how it was achieved, the kind of nefarious way in which it was achieved.
One is Race in Education 1954 to 2007 by Raymond Walters, University of Missouri Press 2008.
Another one is the new color line by Paul Craig Roberts and Lawrence Stratton, How Quotas and Privilege Destroy Democracy.
And it has the fourth chapter on the Brown decision in that book.
And then there's one called The Burden of Brown written by Raymond Walters.
These are excellent books that will give you a different viewpoint to the version of American history that portrays the Brown decision in hallowed terms.
These ones here, let me read you a little bit of a book review on one of them.
Brown versus Board of Education Race and Education by Raymond Walters is a refreshingly clear-eyed account of what is better described as a mix of deceit and judicial arrogance seasoned with naive idealism.
Professor Walters explains the tortured reasoning of the most important school integration decisions and describes the staggering consequences they had on the lives of real Americans.
His conclusion, desegregation was problematical from the start and integration has been a failure.
That's exactly, you know, don't take his word for it, that's exactly what the commercial appeal article is saying that was in today's commercial appeal.
This is an exhaustively researched, deeply thoughtful analysis of a historical process that is often described only in clichés.
An immense amount has been written about the Brown decision and its unsavory background has gradually come to life.
It is clear that Hurle Warren and several other justices wanted to end segregation in schools and were determined to do it with or without legal justification.
They naturally preferred to appear to be constitutional scholars rather than legislators, so they put out a request for a study of the 14th Amendment's equal protection clause that could justify a finding that segregated schools were unconstitutional.
Liberal historians such as Henry Steele Collinger worked hard but could find no evidence that the framers of the 14th Amendment ever thought it would require decent schools.
In fact, the Congress that passed the amendment, that's the 39th Congress, by the way, racially segregated schools in the District of Columbia.
So there was no historical precedent, no original intent that could be pointed to to justify using the 14th Amendment to end racial segregation in schools.
But what they also don't tell you is that society was in a state of change at that time.
And had there been more patience, maybe another five years, ten years or so, this would have passed just like we now know from subsequent history that slavery would have ended in the United States, just as it ended in the rest of the Western Hemisphere by no later than 1880.
So there's no need for these anti-democratic methods that came to flower in the Brown decision to prevail.
But now we see that we have presidential elections primarily for the purpose to see who gets to appoint the next justices to the U.S. Supreme Court.
Because there's a realization in America today that because of the Brown decision, the Supreme Court is actually the focal point of all governmental power, federal governmental power in the United States.
That certainly was not the intention of the founding fathers and the drafters of the U.S. Constitution, James.
Excellent commentary, Keith.
Exactly right.
I mean, that's where the power is right now.
Certainly, the Supreme Court has ushered in more immediate change than any president.
I mean, they have more power than the president now.
That this is allowed to occur just goes to show the extent to which American people have abandoned their civic duty.
Well, you know, the left like Dr. Frankenstein.
The left like Dr. Frankenstein.
The left, like Dr. Feinstein, has created a monster, apparently, and that's what they were lamenting and what we were commenting on in last week's show.
Now, this imperial Supreme Court that rules from afar and dictatorially has turned against the left, at least temporarily, in a couple of important decisions, and no one is howling louder or critic or commiserating more bitterly about this than the left.
The right never got into the high dudgeons the left has gotten about the Supreme Court decisions.
You know, gotta take a big key.
Okay, my friend.
Talk to you.
But I thought the brief, I was just gonna say, what do you do with when you have courageous governors and sheriffs and even presidents that say I'm not going to obey the court's order?
That's what's active.
If we need more people like that in elected office, we'll do that.
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Those that were in Keith Alexander having a haymaker here in the first hour as we talk about the Brown versus Board of Education decision on this 60th anniversary, and I'm going to be clear about something, and perhaps I should have stated this at the top of the hour, but let it be said now and let it be said on the record.
Unlike our opponents, the leftists, I am not a hypocrite.
I want to be clear.
I am not in favor of forced government-sanctioned segregation any more than I'm in favor of forced government-sanctioned integration.
So I am absolutely consistent in that.
