May 18, 2013 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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You're listening to the Liberty News Radio Network, and this is the Political Cesspool.
The Political Cesspool, going across the South and worldwide, as the South's foremost populist conservative radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the Political Cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
All right, everybody.
Welcome to the Political Cesspool Radio Program.
I'm your host, James Edwards.
I was going to say I'm your ailing host, James Edwards, after a bout with Chinese food poisoning last night.
The wonders of multiculturalism ever ceased.
Oh, Lord, I have been down, but I'm not out, and the show must go on this May 18th.
And I staggered into the studio tonight with the aid of Keith Alexander, who chauffeured me from home to our downtown digs.
And here we are, prepared to go at it again.
Rain nor sleet nor Chinese takeout will keep us down, Keith.
I tell you what, people ask me, you know, why you do this every Saturday night?
This is a party.
This is like going to a party.
This will bring back James from the cusp of death.
He was up here.
It looked like death eating a cracker, turned the color of lime green sherbert.
But as soon as the microphone goes on, the lights go on, James is a changed man.
Well, my disposition is a little bit happier, but I can't say I feel much better.
But that red on-air light does do wonders, I tell you.
But nevertheless, folks, it's my wife and daughter.
I went out of town, a little weekend trip to visit friends.
And so I had free rain.
And I had dinner last night with my cousin and brother.
And that was my first mistake.
And so, you know, not feeling too good through the night or this morning.
I started to revive a little bit around two and finally took advantage of having the house to myself and was picking up a little bit.
I was jamming to Frankie Valley, Davey Jones, the Everly brothers, all this skinhead white power music that racists like me are known to listen to.
I had the beach boys turned up so loud, I guarantee you the people at the end of the cove were rocking with me.
But I was feeling a little bit better, had a little pep in my step, wanted to get together with Keith and go out and do a few things.
And I held strong.
We went out and picked a few strawberries.
And after that, I was kind of laid up in Keith's passenger side as we maneuvered to the station.
But not before Keith had did his good deed of the day.
I wasn't much of assistance because I was out of commission by the time Keith did this, but he saved a dog's life.
And Keith, I'll let you tell him that story before we get down to brass tacks.
Well, one much too.
James was a little bit green at the gills, so he couldn't handle it.
But we were driving through deepest, darkest South Memphis at the time, heading down here to our Beale Street studios, when we were going down, I suppose it was McLemore, and there was a little black dog I saw run out in the street, got run over by, you know, one of these low-slung Cadillacs or something like that.
And just, you know, the dog was obviously hit.
I thought he was dead, but he was lying there in the road.
I stopped.
James was telling me, you know, don't do that.
This is dangerous.
So I stopped, saw the dog there, saw he was still alive, had a cut on his head and couldn't move.
So I picked him up, took him over, you know, dodged the traffic, took him over to the side of the road, put him down, kind of ministered to him for a moment, and then he got up and moved.
You know, I tell you what, this was, yeah, I was laying on of hands on the dog here, and he came back to life, right, James?
Keith was praying for him, and I was having a vigil there in the car, and we were in the middle of the eight lanes of traffic in South Memphis, and, you know, literally you take your life into your own hands when you get out of the car in this neighborhood.
We know what the dog felt like.
But yeah, I mean, you know, and the traffic wasn't moving fast.
The denizens of South Memphis who ran over him undoubtedly knew he ran over him but didn't care, nor did any of the other people that were driving past except for the good Samaritan, Keith Alexander.
So a dog's life was saved on the way to the show, and now we're here.
Or at least prolonged.
I don't know how he's doing right now, but good news is, good news, and there is good news, is that website traffic to our humble internet headquarters has jumped 110% since the unveiling of the new design.
And so we're excited about that.
And more and more people coming to know the show.
You know, people always say to me, they swear to me, that we're driving the debate, that people like Hannity and Limbaugh are hijacking some of these ideas that they hear and kind of watering them down to an extent.
But I mean, listen, folks, and we talked about it last week.
You know, you got a lot of mainstream commentators that are beginning to drop nuggets as if it was James Edwards and Keith Alexander themselves.
And so, you know, again, it's debatable how much credit we can take for that.
