April 5, 2014 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the Political Cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, known across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the political cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
In the time I remember all the ways it now, when all the bells were ringing, the night and the road makes it down.
And all the people were singing.
And we come up with it.
Said, Lord, you'll take the currency to that older Roman Elaine.
Now I know the mind to get chopping war with me.
And I don't care if the morning's all good.
You take what you need and you leave a pill.
But they should never have taken a daily thing.
Because the night and no more can sleep out of the government.
And all the bells are ringing.
Confederate memorial day on Federic Decoration Day in Tennessee.
And Confederate Heroes Day in Texas is an official holiday or observance day in the South as a day to honor those who died fighting for the Confederate States of America.
The brave sons of the South were outnumbered and outsupplied, as we all know, but never out fault.
And here at the Political Festival, we certainly do our part on air to contribute to the festivities during each live episode.
As we mentioned earlier, during the month of April, you can expect one full hour to be devoted to all things southern.
Keith, I guess we started Confederate History Month in earnest in the first hour.
We just couldn't contain ourselves.
But we have genuine pride of Southern heritage and deep love and respect for our ancestors who were greater than us, greater than we'll ever be, who fought to preserve the American way of life.
I really believe that they did.
Fight to preserve the American way of life from 1861 to 1865.
But Keith, I guess I asked you in so many words in the first hour, but I'll ask you again, why do we celebrate Confederate History Month each and every year during our April tribute on this nationally syndicated radio show?
Well, you put your finger on it, James.
Basically, what the South was fighting for was the vision of America espoused by the founding fathers by Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Adams, Patrick Henry.
George Mason, all of these giants among men, Benjamin Franklin, that populated the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia back when the nation was being founded, right before the Constitution was being ratified.
The South was true to the vision of the Founding Fathers.
Abraham Lincoln, on the other hand, wanted this strong Leviathan federal government that could project power on the international stage.
That was his motivation.
He was not the great emancipator.
He was really the great maven of big government.
And unfortunately, Lincoln won, unfortunately for the people of America, unfortunately for the people of the world, because had it not been for Lincoln's victory, America would not be the bully in international affairs that it has become, unfortunately.
And, you know, as an American, it pains me to say that, but this is what I see.
I see us intruding our ideas everywhere from the Crimean Peninsula to the Middle East to Africa to Asia.
Why?
What is in it for the American people?
Why that the American people have never wanted to be interventionists, but the American government has learned that they can safely ignore the wishes of the electorate, of the common people of the United States.
And, you know, I quite frankly understand why people in other parts of the nation, I mean, other parts of the world, do not like America because they see this projection of power trying to force them to do things against their will.
But what we try to do is let people know that the genesis of all of that was the defeat of the Confederacy.
The Confederacy was fighting for the old non-interventionist United States envisioned by the founding fathers.
And unfortunately for the South and even more so, unfortunately, for the rest of the world, the South lost.
Keith, of course, I was born, and I've run this article that I'd written a couple of years ago every April, April 1st, to be precise, on our website.
But I was born 115 years after Lee surrendered at Appomattox.
And I can tell you there's something deeply spiritual that comes over me when I hear Dixie being played to think back of the gallant sacrifices that those men made in their attempts to stave off federal oppression and tyranny.
Perhaps it's a feeling that only a southerner can truly know.
It's my family.
I've, of course, shared with the audience before that my great-grandfather's grandfather fought and died in service with the Confederate cavalry at the Battle of Shiloh.
Certainly, I wish he had lived and had taken, you know, made more of an impact on the enemy than whatever impact he had made.
But even though he died, to know that he fought, that he fought for something greater than himself.
And, you know, going down to Corinth, Mississippi, which is where my father's side of the family is from, my mother's side's from Pomotoc, Mississippi, I'm from Mississippi on both my paternal and paternal side.
It's something that makes me very, very proud to know that not long ago, in my ancestry, there was a true hero.
Well, you know, this is what the big mistake that moderns make.
They embrace this idea of progressivism, futurism, that people now are better than people were in the past.
