July 16, 2011 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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Welcome to the Political Cesspool, known worldwide as the South's foremost populous radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the Political Cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
Welcome back to the Political Cesspool Radio Program.
We are now kicking off our second of three hours of this evening's live broadcast.
I'm your host, James Edwards.
It's Saturday evening, July 16th, and as we established about an hour ago, I am calling in tonight on Family Vacation with my wife and 15-month-old daughter.
Thanks to the marvels of modern technology and the crack team at AM 1380, WLRM Studios in Memphis and our network in Utah.
I am calling in tonight from a hotel room and hosting this nationally syndicated radio program.
That is how far we've come in radio, ladies and gentlemen.
But of course, I'm not doing it without a little help.
And that's namely Keith Alexander, who co-hosted with me during tonight's first hour.
And now, of course, Bill Rowland, who joins me from home at the studio in downtown Memphis.
And Bill, you called me on the phone about a week and a half ago and said you had a very big guest lined up.
And my friend, you were not lying.
Tell us a little more about her.
Indeed, a very special guest.
Elena Mercer is a widely published classical liberal, or more appropriately, libertarian writer based in the United States.
She writes World Net Daily's popular Return to Reason column.
And Elena is a fellow at the Jerusalem Institute for Market Studies.
She is currently a Canadian citizen who was born in South Africa to Rabbi Ben Isaacson and raised in Israel.
And she is the author, most importantly for us, she is the author of Into the Cannibal's Pot, Lessons for America from Post-Apartheid South Africa.
And we should also point out that she has a website, www.elenamercer.com, and she blogs at www.barleyblog.com.
So, Elena, we know you're on the line, and welcome to the Political Festival.
Hi, Bill.
Hi, James, and thanks for that gracious introduction.
Okay, Alana, could I get you to speak up a little bit?
Maybe just my end, but I'm having a little trouble hearing you because all three of us are on phones right now, except for me.
I'm in the studio.
But just don't be afraid to speak loud.
The first question, Bill, you're asking.
That's better.
Thank you.
The first question I have for you is that we know South Africa, of course, once the most advanced and certainly technologically superior nation in South Africa, in Africa, in all of Africa, is currently now gone to black rule, and there is certainly a discernible decline in the standard of living there, particularly for the Afrikaner, the Boer, the white South African.
What do you think the current threat level is for white South Africans?
Are they, in fact, already in code red, in a danger zone from which they can't escape?
Well, I go through the entire gamut of threat that they face, and indirectly we do on a more incremental level.
In my book, I go over the crime.
Listfully, you know, the overnight transfer of institutions, both civil society and government institutions, to a relatively unskilled, unprepared majority.
Africans are 75% of the population, whites are 10% of South African population and diminishing.
This has hollowed out all institutions across the board like husks.
So what you have is a very, very dangerous, precarious situation, which I detail with great, you know, with great detail in my book.
I go into details there.
I start with the issue of crime.
And all along the book, I juxtapose America and South Africa.
In other words, we are on the same course except we're doing it incrementally because of the complexion of our population.
In chapter two, I detail the ethnic cleansing of the Afrikaner farmers off the land.
The chapter is tellingly titled The Kulaks of South Africa versus the Corsa Nostra, the Corsa being the ruling African tribe.
I proceed, Bill, to dispossession is nine-tenths of the law, and that's a parody on the adage, possession is nine-tenths of the law.
And I allude very bluntly to the most extreme affirmative action program in the world, and that's by the assessment of the economist in Wall Street Journal, who are extremely pro-St. Mandela and his despotic party.
Of course, I draw the parallels to our affirmative action programs, which are extremely similar, actually.
Then I move on to chapter four, and you are in the midst of reading the book, Mandela and Becky and Mugabe sitting in a bayob tree kissing.
And yeah, it's a grisly read and it took the mickey out of me, my friend, but it's a page turner, I think.
And in this chapter, I wanted to analyze why the unreserved support from these leaders for Mugabe.
And that's what I do in chapter four.
The root causes racket is a philosophical perspective about blame the West, the whole cross that we are supposed to bear for the Third World and Africa being the exploitative powers.
Then I go on to wondering why is it that WASP societies wither because we are collapsing upon ourselves in the same way like a black hole, if you will.