But what can't be denied is that more and more people are coming to this show, to our website, and we're happy to have you.
And we continue to get emails from you.
The email has really seen a spike as well, Keith.
The amount of correspondence coming into the show, which has always been robust, has really just taken a life of its own to coincide with this jump in traffic and new listeners and readers.
Got a letter from a loyal listener in Brazil.
You know, we're always excited to make mention of the different ports of call that we receive mail from and listener feedback, whether it be, you know, one of the states here in the U.S. or overseas in Europe, you know, some of the places you would expect TPC listeners to hell from.
But here's one from Brazil, and this is what it reads.
Dear Mr. Edwards, you and Mr. Alexander mentioned on last Saturday's program about slavery here in Brazil.
In addition to what you said, which was completely right, I can offer you more information.
The blacks who came to Brazil by the hands of slave traders were not captured in Africa by these traders.
They were brought there after being captured by other black Africans who used to enslave their enemies and sell them to the slave traders.
This situation shows two things.
First, that race and ethnicity are an important matter even between blacks.
They recognize different groups, sub-races of black people, and fought one another against others.
See what happened in Rwanda, for example, 1994 to 1997.
Second, it goes to show what you were mentioning, that blacks were not innocent in the question of slavery.
Any of the groups that would win their war was going to do exactly the same thing to the other tribes.
Thank you for the excellent radio program that you deliver every Saturday.
I'm a big fan and never missed a show.
God bless you, Mr. Alexander, and the rest of the crew from the Political Cessible regards Eduardo from Brazil, Keith.
Well, Eduardo, like most of our listeners, is sharp as attack and right on the money about slavery.
We're glad that we have such an acutely aware audience, and we do.
Let me just make a couple of comments that were suggested to me by his commentary.
First of all, what you need to understand about whites enslaving blacks is that just like Europeans found that Amor Indians, the American Indian tribes both in North and South America, were peculiarly susceptible to European diseases.
Conversely, white Europeans were particularly vulnerable to sub-Saharan African diseases like dengue fever, sleeping sickness, and malaria.
We'll get right back to that after these words from our sponsor.
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It's time to jump back into the political cesspool.
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All right, everybody.
Welcome back, James Edwards, Keith Alexander.
I think I'm going to head up to the green room, Keith.
I've got to go chewing a side nod capsule and see if it makes me feel better.
But, all right, Keith, we are approaching, as you know, a very ominous anniversary in American history, a date.
We actually passed it.
Did we just pass it?
The 17th.
The 17th?
I don't even know what day it is.
I've been out of pocket for a couple of days here.
It was truly a day in which you could see the partition of what America used to be beginning to change into what it would unfortunately become.
Keith, what was the day and why was it so detrimental?
Well, the day was May the 17th, 1954.
And it's my argument that this was the watershed moment in 20th century American history, at least, if not American history generally.
Basically, we've been on the downslope ever since that day.
We've been diminishing as a world power, as an economic power, as a prosperous nation, as a civilized nation, relentlessly at an ever-increasing rate since May the 17th, 1954.
Now, what, pray tell, happened on that day, the day the earth stood still.
There was some 1950s horror movie or science fiction movie called The Day the Earth Stood Still.
May the 17th, 1954 was indeed the day the Earth Stood Still.
And that was the day that the U.S. Supreme Court handed down its decision in the Brown versus Topeka Board of Education lawsuit.
This is the beginning of the true boots on the ground triumph of liberalism in America.
It is the moment when the left discovered the Philosopher's Stone.
The left, in the Brown decision, figured out how to rule America without the consent of the governed.
They were able to basically, through the power of judicial review, find a way that the 3% could trump the will of 97% of America.
And that's not an exaggeration.
This was a wildly unpopular decision, particularly in the American South.
The Southern members of Congress, both the Senate and the House of Representatives, created the Southern Manifesto, which pledged their undying opposition to the Brown decision.
It was the firing, the first shot, the initial salvo in the civil rights movement, the civil rights movement, all flowed from this and flowed after it.
the things from the Emmett-Till situation to the Montgomery bus boycott, all of these things followed on the heels of the Brown decision.