That may apply to technology.
It may apply to medicine, but it does not apply to morality or culture or Christianity.
I dare say that you would have to search far and wide to find a person today whose great-grandfather or grandmother was a worse Christian than they are, if they profess Christian faith.
We need to understand that we need to, rather than illify our ancestors, which is what the left teaches us to do, we need to honor them.
Now, my great-grandfather was injured in Shiloh and given a medical discharge, then re-up to Fars Calvary fought out the war.
That's the type of men we had back then, the type of men did not shirk their duty.
We got to take a break.
Maybe our ancestors knew one another there on that battlefield.
We'll be back with more right after this.
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To get on the show and speak with James and the gang, call us toll-free at 1-866-986-6397.
And now, back to tonight's show.
Ladies and gentlemen, I feel highly honored at the introduction of our worthy friend and comrade Captain Dr. Lewis.
And I will do the best I know how to get that air up for you.
A few of us old confidants are left.
We do all we can.
We can't give you much, but we give you what we got left.
Ladies and gentlemen, I have the pleasure of announcing to you that we are going to make an effort to repeat the old rabbit hell.
One.
Got you.
Folks, you may not know if you hadn't been to our website this week, but that was an actual Confederate veteran in a recording taken in the 1930s.
They would have been in their 80s, maybe even 90s by then, those who were left, giving you the authentic Rebel Gill.
That was the Rebel Yell.
These men were better Americans than you or I will ever know, and long may their memory live in the hearts and minds of all decent people, including that of our next guest, Wilburn Sprayberry, making his debut appearance on the political festival.
He is a native-born Texan who spends most of his time out of state apologizing for the Johnson and Bush administrations and trying to figure out how to win the Battle of Gettysburg.
Wouldn't that have been nice?
Wilburn, welcome to the show.
Well, thank you, James.
I'm glad to be here.
And hello to you.
Hello to Keith.
And hello to Courtney, because I know she's out there listening and I want to be on my best behavior for her.
Well, we certainly have to be on our best behavior for all the southern bells.
And there's one that you just mentioned from Alabama.
Well, Wilburn, we were talking or extending correspondence, I guess it was a week or two ago, and you brought up a topic for conversation that I was so moved by that I thought it would be appropriate to invite you on as our debut guest in Confederate History Month 2014.
And what we were talking about at the time was the deification of people like Lincoln and the attacks on people like Lee.
Why are we focusing on that tonight?
Well, the reason that it concerns me, and I think it should concern the CESPO listeners, is that the Civil War never ended.
It went into a dormant state after Reconstruction was over and the white people of the South were able to regain control of their governments.
But it started flaring up again during the Civil Rights Movement, and it's only gotten hotter ever since.
So the culture war now is the same thing.
Well, that's an interesting thing because I remember as a child, a lot of the older people used to call the Civil Rights Movement or the Civil Rights Period, the Second Reconstruction of the South.
I think that's true, Keith.
And I think this time they succeeded where they failed 150 years ago.
Yes, indeed.
Well, what is the purpose?
This is Keith now.
What is the purpose of this redefinition of the historical image of Lincoln on one hand and Lee on the other that seems to be happening right before our eyes here in the 21st century?
Well, I think that it's part of a process that is being done to the American people in every sphere of knowledge and activity and learning.
And in history, it reminds me of a quote that George Orwell made about history a long time ago.
And the quote was that the most effective way to destroy a people is to deny and obliterate their own understanding of their own history.
Amen.
I think that's what we've been seeing here ever since the rise of political correctness.
Well, with regard to Lincoln, gentlemen, if I could interject this, and this is certainly something I'm sure you've read, Wilbur and Keith do too.
Anyone who's been to the website in India for the last four or five years has seen that we post a link to Sam Dixon's excellent booklet, The Shattering the Icon of Abraham Lincoln.
And in it, Dixon marshals evidence throughout Lincoln's career that shows he was a hypocrite and opportunist and instigator of ruthless war, the nation's first political tyrant.
