Sept. 14, 2013 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the Political Cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, going across the South and worldwide as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the political cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
All right, everybody, welcome back to the second hour.
We're going to make this quick.
You're in the political cesspool with James Edwards and Keith Alexander.
Richard Spencer's on deck this hour.
He'll be coming up in just a few minutes to talk about his observations about what's going on in Syria, the Obama administration and Congress's posturing there, and much more.
I wanted to quickly relay a story, though.
I went into the post office this morning, which is always a nightmarish experience for many reasons.
But I went in there to mail some bumper stickers off to Scoop Stanton and to mail a few books that had been ordered this week.
And as soon as I got in line, and it was a long line, I noticed I was text messaging someone, and I noticed the guy in front of me in line was just boring a hole into my skull.
And I could just feel him looking at me.
And it just an eagle's gaze glare.
I was like, well, I better look up at him and see what he wants.
And so I looked up, and he didn't say a word.
He just looked at me, held out his hand.
He says, thank you for your work.
All he said.
And I said, thank you for listening.
And that was just it.
But inevitably, in those rare occurrences where you get, you know, we're radio, not television, so we don't get recognized a lot, but often enough to where it's not a completely bizarre occurrence.
And every time it's ever happened, you know, people always try to paint us out as fringe and, you know, advocating ideas that are so alien.
But that's just not the case, ladies and gentlemen.
It's not the case.
Every time I've ever encountered or had an encounter like this, it's been overwhelmingly positive.
We just got an email in from Ohio.
Douglas writes that, I'm listening to your show live tonight from up in the North Country.
Please know that your show is one of the highlights of my week.
Keep spreading the truth.
There are many of us out here that love your show.
Anxious as heck to hear Dr. Michael Hill tonight, my great-great-great-grandpa died fighting for dishonest Abe in the War of Northern Aggression.
Like my buddy and I always say, if he hadn't invaded another man's home, he'd have lived a lot longer.
Again, thank you for such a great show.
So, Keith, we've read emails tonight from Sweden, California, Ohio, and they're always there.
In fact, we've got a caller on the line right now.
We're going to quickly get to it very quickly in Pennsylvania, Joe in Pennsylvania.
What can we do for you?
Hello, James.
Hello, Keith.
Hello.
Yeah.
Hi, guys.
Listen, regarding Hannity and them, they're like cryptic Zionists, and there's no doubt about that.
But even more than what they talk about openly, they have a kind of an esoteric message with regards to conspiracies.
And I've been picking this up.
I've been listening to them for like a year or so locally here.
They keep referring to they.
And, you know, that means that there is somebody out there that is against them.
So you know what I'm driving at?
Well, make it explicit.
This is Keith.
Okay.
Hey, brother.
Yeah, they're making a distinction between the elite and like the hoi polloy, so to speak.
Yeah, well, they are.
But again, what's driving elite opinion in America?
It's Jewish power and influence.
Again, that's the definition.
It's like Pat Buchanan said, the counterculture of the 60s is the establishment of today, and the establishment of the 50s and 60s is the distant culture of today.
And leftism is driven by Jewish power and influence.
Do you agree with that?
Oh, 100%, brother.
Yeah, and that's what's happening.
And like I said, in the coming race war, you won't have to decide what side you're on.
The other side will let you know.
And it doesn't matter how much you contributed to the United Negro College Fund or to the NAACP or to the Southern Poverty Law Center.
None of that will avail you anything when they see your white skin.
We've got to make people understand that.
And, you know, it's very simple.
You know, it's like Alan Stein's book on the civil rights movement said, it's all very simple.
Well, it still is all very simple.
But for some reason, people have been brainwashed into denying what is a natural instinct for all of God's children except for white Gentiles, which is to have a sense of racial solidarity with their own kith and kin, their own kind.
Yeah, and Keith?
Yes.
You know, you know, I've read up on Soviet Marxism and stuff like that in the past.
And they always, when the Marxists, the Bolsheviks always attain power, they almost always aim at the socialists, the intellectuals and the elitists.
They're the first ones to go.
That's right.
They're the useful idiots, Lennon said, that will be among the first to be ground up in the revolution if the revolution ever actually indeed occurs.