What I am in favor for is the freedom of association, the freedom of thought, the freedom of speech, private property rights.
I am in favor of businesses being allowed the freedom to choose those with whom they'd like to do business with.
So I don't want there to be any confusion that, oh, well, we say this, but we would be for totalitarian powers if they ruled in a way that perhaps we might like.
No, that's not how we operate here.
We are consistent, we're fair, unlike our opponents, and that's what separates using our fair-minded people in contrast to those who would seek to suppress our freedom.
And to show you, there are venues like this.
And to, you know, one more thing, Keith, just to, you know, the real people who are intolerant are those who claim to be so tolerant.
Certainly, none of that tolerance has ever been extended to the freedom of thought that we practice here on this show.
Well, you know, the founding fathers obviously did not intend for the U.S. Supreme Court or the federal judiciary to be the most powerful branch of the U.S. government.
In fact, I think it was Alexander Hamilton in one of the Federalist papers that described the federal judiciary as the weakest and least powerful branch of the federal government.
Well, we see that because of the Brown decision, it was transformed into the strongest and most powerful branch of the federal government.
Now, the left is beginning to have second thoughts about investing the Supreme Court with so much power when the decisions start to come down not in their favor.
But another unfortunate consequence and kind of a strange consequence of the civil rights movement and its success, the left has been victimized by its success because now anything that is contrary to the left's agenda for change is described as racist.
A perfect example is the comments that were made about the soon-to-be professional football player, Michael Sams from the University of Missouri, who declared himself to be gay and was shown having an embrace and a kiss with his partner on national television.
And certain people objected to this.
And of course, they were not described as homophobic because that's just not strong enough.
It doesn't have the same pizzaz.
They were described almost uniformly by the leftist press as racist comments.
It's really similar to your book, James, Racism, Smashism, in which you said racist is just a synonym for a white person in today's political conversation.
Well, it is.
And this thing with Sam, we'll talk more about in the second hour as well.
And we put up, I dominated our website this week at BePoliticalSuccessful.org.
And we actually have a couple of very good articles.
I wrote one.
That's probably the substandard one, but the good one.
No, seriously.
There are a couple of other good ones.
And one comes, I don't have my notes in front of me.
The Twitter at the hotel wouldn't work, but it's I believe entitled Taking the Culture War Good and Hard.
And it was from a contributor to Radix Journal.
And it talks about some of the aspects of this just totally disgusting and entirely inappropriate media attention lavished on this man who was the seventh round pick.
He was the eighth to last pick in the entire draft.
You would have thought he was the stud of the whole lot.
Yeah, you would have thought he was the first round first pick, but no.
And he's getting more attention than anybody else that was drafted.
He's probably not even going to make the team.
The St. Louis Rams picked him as a throwaway.
People who drafted in the seventh round rarely make the roster anyway.
They just thought they could foster a little good PR and a presidential commemoration or something by drafting this guy and get some positive press.
But that was one of them taking the Culture War good and hard.
And then Paul Kirsty, our friend who's been on the show a couple of times, Paul Kersey, who's writing for V-Dare now, in addition to some of his other websites, wrote about how Michael Sam is the darling of, and I like, I think he, Paul Kersey must have coined this term, the Christophobic post-American society.
He's the darling of this Christophobic media.
And that's a word that I think we should use.
You know, these, you know, we're, if we support traditional marriage, we're homophobic.
That means we're scared of homosexual.
I'm not scared of them at all.
I just, you know, I have preferences and I, you know, my preferences tend to tend to lean towards decency.
But it's just like, you know, you're a racist.
You don't.
Well, see, they just cut through all those other terms now.
Anything that is conservative, vaguely conservative, any type of conservative criticism of an actual or proposed left-wing change in American culture is from henceforth going to be denounced as being racist, regardless of whether or not it has anything at all to do with race.
Because racist works so well.
It just, you know, if you want to back a conservative into a corner, accuse him of being a racist.
That's the, that's, you know, that's like garlic or something to a vampire.
It's just, you know, it works like a charm every time.
They're going to dispense with all these other terms and they're going to use racist to describe all of their enemies now.