I'm reading directly from the website here, of course, but that Lincoln's war against the Confederacy should have regarded himself as the forerunner of such liberal collectivist as Franklin Roosevelt.
And in his defense, Sam Dixon had this to say, that the astonishing thing about Abraham Lincoln and that a paper like Shattering the Icon of Lincoln was needed at all or is considered controversial is that you don't have to be a scholar to ferret out facets of history to see Abraham Lincoln as he truly was.
The views that Dixon and those of us here on this program tonight hold are not unusual.
They were the views held by the overwhelming majority of Southerners both immediately before, during, and for decades after the war between the states.
The views were also shared by many in the North and the West.
Only, Sam Dixon writes, the passage of time and the studious cultivation of the myth of Abraham Lincoln, coupled by his timely death, timely in the sense of being providential for his place in history, have caused him to be raised to the limb of the sacred cow in American history.
Your thoughts on that, Wilbur?
Well, in the rewriting of history that's going on, it's necessary that every hero in American history be transformed into a cultural Marxist or a neoconservative or a radical egalitarian.
And so they rewrite history to support that in the case of Lincoln, who was, of course, the opposite of an egalitarian.
He believed that black people should be, once they were liberated, they should be moved, they should be moved out of the United States, probably to Central America.
And he didn't give up that idea until it became clear to him that the radical Republicans and the abolitionists had gained so much power that he would do better by following their line than following what the majority of the American people wanted, which was if they ever did get rid of slavery, to move the blacks out of the United States.
Well, yeah, let me interject at this point.
You know, in his article, Shattering the Icon of Abraham Lincoln, Sam Dixon points out that Professor Emmy Bradford of the University of Dallas was nominated by President Reagan to head the National Endowment of the Humanities in the early 80s.
And William Bennett Williams, a notorious neocon, led a counterattack to disqualify him.
And the major point that was used against him was that he brought up some of these inconvenient truths about Abraham Lincoln.
For example, the fact that he, by modern standards, would be considered a virulent racist based on comments that he made.
Now, the left has embraced all of this.
And the proof of that is this book that the Steven Spielberg movie on Lincoln was based on, Team of Rivals by Doris Kearns Goodwin.
And basically, the left's position now is that Lincoln was a cultural Marxist.
He was willing to lie his fool head off and say anything he needed to in order to gain power and support.
But that deep down, he really fought just like a modern liberal on issues of race, which of course is preposterous.
You know, I'm no defender of Lincoln, but I don't think the man was that thoroughly lacking in laws and principles that he was lying his fool head off every time that he opened his mouth.
But that is basically the thesis of the book Team of Rivals.
Well, I agree with what you just said, Keith.
It's necessary for the cultural Marxists to turn every legitimate American hero or Philadelphia, in the case of Lincoln, in my opinion, into either a neoconservative or an ultra-liberal or a cultural Marxist.
Well, they have to.
This is great stuff.
Thank you, Wilman.
We'll be right back, Wilmer and Sprayberry, to follow up on this 3 out of 5 after these words from our sponsors.
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Oh, wait, there's something to say.
Okay, that was Duke should be an old rendition of it, James.
Where did that come from?
Well, we found that at the tail end of a song on YouTube.
You know, you got to scour the depths these days to find good music, but we were able to pluck that one and bring it in on the show tonight.
Certainly, we had to play the national anthem at some point during our Confederate History Month debut installment of this year's series.
And I know, Keith, like you and our guest Wilburn, certainly we believe that everyone should be proud of who they are, whether you're a northerner, a southerner, white, black, brown, red, yellow, whatever.
Have pride in how you came into this world, but I certainly consider myself fortunate to have come into it as a southern male to have been born and raised in a former Confederate state here in Tennessee.
It's a birthright as far as I'm concerned.
I wouldn't trade it for any amount of money.
We're talking about these things and more.
Wilbur, I wanted to get back to your outline, and then I'll toss it over to Keith after you offer us an answer here.
But I particularly wanted to pick your brain about the transformation in Civil War history, how people like Robert E. Lee have become vilified, where people like John Brown now even are considered heroes.