Okay, well, I'll back on out of here and listen to the rest of the show.
Look, it's great to hear from you.
Don't be a stranger.
Call in.
We'd love to hear from you.
Well, we'll do.
You know, this is a very encouraging form of diversity to belabor the point.
You know, we received, as our third quarter fundraising drive continues to move forward, just last week or earlier this week, I guess I should say, a contribution from a listener in Australia.
Political cesspool listeners are all over the world.
Of course, we have a strong base here in Memphis of supporters.
And it's a growing legion of fans, Keith.
And every time, without exception, that we meet them, the response, as I shared a moment ago, is enthusiastic.
And I just cannot tell you enough how intelligent these people are.
We have the most intelligent listenership of any radio station, any radio program that I can imagine.
We have people who know the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth.
Plus, they have the courage to name and shame our enemies and to stand up and be counted in the fight for survival, which is going to get more and more desperate as time goes on.
We're going to need to have as many people converted to the truth as possible.
So get the word out.
Help us get the word out.
Tell people to listen, listen yourself, and we'll be doing everything we can to help you in that endeavor because quite frankly, our lives and the lives of our children and grandchildren depend upon it.
I've got more encouraging news for you, Keith, and everyone else.
Again, our audience doesn't let us down.
This email just came in real time from a listener here in Memphis tuned in on the AM dial.
He's at his computer and did a little digging and said that the political cesspool is in the top 10 on Talk Stream Live tonight.
If people don't know, Talk Stream Live is an auditing service that monitors how many people are listening to any radio show as it streams on the internet at any given time.
But even they only have part of the picture.
And we're in the top 10 right now of all shows that are broadcasting around the country.
Well, it doesn't surprise me they do their best to suppress, but we do the best to impress.
And as a result, we get the audience.
We're the people that are driving the news.
This is why Sean Hannity, Bill O'Reilly, and others are talking about black-on-white hate crimes now.
This is why the New York Daily News and the New York Times and the New York Post report these things because we're the ones prodding them to do this.
If we weren't here, you wouldn't hear a thing about them.
We need a bigger microphone, a bigger megaphone to get the message out, folks.
Please help us.
This is our fundraising campaign for the third quarter.
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Everybody listening tonight, give us a dollar.
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Don't put the pressure on the few that are willing to contribute.
Let's all pitch in and we'll do it together.
We'll be back, folks.
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And now back to tonight's show.
Ladies and gentlemen, welcome back.
It is, as always, my esteemed privilege and pleasure to welcome back to the radio program my good friend Richard Spencer.
Richard, of course, among many other things, is the president of the National Policy Institute.
Check him out online at npiamerica.org.
Coming in a week after our interviews with Dr. Kevin McDonald and Mark Weber, respectively, about the goings-on in Syria, the American media's reaction to the posturing of the Obama administration in Congress, Richard and I were talking this week, and he came up with an excellent follow-up that will certainly, at the very least, rival what we were able to put forth last week.
Richard wanted to come on tonight to discuss Syria and the so-called conservative movement's strange reaction and their anti-war posturing.
Now, this is something that I too had noticed in advance of speaking with Richard, I guess it was yesterday.
We focused last week with our guests on some other elements in play here, but I noticed that, oh, my goodness, I mean, since when was Sean Hannity a dove when it comes to a Middle Eastern entanglement?
In fact, Richard, we have an email that came in earlier this week after we announced your appearance tonight.
Can't wait to hear what Richard Spencer has to say about the whole situation in Syria or more specifically the roller coaster ride that has been the conservative media for the past few weeks.
They seem to be out of their element in trying to balance opposition to Obama and support for Israel's agenda in the Middle East.
It's been entertaining to watch them flip-flop around, if nothing else.
Richard, with that lengthy introduction aside, welcome back to the show.
Well, thanks, James.
It's always a pleasure to be on.
Well, thank you.
The strange reaction and anti-war posturing of the conservative movement, or so-called conservative movement.
Richard, what do you make of it?
Well, you said since when has Sean Hannity been a dove?
And the answer to that is since Barack Obama has been president.