And finally, I look at the culpability, the Anglo-American Australian actors of evil, because we do it everywhere.
We did it to the Iraqi Christians.
We're doing it to Libya.
You know, we did it to South Africa too, but we did it in a diplomatic manner.
We insisted on raw ripe democracy there.
Although our founders forswore democracy and devised a republic with dispersed powers, we insisted that a majority come to power and we rejected any possibility of minority rights or a balance of power for the Anglo-Afrikana and Zulu minorities of South Africa.
So that's the synopsis basically of the book.
And In the intersteses of the book, you'll find my story, which is basically an expat who upt and left a lot of people that I love and care deeply of, most of whom have been attacked, at least one raped, one bashed about the head and survived with an inch of her life, and so on and so forth.
Well, ladies and gentlemen, as you can tell, this is a very gripping, very moving, very personal book.
And we have with us Lana Mercer this evening, our featured guest on tonight's broadcast of the Political Cesspole Radio Program.
And I want to thank my co-host, Bill Rowland, for bringing her to the show tonight.
And of course, over the course of this, our second hour, she will be with us for its entirety.
And Bill will be interviewing her and taking us through the ins and outs of a book that is receiving much critical acclaim.
We'll talk a little bit more about that.
We might have to be worried from our sponsors.
Stay tuned, everybody.
We're just getting started.
Welcome back.
To get on the Political Cesspool, call us on James's Dime, toll-free, at 1-866-986-6397.
And here's the host of the Political Cesspool, James Edwards.
All right, everybody.
Welcome back to the Political Cesspool Radio Program.
This week, just so happens to be a week, I am on vacation, and I am leaning tonight from my hotel room on my more than capable co-hosts, Keith Alexander doing the first hour, and now, of course, Bill Rowland, who has brought to our program this evening a very esteemed guest, Alana Mercer, whose book, Into the Cannibal's Pot, is one we hope you'll want to buy.
And if you do choose to do that, you can do so from her website, AlanaMercer.com, or just search into the cannibal's pot or AlanaMercer at amazon.com, and you will find that this book is still very highly rated there at Amazon, despite being on the market for a few weeks now.
It is still in the top 10 in its category, and it has received the accolades and endorsements of many former political cesspool guests that I'm sure you'll recognize, Peter Brimelow and many others among them.
So folks, we're very excited to have her on to talk about her book.
And as I said, I am basically just directing traffic tonight, taking our friends in and out of breaks.
Bill, back over to you as we continue with Alana.
Yes, thank you, James.
Ilana, almost certainly when the transition took place from the apartheid regime, the white rule of government, to a black government, certainly the whites in South Africa must have believed that there would be some sort of cooperative power sharing and that their rights and their property would not be threatened.
And yet, as we've seen in South Africa, as we see also in the United States, that once a minority or people who not necessarily were empowered gain power, they don't recognize the same rules or laws or civil rights that whites have in fact created to protect people, minorities in particular.
What do you think whites expect in South Africa?
What did they expect when the change of government took place?
Because they actually voted for black majority rule, in a sense.
Absolutely.
And I voted in many of the referenda bills.
You guys are tough.
I must just say this to you.
Actually, by the way, Bill, I can hear James better than you.
So maybe you could ramp it up a bit.
I can hardly hear you.
I understand.
Go ahead, James.
Hello?
Yeah, I was just saying, Bill is Bill's a weak link tonight under the circumstances of this patchwork broadcast we're doing with me hosting from afar.
Did you catch his question, Alana?
Yes, I did.
I did.
My book is dedicated to my Afrikaner fellow brothers betrayed and to two very special African ladies that were very close to me that I left and will never hear from because such is the infrastructure now.
However, Bill, you are completely right.
I voted in many of the referenda, at least one or two, whereby F.W. de Klerk, who shared the Nobel Peace Prize with Mandela for betraying South Africa, for betraying the minority, campaigned very clearly and demonstrably against majority rule.
And let me tell you also this.
The liberal faction in South Africa is far more classical liberal than our swine, than our Democratic Party.
They are far more, I mean, people like Helen Sussman were, or Fanzel Slabbert, were more classical liberals like myself.
And they wrote extensively and profoundly against majority rule.