Let's talk about that compare and contrast, if we can.
Sure, James.
Well, when Keith and I were growing up, Civil War history was dominated by historians like Alan Nevins, Bruce Catton, Douglas Southaugh Freeman.
And most of those historians, except for Douglas South Freeman, were Northerners and they were pro-Lincoln and pro-Union and they hated slavery, but they did not hate the South.
Some of them even admitted that the South had a good constitutional case to leave the Union.
In other words, they tried to be fair and they admired, they openly admired in their writings Confederate generals like Robert E. Lee and Stonewall Jackson.
But that was then and now is now.
And they've been replaced with the advent of first the Civil Rights Movement and the rise of cultural Marxism by a different group of historians.
The collective term for them is the neo-abolitionists.
And the neo-abolitionists have turned the Civil War history that Keith and I learned on his head.
And even the Yankee historians like Alan Nevins and Bruce Catton thought that John Brown was a lunatic murderer.
But today he is celebrated as one of the fundamental heroes of the Civil War era.
And Wilbur, I think the mistake that a lot of people make nowadays is trying to judge the past through the lens of the politically correct present.
But I don't think this is an innocent mistake on the part of historians and the historical establishment in the academy nowadays.
I think they really do have a particular axe to grind.
They try to elevate black figures like Frederick Douglass and Sojourner Truth and Harriet Tubman into great historic figures whose every word was, you know, like gospel to tons of American people.
And, you know, it just wasn't that way.
You know, these people were marginal characters at best.
In fact, the whole abolitionist movement, I guess, could be described as the lunatic left fringe of American politics back in Ann Bell and America.
Is that too strong of a comment?
It certainly isn't, Keith.
You know, you just reminded me that in saying that, that the majority of Northern troops in the Civil War, soldiers of the Union Army, most of them despised the abolitionists.
And most of them, you know, enlisted to save the Union.
They were fighting to save the Union.
We're not fighting to free the slaves.
In fact, there were some Union generals who owned slaves.
I don't know if you ever heard of that before, but they had two Union generals that I know of from Maryland who owned slaves, but they believed in the Union, so they were fighting for the Union.
Well, even more than that, I learned when I was a kid that when the Emancipation Proclamation was read to frighten General Hooker's Army of the Potomac, the Army was on the verge of mutiny and revolt.
They said, this is not what we went to war for.
We went to war to preserve the Union, not to free slaves.
And furthermore, you had draft riots.
And even in the abolitionist movement, there were a significant number of abolitionists who were for abolishing slavery because they were anti-black.
A perfect example would be David Wilmot of the Free Soil Party in Pennsylvania, who was the author of the so-called Romont Proviso, which proposed to prohibit slavery in all of the Mexican sessions.
In other words, the land gained in the war with Mexico in the late 1840s.
He did this not because he liked black people, but because he thought they were a scourge and he blamed southerners for bringing them into the United States.
And he wanted the, he wanted to localize slavery and eventually get rid of it, not because he was opposed to slavery, but because he was opposed to black people.
And of course, that history is totally unreported in today's history books.
Oh, that's right, Keith.
In fact, when the Emancipation Proclamation came out, and you have already said what the reaction of Joseph Hooker was, but the entire officer corps of the Army of the Potomac, the Union Army, was so much against the Emancipation Proclamation and trying to go down to the South and free all the slaves that it was purged.
The officer corps of the Army of the Potomac was purged at the end of 1863 and into 1864.
And all the officers who were too outspoken against the Emancipation Proclamation were transferred to the West.
And then the other officers who were opposed to it, they learned their lesson and they kept their mouths shut and then on.
Well, you know, and the Emancipation Proclamation was a stratagem dreamt up by Lincoln.
It didn't free all the slaves, only the slaves behind Confederate lines.
And the purpose was a hope that it would stir a slave rebellion behind Confederate lines that would draw Confederate troops off the front lines to quell the rebellion back at home and thereby weaken the Confederate Army and allow them to apply the coup de grace, I guess, to the Confederate Army.