I think, you know, real simply, with a lot of these people like Sean Hannity, you shouldn't even think of them really as political commentators.
They're kind of like sports team advocates.
You know, it's like, you know, if you love the Dallas Cowboys, you'll come up with justifications for just about anything.
And Sean Hannity obviously loves the Republican Party, and he hates the Democrats almost like you hate the Washington Redskins.
And so it's as simple as that.
But I think beyond that, what we're witnessing is actually something really profound.
And I'll just say it.
I think it's earth-shattering.
Well, hopefully not literally earth-shattering.
But we are witnessing a major macro trend, and that is that I think that Washington is becoming less and less able to achieve its agenda.
And I think that is due to a number of different factors that we should talk about.
And one of them is a domestic factor.
And that is the fact that across the board, from left to right, the American people are war-wary.
They just don't want to have anything to do with this.
And so I think someone like Hannity is negotiating a situation where he wants to oppose things that Obama does just out of instinct.
But he also understands that, you know, something like Syria, they have connections with Hezbollah, they have connections with Iran.
You could clearly designate Syria as a, if not enemy, a kind of threat or maybe rival to the state of Israel.
And therefore, you know, tons of neocons like Charles Croadham and so on and so forth are all for going in, you know, boots on the ground, nukes if necessary kind of people.
But the other, and then on, you know, on the other hand, Hannity is negotiating a situation where the public just doesn't want to have anything to do with this.
And so he's kind of caught in this weird situation where he'll claim that, oh, he'll become a kind of Ron Paul type where, you know, you need Congress to declare war, who will become a pacifist.
He'll say that this will have unintended consequences.
I mean, this is the same, these are the same people saying this who we can both remember distinctly 10 years ago were saying all sorts of lunatic things about essentially remaking the entire Muslim world.
Iraq was just the beginning.
And now they're very cautious.
And again, I think a lot of that has to do with just base partisanship.
But a lot of it has to do with this much bigger trend in the decline of American power.
The fact that Bush was able to do things.
He had the public behind him, certainly with 9-11.
He had a, there was a kind of power disparity in the world that he could take advantage of.
And I think that is really fundamentally changing.
So in some ways, the best way to understand this is not so much a kind of left-right or red-blue Republican-Democrat thing.
We have to kind of look behind the headlines or look behind the rhetoric and see that, in my view, we are really witnessing a change in the geopolitical arrangement, where some countries that had less, much less power 10 or a dozen years ago, notably Russia, have a lot more power.
And America, despite the fact that we all want to be, you know, we're number one, we're the indispensable nation, we're the exceptional nation, so on and so forth, that we have, as a country, lost a great deal of power, lost a great deal of legitimacy.
And Washington is simply unable to do things that it could have much more easily done in the past.
And so I think we are really living through a major transition.
And it's something that you really, we really can't underestimate.
I think this is, I mean, again, maybe I could be criticized for over playing this, but I think we are witnessing something like the decline of the British Empire.
You know, if you went to someone in 1913 and said that, say, within 40 years, the British Empire will be more or less no more, that Britain will be a second-rate power, that Britain will have won, supposedly won a world war, but end up as a, you know, again, in massive debt and with a loss, a major loss of status, they wouldn't believe you.
It would be, you know, how could you even say that?
This is the British Empire.
This is, we are, you know, British Empire.
We're number one.
We're number one.
But it happened.
And this is really a historical process that has been happening since the beginning of time.
And I think we are living through it now.
Richard, you make so many excellent points.
I have a hard time figuring out which trail I want to go down.
But the last one first being the decline of power and the geopolitical shift, you know, you're right.
That does go back to antiquity.
You know, if America is going to behave as the new Rome, we're going to pay the price that Rome paid.
And then with the British Empire, of course, the sun never set.
Now they're on an island, I guess, about the size of Connecticut.
And a little bit bigger than that.
But you see what I'm saying?
Things change.
In America, for some reason, I think our people have mistakenly believed that all of the lessons that history have taught us, we will somehow be immune to that.
Yet still here we stand, and you see Vladimir Putin operating from a position of absolute authority.
In fact, and I hope I'm not saying this biasedly because I look at him more favorably than certainly I do Obama, but I think he really is driving the discourse on this issue.