Majority rule, despite the fact that we, you know, we are spreading it at the barrel of a gun all over the world, is not something these people admired.
Of course, they caved when they realized their salaries and their sinecure depended on supporting this vile idea that democracy is anything but democide, leads to democide distribution of wealth and so on, especially in racially riven societies.
And this was the betrayal.
We believed, de Klerk, that there would be power sharing in which minority rights would be guaranteed.
But this was not the case.
And you are absolutely right.
I cover this extensively.
And really, there is no factual explanation to why WASP societies simply cave.
There's no factual explanation for it.
You have to look to the Protestant philosophy.
In other words, the inability to wield power, which is not a problem in Africa, but is a great problem to Protestant Christians.
And I cover that philosophical aspect.
That's why I say the book is very much the factual and the philosophical definitive on the New South Africa with implications to the United States.
But you're right.
The betrayal was there.
I was a liberal, sure.
I lived among Afrikaners.
My Afrikaner neighbors would say to me, you liberals are naive.
You don't know.
Look at Africa around you.
This is the last civilized outpost.
And they were right.
They were absolutely right.
Well, I'll tell you what, Bill, and I know you'll recognize this fact.
It's very hard to find anyone in the world with the courage to admit that they were wrong about anything.
I don't care what it was, you know, deciding on what to eat, much less a matter of survival.
And so, you know, I haven't much tip to the people who are able to do that.
But Ilana does make a good point about the inability of whites, at least modern whites, to wield power.
And perhaps that is something to do with Protestant Christianity.
Bill, your take on that, and then your next question.
Well, certainly the Boers were very strong Christians and very strong in their desire to create a great nation and were very strong against the savages who came up against them.
The Blood River is a very famous example.
But Elena, just for the sake of letting our listeners know, the Boers, the South African, the Dutchman, was not a colonialist.
He didn't come into South Africa to conquer people.
In fact, if I'm not mistaken, the Boers, the Afrikaners, arrived in South Africa about the same time the Zulu were coming from the north into South Africa.
And the only really Aboriginal people in South Africa are the Bushmen.
If I remember my history correctly, they're really the Aboriginal people of South Africa.
In the years that the apartheid government began to develop, and of course they had a war against the British amidst all the other problems the Boers had.
They had to fight the British in a long and bloody war.
In the midst of all of this, the South Africans certainly became prosperous.
Do you think that the prosperity of South Africa and the fear of losing that prosperity had something to do with the failure of will of the South Africans to stand up to this very brutal and savage majority who clearly were hostile to the Boers and have been for a century?
But then I don't quite agree with that because Afrikaners always maintained that if they did not stand up against communism and the crime that would engulf them with majority rule, they would lose that prosperity and the safety of property, life and property.
In other words, they were even more individualistic than our settlers were.
Afrikaners succumbed to government much later than we were statists by the time when they were still living in more parochial arrangements rather than in statist succumbing or partaking in government.
Afrikaners stayed rugged individualists for much longer and they did land in the Cape in the 1600s just as we did here.
So our path very much mirror the same trajectory as I do point out in the book.
And also to your previous point, they fought, the Afrikaners fought the first anti-colonial war against the British, right?
And this is where the dilemma came into play.
At once they were people who fought the British to gain their independence, and then they found themselves ruling over black Bundestan.
Alana, I hate to interrupt you, but we have to take a commercial break.
Hold that thought right there.
We're going to be sure to pick up on it right where you're leaving off, right after these words.
To get on the show and express your opinion in the Political Says pool, call us toll-free at 1-866-986-6397.
James Edwards and Roland here with you, along with Alana Mercer, an author who we are very honored to have as our guest this evening.
And I told Alana right before the last commercial break we would let her continue with her point.
And we were going to, but not before I asked her to plug her book and where she can get it.
Everything you've heard us discuss so far this evening and more can be found between the pages of her book.
Alana, I've got that information right here in front of me.
I could easily give it to the audience, but I'd much rather you do it with your feminine accent than me.
Oh, James, you do it so fabulously, and I really appreciate this very gracious introduction and the links you provide.
If you go to elanamercer.com, I-L-A-N-A-M-E-R-C-E-R, you can follow the links to Amazon and to Kindle and purchase this book.
Well, there you have it, my friend.