That was my book in 2010 when it was published and it came up with some of the more bizarre examples of what is and what isn't racist or racism in this society in this day and age.
But no, I mean, it is the word racist, it's a, you know, it's a Marxist term, it's a Trotskyite term.
And it's just a social political nuclear bomb.
They said it because they know they'll shut you up and you'll begin apologizing rather than staying on point and driving home your facts and your argument.
You'll begin to apologize and acquiesce and squirm and it just works so well.
You know, apparently we have the kryptonite to that.
We just, it doesn't bother us.
But you look at celebrities, you look at politicians, the instant you call them the R-word, and they're quite in your hands.
They just turn to a blob.
And with that, with that power, why not abuse it?
And that's what the left does to advance your agenda because you know you're going to silence any opposition with the mere utterance of a word.
And that is a very bizarre thing to marvel.
Well, yeah, look, this is another one of the legacies of the Brown decision.
People need to recognize that.
Where did all this stuff come from?
What brought it about?
Well, the first beachhead of the left-wing transformation of America was the U.S. Civil Rights Movement.
Not saying that, as you said, we're not in support of racial segregation in housing, in schools, or anything else.
But on the other hand, it should not be dealt with through the courts.
It ought to be dealt with through the legislature.
That's what the founding fathers intended.
Yeah, well, exactly, Keith.
And here's the thing.
I mean, yes, I'm not going to abuse power.
It isn't the thing that gets us in trouble, though.
I think trouble in terms of being able to actually wait things.
We have a sense of fair play, Keith.
Our opposition has never worried themselves with that.
We have a sense of fair play and morality and nobility.
And when you're going in with those noble attributes, unfortunately, they're hindrances, politically speaking, because you tie your hands behind your back and then expect to go in and win a sword fight.
But no, you know, I wouldn't force segregation.
I just think if you give people the freedom to associate and the freedom to do business, things will sort themselves out naturally and you wouldn't even have to have laws like that on the books.
Well, you know, it was obvious that societal change was supposed to be managed through the legislature, not through the judiciary.
And that's what the Brown decision represented, a departure from that basically, you know, commonplace wisdom that governed American government up until 1954.
Let the people vanish, all right?
And if it passes, let that be the law.
And that's there.
Let the people choose.
Listen, if people want to go and integrate, if people want to go live in all black neighborhoods, more power to them.
I hope they live happily and I hope their neighbors get along with them.
I mean, I wish them no ill will, but let me have that voice for myself and my family as well.
And, you know, again, 60th anniversary, the more things change, the more things stay the same.
Yes, you have this forced law on the books, but as Obama, Michelle Obama, and the local papers have said, you know, you still have a lot of self-segregation that's going on.
And again, I think that's just natural selection in play.
It's the natural order of things.
It's not to say that these people hate one another, but, you know, it just makes sense.
It just makes sense.
You know why people do it.
Why wouldn't they?
And I was going to see it first of all.
All back in 2007 for an hour-long special.
They'd spent a whole hour talking about the phenomenon of self-segregation and how things up until that point, 2007, hadn't changed much since the 50s.
And I talked about that.
But what's really going on here with the schools, Keith, getting back to Brown one last time, is, you know, they say they want more diversity in schools.
Well, they're not going to be happy until every public school in the country is just like the NBA.
The NBA gets a plus rating for diversity.
It's 90% black.
They raise the diversity in something that's 90% a particular race.
It's not diverse at all.
But what diversity means is anti-white.
Diversity is a code word for anti-white.
And you were talking about this Michael Sams thing.
Well, yes, it tied into Brown too, because just like we saw with Brown, you had a radical and rogue Supreme Court.
Well, not a Supreme Court in this case, but your circuit court judges, and for the most part, in the radical egalitarian manifestation of homosexual marriage, they're legislating from the fence, once again, aided by sympathetic media, forcing to the public that which they don't want, but are powerless to overcome, apparently.
Another item of the political session is in the can, but don't go away.
I mean, I had to do it the final word.
It's time for me to keep track of the time, but we have been in the studio.