It didn't work at that time, but that was the purpose of it.
And it specifically allowed slavery to remain in the border states that had not seceded from the Union.
Right.
It actually allowed any section of the Confederacy itself, which was occupied by Union troops, slavery would still be in effect there, too.
Well, one thing you wrote, Wilburn, in the outline that I'm reviewing that is just a spot-on statement is that no matter what, the triumph of the Union in Lincoln's war served as a justification for totalitarian, quote-unquote, democracy, which crushed states' rights forevermore on this continent.
Right.
Our friend Sam Dixon has given several speeches on the Gettysburg Address, which really was the beginning of the end for the American Republic and the beginning of the totalitarian democracy that we have today, where there are no states' rights.
There is something called human rights.
That is absolutely meaningless.
And you have 300 million people and the elections are bought by millionaires and the people I want.
We're going to hold it right there, my friend.
We got one more segment with you when we come back.
And in a third hour, folks, we're going to get on to some other topics, but we're going to wrap up the first segment of Confederate History Month right after this.
Let's hang on and come back to the political cesspool right after these messages here on the Liberty News Radio Network.
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As we wrap up not tonight's show, but just the opening salvo in Confederate History Month Series 2014 here on TPC, Wilburn Sprayberry, our esteemed guest here this evening.
Gentlemen, during the break, I received an email from a listener in Ross County, Ohio.
And he says that he's celebrating with us tonight.
His name is Doug, and he writes, I was just accepted into the Sons of Confederate Veterans last month as a lifelong northerner who has been searching for a Confederate hero from my family for years.
I finally found him, Confederate Naval Captain Benjamin Berry.
No offense to the many relatives who died invading the South, but I'm more proud of my ancestor Benjamin than all the rest combined.
Long live the South and long live the fight against federal tyranny.
And that comes from TP listener Doug in Ohio, gents.
Wilburn, what do you say about that?
Well, I'd say welcome to the ranks of descendants of Southern warriors.
When, of course, Robert E. Lee, I want to get back to this very quickly, and then we're tossing it back to Keith.
But Wilburn, this is something that we've touched on a couple of times, even before your appearance this evening.
Robert E. Lee was actually one of the few Confederates up until very recent history, the last year or two, as far as I'm concerned, that was basically exempt from attack.
His character was so sterling.
Not that the others weren't, but his was so exemplary.
He was almost absolved of all of the slanders and libels that great God-fearing men like Jackson and Forrest and others were subjected to quite unfairly.
But Lee didn't receive that sort of treatment.
That's not the case anymore, is it?
No, it's not.
About in 2008, I believe, there was a book published by a historian named Elizabeth Pryor called Reading the Man.
And it was supposed to be a biography of Robert E. Private.
And out of 470 pages, there are only 32 short letters in the whole book.
About 95% of the second is her On Lee and think she could.
Well, I think that Elizabeth Brown Pryor was the author, and they did a PBS special on the American Experience series on Robert E. Lee based on her book.
And it was obviously a hit piece.
I remember when it came out, they tried to weave in some standard history so they could make some powerful distractions.
They said that Lee was the bloodiest general in the Civil War.
And they brought out something that said that he was supposedly the recommended whipping of female slaves.
That was one thing that they brought out.
And then another thing that he his greatest regret in life was that he had received military training.
These were serious detractions that they're leveling at Robert E. Lee, trying to tarnish his image.
Meanwhile, they're trying to burnish the image of Abraham Lincoln and the more ruthless of the northern generals like William Tecumseh Sherman and U.S. Grant.
What's the purpose behind this, Wilbur?
Excuse me, say again?
I said, what's the purpose behind this program that seems to be prevalent now in historical academic circles to diminish the image of Confederates like Robert E. Lee and Burgess's image of Unionists like Abraham Lincoln and the more ruthless Northern generals like William Tecumseh Sherman, Philip Sheridan, and U.S. Grant?
Well, the objective of the story you are writing is to destroy whatever resistance still exists in the U.S. in the South.
Totalitarian to come.