Yes, into the cannibals pot.
Alana Mercer, Alanamercer.com or Amazon.
And of course, as she just mentioned, we do have links provided for you at our website this evening at the very top of the blog role.
So be sure to check it out.
Alana, if you can remember about three minutes ago, you were making a very good point.
I certainly want to allow you to continue.
Oh, thank you, James.
The thing that we really share with the Afrikaner, but because we are also, well, you guys hold the fort on intelligent discussion, but because the rest of the idiocracy is just falling into this pit of stupidity, there's no ways we can recognize this.
But it is the inability to reconcile pietism, which comes from the WASP roots, with power.
And that was the dilemma of the Afrikaner.
And that is a conclusion that I have reached in my book, because they were on top of it, my friend.
They had nuclear powers.
My own husband was in the space industry.
They dismantled willingly the power plants, the nuclear power plants in Telandaba.
So what happened here was the inability of these Calvinists to reconcile pietism with power.
You had the tender conscience, if you will, that the Puritan mind is so crippled by.
In other words, here they were, the great power that had fought Britain with great success and with heroic results and claimed a country.
And they had devised apartheid.
You know, when you listen to Western idiots, the liberals, speak about apartheid, it is as if it was Nazism.
Now, apartheid was a contemptible class system.
I'm not defending it.
I'm against the new South Africa, but that does not mean I was for the old South Africa.
But it was the only superstructure, the political superstructure within which the folk, the Afrikaners, could devise something of a separate development that would allow them to retain a civilized minority in Africa, right?
There was nothing, look, there were elements that were extremely unpleasant about apartheid.
This is not a justification for apartheid.
But essentially, if you study the intellectual roots of apartheid that come from the intelligentsia in Salenbosch University, you will see that it was a strategy for separate development that would not cripple the Puritan conscience, right?
So what they found themselves eventually was that they were masters and lords of African bandistan.
They were being, you know, reviled across the world.
These were South African Spartans who loved sports.
They were not allowed to compete internationally.
This is what collapsed the Afrikaners, nothing else because they had it all.
And coincidentally, they lost it all.
But Bill, another question.
I know you certainly spent a lot of time preparing for this excellent interview.
Well, I would ask Elena, if you view apartheid as a survival strategy and not only a political and social system, Certainly the Afrikaners, as I said, had been at war with the British as well and had been essentially under British rule before they were even independent.
What alternative government could the Afrikaners have put in place besides apartheid that would have allowed them to both prosper and survive politically and physically in South Africa?
If not apartheid, what other government might have come out of 1948 when apartheid was put in place?
What other government might have been possible that in fact might have succeeded and remained in place today?
Well, Bill, that's precisely the question.
And retain the civilized, look, you know, civilized political institutions, if imperfect, can always be improved upon.
You know, law and order, the Dutch-Roman legal system was pretty just.
It was tough.
They did have a separate judiciary.
These bulwarks of civilization, if you will, can be improved upon.
But once they're gone and indigenized, there's no ways you can get them back.
So, yes, I would like to know, just as you are asking, what other political structure, which is what apartheid was, could they have devised?
It's very hard to know.
In my book, I recommend, because I'm a classical liberal or a libertarian, I recommend secession.
But if you note, yes, there is a plague of violence and absolute lawlessness in South Africa within government and without government.
However, what prevents people from defending life, liberty, and property is government in America and in South Africa.
So this is what we're up against, because if you had freedom to secede and freedom to associate and dissociate at will, you would have the old commando, Afrikaner commando militia defending the homesteads that are being destroyed and dispossessed.
You would not have women being raped and being disemboweled like Shaka Zulu used to do.
You would not have that if people were allowed to defend themselves, secede, and you might not have secession based on race.
There are many wonderful Africans who would like to secede.
So my book is based in reality, not in race necessarily.
Of course, reality dictates that certain demographics are unavoidable.
You cannot shun aggregate statements about demographics, and I don't shun them.
Well, of course, the Afrikaners, there have been talks that the Afrikaners would break away and form the Orange State or some other form of government.
Is that even possible considering the loss the South Africans have suffered in terms of their control over their industries and certainly their military?
You know, I think, excuse me if I'm laughing.
I can hardly hear you, Bill, but I got the question.