And the Brown decision was diabolically clever.
It basically strategically targeted the nesting area of white Americans.
Like many another endangered species, when the nesting areas are disturbed, white Americans stopped reproducing.
And the Brown decision was uniquely and especially designed so that that effect would result.
This is what happened when they integrated public education.
Public education was one of the crowning achievements of American civilization up to that point.
We had one of the most literate populations and we had some of the best public schools in the world.
And this had been achieved in this outpost of European civilization in the New World.
But with the Brown decision and the racial integration of schools saying that it was somehow going to be contrary to the dictates of the 14th Amendment,
which was one of the post-Civil War amendments that had the equal protection and the due process clause in it that followed the American Civil War, supposedly racially integrated schools violated the dictates of the 14th Amendment by saying that,
even though the same U.S. Congress that passed the 14th Amendment into law also during the same session of Congress created a racially segregated public education system for the District of Columbia back in those days, the District of Columbia, which we call Washington, D.C. today, did not have a mayor and a city council and all of that stuff.
It was ruled directly by the U.S. Congress, and the U.S. Congress created a racially segregated school system for them.
This was the same Congress that passed the 14th Amendment into law, so it's quite obvious that the authors of the 14th Amendment found no violation or no inconsistency between the dictates of the 14th Amendment on one hand and having racially segregated schools on the other.
Furthermore, Starry Decisis, the foundational principle of all appellate jurisprudence, in other words, you follow the legal precedents that have been set before.
There was a precedent called Plessy versus Ferguson that had validated racially segregated public facilities, which would include racially segregated public schools, as being, as long as they were separate, they could be separate so long as they were equal.
Well, the Brown decision said separate but equal was no longer the law.
You had to have actual racial integration.
And it took probably about 10 to 20 years with the American people saying, you really didn't mean this, did you?
Well, they did.
And when they actually integrated the schools through busing in the early 70s, then since that moment, American public education has been in the tank.
And there's no denying it.
American public education, which had been at the top of the developed world when the Brown decision was handed down, has since busing became the law of the land in the early 1970s.
It is at the very bottom of the developed world.
And as James can tell you, if you go through a city like Memphis that has a sizable black population, you will see neighborhoods that were obviously fine, outstanding showcases decades ago that are now in a state of advanced decay.
That's where we picked up this dog and saved its life today.
This is one of the products, one of the consequences of the Brown decision.
This urban decay, the fact that American cities have transformed themselves into slums in so many instances can be laid directly at the feet of the Brown decision.
Urban decay, what happened, I said it was diabolically clever of the left.
If they wanted to destroy American society and white civilization and culture in America, this was the way to do it because when they racially integrated the schools, the automatic instinct of conscientious white parents, which would be almost all white parents, was to limit the size of their families to the number of children they could afford to send to private schools.
And as a result, the white population has plummeted from 90% of the American population to about 62% today.
James, we're going to get into this more deeply after these words from our sponsor.
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Hello, everyone.
James Edwards here.
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Welcome back.
To get on the show, call us on James's Dine at 1-866-986-6397.
All right, everybody, welcome back to the Political Cess Pool.
James Edwards and Keith Alexander in the studio this evening, Keith Alexander doing the heavy lifting for me tonight.
Thank God.
We're talking about the anniversary of a very ominous event in American history, the Brown versus Board of Education decision of 1954.
Of course, that's celebrated as one of the greatest days in American history by the mainstream media.
Of course, we give you an objective look at everything that has happened as a result of it.
But let me just say this before I turn it back over to Keith, who will be applying his encyclopedic knowledge on the subject.
But you're talking about the federal government using this ruling that was wildly unpopular to force integration on states that didn't want it.
I always believed in freedom of association, private property rights, and so on and so forth.
And I know this pertained to the schools and other things grew from that, but I truly do believe that the states ought to have had the right to make a decision of how to best govern and educate their children.
And at the time prior to May of 54, you had that in this country.
And then the standard of education has fallen for everyone since then.
And this certainly plays a very large role in why that occurs.
Black and white and everyone else, standard of education has dropped precipitously since 54.
And so has happiness in schools.