Wilburn, you're breaking up a little bit there on your phone.
I'm not sure exactly why, but I would like to add this to the discussion.
Hopefully you can still hear this.
You know, we're talking about Robert E. Lee.
We're talking about some of these historical figures.
Let's let them speak for themselves, because I have here a quote from Robert E. Lee himself on the issue of slavery.
Seven weeks after the election of 1856, in which the Republican Party offered its first candidate for the U.S. presidency, Robert E. Lee expressed his views on slavery.
So this was a letter that Robert E. Lee wrote to his wife about slavery in 1856.
This is what he had to say.
In this enlightened age, we recognize that slavery as an institution is a moral and political evil in any country.
I think it, however, a greater evil to the white than to the black race.
And while my feelings are strongly enlisted in behalf of the latter, that being the black race, my sympathies are more strong for the former.
And that was with emphasis added.
Now, what makes Lee's statement most noteworthy here in our era is that while he sympathizes with the black race, he quite sensibly states that his first and foremost concern in weighing the merits over slavery is whether or not it is good for his people.
And today, of course, the media would annihilate anyone for making such a remark, such as the strength of the liberal Marxist grip on our society, Sam Dixon writes.
So narrow are the parameters for permissible public discussion in modern free America that no matter of public policy may be evaluated on the basis of whether or not it is good or harmful to white people.
But with that quote with regards to slavery, a quote that came directly from the pen and mind and heart of Robert E. Lee, was that included at all in Elizabeth Brown Pryor's expose?
She quotes bits and pieces of it only to refute it because She's evaluating Lee through, as he said earlier, 20th century political, 21st century politically correct.
And here's what she says in response to what you just said.
This is Elizabeth Brown Pryor commenting on Lee's slavery.
For contemporary, a particularly jarring note in Lee's writings on slavery is that the institution was a greater for white than for blacks.
Today, the seeming insensitivity leaves one question Lee's perspective.
The book is, well, of course, from a historical perspective, we now know that, one, the war was not primarily fought about slavery.
It was the South that seceded from the North.
And the historians that want to focus on slavery as the primary cause totally ignore the Coleman Amendment, which we'll go into in more depth in subsequent shows.
But basically, that should have answered the slavery question because we said slavery would remain free and legal everywhere that it was then free and legal in the United States of America, including territory.
So consequently, if slavery had been the cause, that would have been the answer and that would have settled it.
But what they are trying to do, I think, is use if it were not for slavery, if slavery is not the cause of the Civil War, then it's not a teachable moment for the left.
The left has to make the Civil War to be about slavery in order for it to make any sense in their historical dialectic that they have chosen, which is white people bad, non-white people good.
And if they can't do that, then they're totally at their wit's end about how to present the Civil War to advance their ideology.
What do you think about that, Wilbert?
Well, I think you're correct.
It's part of the movement by people that run our country white people and them with immigrant non-whites.
And one way to do that, I think American history center around the sacred throw the white man out completely accept villain.
Well, folks, what we've given you tonight, and Wilbert, I want to thank you.
Your debut appearance was certainly a memorable one.
My only regret is that it went by as they all seem to do when we have engaging and dynamic guests.
They go by far too quickly.
But we look forward to having you back on, certainly in short order.
And folks, what you received tonight to hear, and certainly in this hour and perhaps for the segment or two prior to it in the first hour, it's just a taste of what you're going to be hearing during the second hour of every broadcast during the month of April, more so than talk about some of the villains of the antebellum era in the Civil War era.
Certainly we're talking about those who are presented to us as heroes these days.
Those were the true villains.
We'll talk about them a little bit tonight.
But moving forward, our focus will be celebrating the South in greater detail and showcasing its heroes, the true heroes of American history from that period of time.
We're going to do that for the next three weeks here and maybe more if we feel like it.
But stay tuned for the third hour.
We'll get back on to more contemporary politics with Eddie and Bomedier Miller.
Another hour of the political cesspool is in the can, but don't go away.
There's more to come right here on the Liberty News Radio Network.