Am I right, Richard?
Oh, I think without question.
And I think an interesting thing that's been taking place probably for a number of years, but we've really seen it in the past few months, is a kind of Cold War between Moscow and Washington.
And what I mean by that is, you know, a Cold War is not, uh-oh, I hear the music.
There it is.
Don't ask for whom the music plays, Richard.
We've got to take a break, but we're just scratching the surface on this absolutely riveting topic, and we're going to be back to explore in more detail with Richard Spencer, our guest, right after this.
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All right, folks, welcome back.
Richard Spencer, our featured guest this hour, Richard, president of the National Policy Institute.
And we covered some ground in the first segment there, or the last segment.
It's entertaining.
It's a novelty to watch people like Hannity.
And Hannity, of course, by no means is the only so-called conservative mouthpiece or Republican hack that's engaging in such blatant hypocrisy.
But I actually saw him doing it, which is why I'm kind of zeroing in on him.
But, you know, he's offering up a completely different stand on Middle Eastern foreign policy with no supporting reasoning for his change of heart, if you will, whatsoever.
I have no doubt, Richard, if McCain or Romney had been elected president and they wanted to go into Syria, that Hannity and others like him would have been leading the charge.
Of course, they don't believe in the cause so much to where they would go into war themselves, the days of people like Alexander the Great or even Tennessee Governor Isham Harris, who fought at the Battle of Shiloh, a sitting governor fighting at the Battle of Shiloh.
You know, those days don't exist anymore.
Now our leaders, they send people like us to war.
They're not going to go do it.
All that's fun, though, to kind of mock Hannity, but that's not the most important thing.
The most important thing, Richard, is what we were beginning to discuss right before that last commercial break.
It is, as you put it, and rightly so, the geopolitical shift that may very well be occurring.
Obama looks absolutely lost in his ability to take a stand.
At first, you know, we were hearing unequivocally that we would be going there.
We would be firing missiles.
Now he's kind of petitioning Congress.
And maybe now there is going to be some sort of diplomacy in play.
In the meantime, Putin is the one taking charge.
And the eyes of the world now look to the Russians, I guess, for what the charted course is going to be.
Well, yeah, I think it's been an amazing coup by Vladimir Putin.
And as I was talking about just before the break, there's been a kind of Cold War going on between Moscow and Washington.
And it's probably been going on for a long time, but I think we've really seen it these past few months.
And what I mean by a Cold War is that it's a proxy war.
You know, there was, thankfully, at no point during the Cold War following the Second World War, at no point did Moscow or Washington bomb one another.
But what they instead did was engage in proxy wars.
And many of those occurred in far-off locales like Korea or Vietnam.
And they also occurred on the field of propaganda.
And just to take that latter example first, there has been a humongous propaganda campaign waged really by both sides.
And again, I think Vladimir Putin is winning.
And if you look at it, you saw this with the whole gay marriage thing.
And Washington, despite the fact that Barack Obama opposed gay marriage, I think, three years ago.
Right, right.
As late as 2008, when he was running, most certainly.
Right.
And when he was running, and I think even into his first term.
However, because a patriarch actually said some very reasonable things about gay marriage that I think actually even gays might even agree with, but that was blown up to that it's some kind of anti-gay Nazi regime and they're rounding them up and executing them en masse.
It's all total silliness.
So that was the propaganda campaign waged by Washington against Russia.
And then interestingly, Russia fought back and I think they won.
And I think this is very, you saw it with the Edward Snowden situation.
You know, I don't think most people really understand what is going on in terms of national security and data collecting.
But I think everyone has cause for concern about it.
And the fact that Washington was essentially wanting to put Snowden on trial for the fact that many people considered, you know, and despite the fact that many people considered him to be a whistleblower, and then Vladimir Putin actually welcomed him, I think most of the world said, you know, good job.
That was the right thing to do.
This guy was giving out information.
He was not trying to profit from it.
He was not selling secrets or anything.
He was basically informing the public.
And I think most people agreed with it around the world.
That was a big, you know, Vladimir Putin won that round.
And I think also what I talked about before about a Cold War waging proxy wars, we're seeing that again in Syria.