I mean, you know, white people just started paying $20,000 a year, what it's up to now to go to private schools, just to save their kids from having to endure what these diverse schools are like.
Even Eisenhower wasn't a big fan of this.
Of course, he didn't come out against it for political reasons, but he understood the objections of the South.
But even if you take out the detrimental effect that Brown versus Board had on education, Keith, what cannot be discounted and what must always be remembered when you're talking about Brown versus Board was this was the first case, I believe in American history, that used legislation from the bench to circumvent rule of, to circumvent popular vote and public opinion.
The states weren't going to go for this.
They weren't going to vote it in.
So the Supreme Court said, well, we know what's better for you than what you know for yourselves.
And we've seen it happen time and time again since then with gay marriage, Roe versus Wade, you just name it.
All on the template of Brown versus Board.
This is how the federal government figured out how they could work around the people to implement laws that the country didn't want.
Flagrant violation of the separation of powers, flagrant violation of the Constitution.
And it started with Brown versus Board.
So whatever your take is on this issue, and certainly we have one, a lot of it grew from there, and we're suffering from it today and continue to suffer from it.
Keith, but continue on with your dissertation.
Well, you're absolutely right.
As Pat Buchanan has said before, this was the moment in history where the left learned how to govern America without winning elections or persuading legislators.
There were other instances of the use of the power of judicial review to legislate from the bench.
These all began, mysteriously enough, when Jews started to appear on the U.S. Supreme Court, beginning with Louis Brandeis.
The 1924 group photograph of the U.S. Supreme Court was never made because James C. McReynolds of Tennessee refused to sit next to Louis Brandeis in the photograph.
Now, that is attributed to rank anti-Semitism if you read all the typical commentators on these topics whenever they encounter that.
But the real reason was James McReynolds knew what a corrosive influence Brandeis was introducing into the counsels of the U.S. Supreme Court, and he objected like any honest jurist of the day should have.
He just had more gumption than the rest to call a spade a dirty shovel.
Now, the Brown decision, now there had been other decisions before Brown in which the power of judicial review was played.
It was a Trump card being played, but it had never been used before to make such a cataclysmic change in the day-to-day lives of many American citizens.
Before, there had been various and sundry topics that had been addressed with judicial review, but these were basically specialized, very parochial provincial type interests that were affected, not something as widespread as public education generally.
What the Brown decision did was give the federal government authority, Brown II, in particular, the all-deliberate speed part of it, gave the federal government unprecedented power to intrude its will upon public education, which had up until that point had traditionally been a matter not just of state control,
but even further down the food chain, local control, local school boards.
In fact, there were souls on the U.S. Supreme Court at the time that said that basically now the U.S. Supreme Court and the various and sundry U.S. district courts were going to be glorified school boards for every hamlet and village in America.
And that's exactly what happened, particularly in the South, as a result of the Brown decision.
Now, you need to also understand that this is a violation, a direct violation of one of the fundamental principles of American government, and that is the principle of subsidiarity that was announced by Thomas Jefferson,
which was that the level of government that should have the most control over your day-to-day life, i.e. matters like public education, should be the level of government nearest to the people, i.e. local government, because that smallest, most intimate local level of government is much more responsive to the will of the people than a distant government.
That's why nobody would have even dreamed of something as outlandish in, let's say, the 1950s, the average American wouldn't have, as global government.
If you think your voice doesn't count for anything in a federal U.S. national government, and that's what the South indeed found out as a result of the Brown decision, imagine how little your vote or your voice counts in a global government, in a global election, or in a global context.
It's basically just a thinly veneered disguise for tyranny.
And this is what the Brown decision represented and what has happened to America since the Brown decision.
You know, people are all the time trying to tell us that we need to celebrate the civil rights movement.
We here at the political cesspool say, what's there to celebrate?
Let's look at America in the early 1950s.
The illegitimacy rate was 1.5% for whites, 22%, the highest among groups in America of 1950 for black Americans.
Today, the white illegitimacy rate is higher than the black illegitimacy rate was in 1950.
It's between 25 and 26%.
Meanwhile, the black illegitimacy rate is 72% and shows basically three out of four black babies born are born to a woman that is not married to the father of the child.