And there are obviously some matters that Vladimir Putin gains.
You could, you know, I won't go into them here, but you could see that Vladimir that Russia benefits from the Syrian regime.
But I think it's more of a case of Russia really wants to be on the side of established sovereign authority.
And particularly since Russia has been attacked by all of these various color revolutions, many of them funded by Washington, like the various democratic groups and Soros-funded groups and so on and so forth.
And Putin really wants to be on the side of established power.
And I think that is one of the more fundamental reasons why he's supporting Assad, despite some, in addition to some economic ones.
And, you know, the United States is, for various reasons, they're playing this very strange and kind of dangerous game where they played this in Libya, they played in other places.
They ultimately played it against the Soviet Union in the 70s and early 80s when they were supporting the Mujahideen and ultimately what became al-Qaeda.
Washington was, and this is not some conspiracy theory, this is conspiracy fact.
They were supporting al-Qaeda as a way of we're going to support the Mujahideen and we are going to give the Soviet Union its Vietnam.
We are going to harm the Soviets who had previously invaded Afghanistan by supporting these religious nuts who would attack the Soviet Union.
Well, that had some major unintended consequences.
And we played this again in Libya, where again, Gaddafi, he was a colorful figure.
He probably was a bit mad, but he was also very willing to work with Washington.
And he, you know, after Bush's, after the Iraq war, he actually gave up nuclear weapons and made plans to create them.
He was a kind of, you know, he was a canny dealer on the world stage.
And Washington was in this strange position of supporting, again, these thugs and criminals, religious nuts, as this kind of odd way of creating hegemony.
Maybe you could say it's a chaos theory, that they would rather these states be weakened.
A dictator like Assad or a strong president like Assad or a dictator like Gaddafi, whatever you might want to say about them and their lack of democracy or something, they actually can act on a world stage in a unified manner, even essentially by definition.
While perhaps it's in Israel's benefit, perhaps it's in Washington's, in their perception of their national interests, for there to be more chaos, for there to be just total loons running these states.
And as long as the oil flows, that's good for them.
But they also like the idea that these states are weak, that they ultimately won't truly threaten Israel or really threaten American global hegemony.
So they have this very strange strategy that they're pursuing.
And this obviously goes in distinct contradiction to Russia's strategy of being on the side of sovereignty and established authority.
So again, that was a long way of saying that there is a kind of Cold War that's raging.
Perhaps the Cold War, geopolitically speaking, never really ended.
And so these things like Syria or these debates, like about Snowden or gay marriage, are just kind of, you know, they're little battlefields of this bigger geopolitical war waged by Moscow and Washington.
Richard, I think you're right on target with that.
And in this geopolitical Cold War, if you will, America's absolutely losing.
And thank God for that.
And you hit on a couple of things here that I too have noticed.
Back when they were having the ta-da-ta with the homosexual issue, I think that Russia did indeed win that, at least on a global stage.
The Ed Snowden situation.
Now, you wouldn't know it if you relied on the American media for your daily bread, but as you accurately pointed out, the world was in favor of what he did, and I am too.
And he was able to get asylum there.
So you see Washington, certainly in the Snowden issue, backing down.
You know, they had to back down on that.
They lost that.
And then here with Syria, Obama goes over there and takes a timeout from getting schooled in leadership by Putin to campaign for gay rights in Russia.
I mean, what was that about?
Well, yeah, again.
I mean, it's, again, it's just a little proxy war.
It's just a way of throwing a little dart over Russia's way that they think they can win this.
But the thing is, they're not winning it.
And I'm sure there are a lot.
I mean, I'm sure there are people who, you know, on the end.
Well, there's the music.
Well, listen, we're going to come back with you, Richard, one more segment.
We're going to let you make some parting shots and some final thoughts on the topic at hand.
Then we're going to promote a very important conference that's coming to the Washington, D.C. area.
And you have something to do with that.
Stay tuned, folks.
Let's hang on and come back to the political sesh pool right after these messages here on the Liberty News Radio Network.
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Welcome back.
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Time goes by increasingly quickly when you're having fun and got a great guest on the air as we do right now, Richard Spencer, president of the National Policy Institute.