This is more of the fallout, more of the consequences of the triumph of liberalism.
People don't understand that liberalism.
The reason we say liberalism is modern face of evil is that everything that you can point to that's wrong with America today tracks back to liberalism.
The sexual revolution and the drug culture are just as much a part of liberalism.
No fault divorce is just as much a part of liberalism as the civil rights movement, as school, public school racial integration.
What has happened to America as a result of public school racial integration?
Well, I attended public school throughout my primary and secondary education.
And we had freedom of choice, and we also had great schools back then.
We're going to come back to this topic.
We're going to pick it up right here on the other side of this break.
Stay tuned.
Hello, everyone.
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Welcome back.
To get on the show, call us on James' Dime at 1-866-986-6397.
All right, everybody.
Welcome back to the Political Sesspool.
Keith Alexander is holding court right now in a much more lawful way than the Supreme Court did in May of 1954.
And I understand that there's two sides to this, and there's two points of view.
Certainly, we have one that I wouldn't say is a dissenting opinion.
I think most rational thinking people would agree with us, but it's certainly not what you would hear on cable television.
You can have the mainstream opinion on this, that, oh, it was great.
You know, the Supreme Court struck down the so-called racist, separate, but equal practices, if that's the position you want to take.
But you cannot deny that they circumvented the Constitution and precipitated America's decline.
And what they did was completely illegal.
As was pointed out during the commercial break, each and every one of the justices that voted in favor of Brown versus Board should have been impeached on the spot.
You know, if there are some states up there, and it wasn't just about integration, it was about forced integration.
I mean, that's the key word that we need to put at the point of a bayonet, which was quite literally what they did in Little Rock.
So this is something that should always be remembered because, as I said, this was certainly the first major ruling that really moved the needle in terms of American culture and American societal trends.
And this was the first one that just really, they really knew that they had something in hand when they passed this and forced it upon the unwilling American people, particularly in the South.
What it did, James, it proved that they could do something that was wildly unpopular and make it stick on the American people through the supposed power of judicial review.
Now, there have been murmurings about the power of judicial review since almost the beginning of the Republic.
If you go to a constitutional law class, you'll learn that the McCulloch versus Maryland case was, or Madison versus Marbury case was the first exercise of judicial review.
Of course, that was a very minor event involving something, the election, I think, of a Justice of the Peace or the creation of some type.
It was some very Piki-unish item.
And what had happened, there had been other instances of it.
There had been Justice John Marshall's ruling that the Indian Removal Act passed under the auspices of the Andrew Jackson administration was unconstitutional.
Andrew Jackson did exactly to that decision what Abraham Lincoln did to Roger Taney's decision in state X-Rail Milligan during the Civil War and what had been done by every other American executive up to that point, up to the point of the Brown decision.
They'd blithely ignored the Supreme Court's attempted erogation of their constitutional rights.
What Andrew Jackson said was, Mr. Marshall has made his decision, now let him enforce it.
More politely, what Jackson, Lincoln, everyone else, up until the point of the Brown decision was saying all the presidents was, I too have taken an oath to support and enforce the Constitution of the United States, just like you people on the U.S. Supreme Court.
And I see nothing about these laws that is unconstitutional.
That's exactly what Dwight Eisenhower should have done in the Brown decision.
But unfortunately, he was an old soldier who felt when he heard an order, he ought to snap his heels together with a click, salute, and start obeying.
Now, he was asked after his presidency, after the inauguration and the swearing in of John F. Kennedy by Time magazine, if he had made any mistakes as president.
His reply was only two, and they're both sitting on the U.S. Supreme Court.
The two appointments that Eisenhower made to the U.S. Supreme Court were Earl Warren, former Republican governor of California, who was being paid off for a political debt by being allowed to become a justice on the U.S. Supreme Court.
And unfortunately, because of luck of the draw, he just happened to be replacing the guy that had been the Chief Justice, so he became the Chief Justice.
The other one was William Brennan, who basically inaugurated the pornography industry in America in a decision called Roth versus U.S., his first major authored decision on the U.S. Supreme Court, in which he said that naked dancing in beer halls was constitutionally protected freedom of expression.