We're trying to cover a very in-depth issue in the constraints of commercial talk radio.
Very hard to make a dissertation, the likes of which needs to be presented to really grasp everything.
But we're doing the best we can in the time that we have to cover some broad strokes.
Now, Richard, I know you shared with me that you're working on a featured piece about this that's really going to explore some of the matters we've touched on tonight in greater detail.
Can you give us a little more information about that and then also be sure to make any follow-up points that we haven't had the time to get to yet?
Oh, sure.
I agree.
It's almost impossible to treat these matters with the depth that they deserve and demand on commercial radio.
But I think we have given your audience a lot to chew on.
Yeah, I think I emailed you and I said, oh, I have this kind of cool take.
I think what's happening is a lot bigger than people are saying and so on and so forth.
And I started to write a 500-word blog and I soon realized that it probably demands a 5,000-word white paper.
So I'm actually going to write that.
So look out for it.
But I'm sure James could link to it or something like that.
We certainly will.
Yeah, I would just say again to reiterate, I don't think this whole Syria situation is merely about the incompetence of Barack Obama and John Curie.
I don't doubt that those people are incompetent.
I don't really like either individual.
But I think it's actually a lot bigger than that.
And just to kind of paint with broad strokes here, I think there has been a, certainly since the Bush years, there has been a severe loss of legitimacy of U.S. action.
I don't think the world trusts the United States.
Almost immediately after there were claims that there was a chemical attack done by Assad, you were not a conspiracy nut if you express skepticism towards that.
I think people have just been burned by the WND stuff and just this, you know, the kind of just bad thinking and lying regarding the war on terror that they don't trust the United States.
So I think they have lost a lot of legitimacy.
I think the economic factors really play into this in the sense that, you know, at some level, if we were to bomb Syria and then that would eventuate into some kind of war, we would be borrowing money from China in order to liberate Syria.
It's just, at some point, it gets ridiculous.
And I think that is a major factor.
And, you know, and I think there's another factor as well.
And this is this thing that I probably didn't fully appreciate a number of years ago, but I appreciate now.
And that is that demographics, for better and for worse, affect policymakers and they affect policy.
And, you know, I don't think Barack Obama has his heart in this.
I think he ultimately is maybe ambivalent at most.
And I think he actually doesn't want to do it.
And a lot of the reason for that is that Barack Obama is a president for a new American public that is not the American public of George W. Bush, the white, patriotic Americans, most of them Christians, who, again, for better and for worse, would really support the president, support the country, get behind a war, and so on and so forth.
Now, that might have graded for people like you and me who didn't support Bush's policies.
But it is a good thing to have a nation that ultimately believes in itself and believes in its leaders.
We are entering a new nation that is a multicultural polyglot, and I think it's going to be a lot harder to go to war.
If you're an American and for you, America is just some place you ended up.
You have no connection with its history.
You don't like any of its leaders.
Why should you go to war for anything?
Richard.
And so I think we are actually seeing the effects of racial demographics on foreign policy.
I appreciate what you're saying right now, and I completely can understand and relate to it.
We disagreed with so much of the Bush administration, perhaps equally as much as the Obama in many regards.
But you're right.
The people that supported Bush, though misguided, that support came from a good place.
They were wrong and they were silly and they were misinformed.
But now, compared to the alternative that I believe we're getting into, you romanticize about those days.
I remember being in the middle of it and just being so disgusted at this blind loyalty to a president.
But now, compared to what you mentioned, you worded it absolutely perfectly, a multicultural polyglot.
Compared to this reality, I romanticize about those days.
Just as when Bush was there, I romanticized in some ways, even for Clinton, who was more conservative on some issues.
So it gets increasingly worse, even when you think it perhaps can't.
Well, yeah, and there's a kind of irony that you and I did not like George Bush's policies.
And so in some ways, Obama is a better president.
But again, the reasons for that are not good.
The reasons for that is that in order to do what Bush did and to have the country, you need some kind of legitimacy.
You need democratic legitimacy to do these kinds of things.
We see that right now.
But in order for that to happen, you really need that white Christian majority that believes in itself.