Another idea, another decision that would undoubtedly have sent the founding fathers spinning in their graves if they were capable of doing such.
What happened, I was pointing out that the power of judicial review really started to encroach itself upon the decisions of the U.S. Supreme Court when Jewish justices, beginning with Louis Brandeis, joined the U.S. Supreme Court.
Now, there was one Jewish member of the U.S. Supreme Court at the time of the Brown decision, Felix Frankfurter, who was a Viennese immigrant, along with his parents, to the United States.
Guess who engineered the Brown decision, who worked tirelessly behind the scenes to reach the result that was reached in the Brown decision?
None other than Felix Frankfurter.
What a surprise.
We always point out that it's important to know who is Jewish and who's not because Jews are known to be the most liberal part of the white population.
How do we know this?
We know this because there is nothing that is studied in the same detail as exhaustively as demographic voting patterns in the United States.
And it is now well established that in almost every presidential election, four out of five Jewish voters vote for the Democratic candidate for president, which is a pretty good self-indicator of whether you're a liberal or not.
Of the 20% that don't, almost half of those people, half of those Jewish voters, another 10%, vote for candidates even further to the left than the Democratic candidates, somebody like a Ralph Nader, for example, or John Anderson back in the 70s and 80s.
This tells you that whenever you get a Jewish member on the Supreme Court, it would be an absolute miracle if that person was not going to be one of the most, if not the most, liberal member of the U.S. Supreme Court.
Whenever you see a Jewish name, you know that this person is more than likely 80% or 90% assured to be a liberal.
Now, how did Frank Furter accomplish what he wanted to accomplish?
Well, he had a former law clerk, another son of Israel named Philip Ellman, who had been his law clerk on the U.S. Supreme Court during the 1940s.
In fact, this is when it started to be a big competition to see who could land positions as law clerks for the various justices of the U.S. Supreme Court, and they started to be almost exclusively from the top Ivy League schools like Harvard and Yale and almost exclusively Jewish.
These people intruded their viewpoint on the decisions made by the justices they worked for.
It was kind of a power behind the throne thing, and it's followed up to this day.
Up to this day, you're not going to find anybody from the University of Memphis Law School getting to be a U.S. Supreme Court law clerk.
He could have a 200-plus IQ and he'd never get a chance to do it.
This is what happened.
Philip Ellman worked with Frank Furter almost like Deep Throat in Watergate.
They were meeting off-site in clandestine circumstances to discuss how they could pass information back and forth to the counsel for the NAACP.
The chief counsel was Jack Greenberg.
Was he black?
No.
He was Jewish.
The front man, Thurgood Marshall, who was black, was being fed all of his arguments and all the work was being done by Jack Greenberg and his mainly Jewish staff.
Okay, James, I see you gesticulating over here.
Have we got something else to come on with right now?
Well, we got a commercial break coming up, and I just wanted to let people know before we ran into it that we will continue coverage of this.
This is a very important issue.
It's one that we cover annually, and we'll pick it up with the part two, I'm assuming next week.
And then coming up, folks, for the rest of the program this evening, Keith's going to stick around with me for this part of the second hour.
We've got former DEA agent Bob Mazer coming back on in the third hour.
Of course, he was famous for infiltrating Pablo Escobar's cartel, and he's going to be talking about Hezbollah.
We're also going to be covering Benghazi in the second hour.
And Sheriff Richard Mack, the legendary Sheriff Mack will be with us at the top of the next hour.
But I just wanted to say, Keith, in closing, that, you know, it would have been great if Andrew Jackson or someone of his mindset could have been president in 1954, because surely they would have said the court has made its decision.
Now let him enforce it.
The court, the Supreme Court could have done nothing if it weren't for the military support.
And this took military action to enforce this decision.
And that, of course, came from the federal government who were all too eager to aid Nibet.
That's what Eisenhower did.
sent armed U.S. troops into Little Rock to enforce racial integration on the Little Rock schools in 1957.
Now the other thing I wanted to say before we get off the topic is this.
Philip Ellman was passing information, ex-camera, to the NAACP staff.