And you're lacking that to the point that, you know, if you're some half Vietnamese, half Somali who, you know, immigrated here in 2007 or something, why in the hell would you support the government on anything?
I mean, you have no connection to it.
You have no connection to history.
Why should you support the American nation itself?
I mean, in that sense, America is just a marketplace for you to be in.
It is not even a country.
And again, the irony is that maybe we can't do all these terrible things that Bush did, but we're also not a country at all.
That's right.
The kind of tragedy in a way.
And I talked about that.
I touched on that last week, as a matter of fact.
I guess we are a country in the sense that there is a plot of land here called America that has borders as porous as they are.
So we're a country in that sense, but we're certainly not a nation, a people bound by a common blood and soil.
We're not that again.
And that's what you need.
You need a strong nation.
And we are just this multicultural hodgepodge excuse of a country.
And it's going to get worse every day.
And, you know, Richard, I know we're running out of time here.
And we talked about the need to have much greater length than what we do this evening in order to fully explore and discuss and debate these ideas.
Well, there's going to be a venue that fits that bill perfectly coming up not too far from now in Washington.
Tell us about that, Richard.
Well, yes, in many ways, the conference that I'm hosting in Washington, D.C. this October, October 26th, to be exact, is coming from what we're talking about.
It is in many ways a kind of post-American conference, if you will.
If you want to learn more about it, I would suggest that you go to NPIConferences.net, NPIConferences.net, or you could go to NPIAmerica.org and click on events.
And there you can learn about it.
You can see the speakers and you can even register.
So that would be great.
But we are going to really talk about the future of identity.
And that is who are we going to be as a people, as white people, as people who are connected to Europe, not only by blood, but also in terms of our culture and our worldview and what we hold most sacred and dear.
What are we going to be in the coming century?
Because in our view, the dream of America that we're a place of democracy and tolerance and the American dream and everyone gets rich and multi-culturally and so on and so forth, that dream is ending.
And it's incumbent upon us to create a new vision for our people.
And that is what we are going to try to do at this conference.
obviously but maybe i'm i'm making this a little too bombastic but no i'm not i don't think so because we're at that I can testify, folks, that I've been and had a lot of speaking engagements and traveled and been to a lot of conferences, both as an attendee and a participant.
Richard Spencer puts on an incredibly phenomenal conference.
Folks will remember, of course, a couple of years ago when we were at the National Press Club, and that was documented on this show.
If you missed that, folks, I know you heard about it.
You heard me talking about it.
This is something fitting of our people.
And I know some of the events will be held at the Reagan building there in downtown Washington, D.C., which was where we were a couple of years back.
And that's an amazing facility.
But it's not just the venue.
It's not just Washington, D.C. and the finer, most elegant parts of it.
It's the people that will be there, certainly the speakers, of which Richard will be one.
Also, other speakers that listeners of this program will be well familiar with and well acquainted.
Sam Dixon, Tomislav Sunich, Alex Kurtig, and others.
Yes, and Alan de Benoit, who's an interesting French theorist and philosopher who doesn't make very many appearances in the United States.
He'll be quite special.
But I think even more important is that the food will be good.
And that's for sure.
And more important than that, it's really a chance to commune with your fellow nationalists or really just kind of fellow free thinkers, the types of people that are that you don't just take what Fox News or MSNBC gives you, but you really want to think about this.
Think about who we are and who we're going to be.
And it's really a great place to commune with fellow free thinkers or dissidents, maybe is the right word.
And so, you know, and we want to make, we really want to make this conference about that, that you can meet people who are like you, who are as skeptical as you are.
And so that hopefully you can, you know, this is a place to build friendships and really find people that are going to be an important part of your life for years to come.
So again, if you just go to npiamerica.org and then click on events, we'll take you right there and you can learn all of us conference.
Folks, it'll be everything Richard said and more.
And let me tell you, and this comes from my heart.
If you have a chance to go to one conference over the course of the next year, let it be this one in Washington.
You will not regret it.
Richard and NPI puts on a phenomenal event, and this will be October 26th, a little more than a month away.
Still plenty of time for you to make your travel arrangements and get registered.
Richard gave you those websites, and we'll link to them as well on the website.