I think that America would invade South Africa if there was secession.
Don't you?
Do you think, Bill, that's a question so good I need to repeat it because especially with our experience that Southern Spain.
Do you think, Bill, that America would invade South Africa if there was secession there?
Absolutely.
No, and I don't think that America would invade California if there was secession there.
I think that America is a global entity now and that South Africa would be just, you know, a bridge too far as far as extending our our military force there.
Besides, America had the experience of becoming involved in Ethiopia and Somalia, which proved a a disaster.
And I think America has a certain reluctance to get involved anywhere in sub-Saharan Africa.
We haven't gotten involved in Liberia, which was an American, essentially an American colony.
So I don't think America would.
I think it's far more likely the Chinese would intervene.
I don't know.
The Chinese are doing brisk business in South Africa and are doing well and are getting on quite well because they are concerned with economic interests rather than militarizing every place they colonize.
But as Ms. Kulis in South Africa, Mrs. Obama, proved in her recent visits to the sainted Nelson Mandela, I think that Barack Obama would raise a few militia to go and kill off more Afrikaners if they decided to secede.
I think he'd find the goodwill to do that.
Yeah, it's a different ballgame with Obama.
And I'm skeptical.
I don't know if I agree with Bill or with you, Alana.
I think there was more of a possibility there that Bill might get it.
And Bill, let me ask you this, and not to chase a rabbit, but now you said you don't think the U.S. would intervene in California secession.
Who are we talking about seceding here?
If it secedes back into Mexico, I think they might let it happen.
Oh, yeah.
Well, we don't want to go too far into this because now part of California is trying to secede from the rest of California.
But I think that there's certainly, when the demographics change in California, what will happen in California is what has happened in South Africa, that people will assert their ethnic prerogative and their racial prerogatives over the idea of a constitutional government.
Bill, Alana, let's hold up right there.
I tell you, anytime you have a great guest, time goes by so quickly.
We have but one more fleeting segment with Alana Mercer.
going to get to it right after this commercial prank.
Jump in the political cesspool with James and the gang.
Call us tonight at 1-866-986-6397.
And here's the host of the Political Cesspool, James Edwards.
Many Americans might not be aware of what has happened in South Africa.
If you aren't aware of what's occurred in South Africa, you need to read the book made available to you by our guests this evening, Into the Cannibals Pot by Alana Mercer.
You know how to get it.
You can get it on Amazon.com.
You can get it at alanamercer.com or just go to our website.
We've got the links there for you.
South Africa was once a first world nation, and now you've got grass growing through the ruins there.
Does South Africa provide a glimpse into the future of America?
I think that is the question we all need to be asking ourselves.
And this book can give you some answers on that.
And I think certainly America is racing at a breakneck speed towards becoming another South Africa.
And I'm not sure entirely sure we want to go there.
But I want to thank Bill Rowland once again for putting this interview together tonight.
And we have one more segment with Alana Mercer.
Bill, back over to you, my friend.
Alana, we've discussed a lot about South Africa and what's happened there.
And of course, the plight of the Boer, the Afrikaner.
You write in your book, 3,000 Afrikaner farmers, the Boers, have been murdered out of 40,000 farmers in South Africa.
That's just an extraordinary number of murders per 100,000, you know, statistically.
How long do you think the South Africans, white South Africans, how long do white South Africans have before they're reduced to the same status as whites in former Rhodesia, now Zimbabwe?
How much longer do they have to resolve their condition in South Africa and to perhaps come up with a survival strategy?
Bill, they are already under siege just like the Zimbabweans, but we're just not covering it for some reason.
For some reason, Anderson Cooper in his fashionable fatigues won't go to the killing field of the Boers.
And when I finished the book, when I completed it, it took me three years.
3,070 had died.
And I think it's about 3,200 now.
It's over 10% of the population.
For the first time ever, South Africa is unable to feed itself.
It used to feed Africa.
Now, the government intends on dispossessing all the Boers eventually.
And pretty much it's a slow Sovietization of the country.
And land reform is ongoing.
Of course, it's a little slower than Mugabe wanted, but it's still ongoing.
And what happens in South Africa is that, first of all, the legal mechanisms, the courts, whereas once you used to have a westernized court system, a Roman Dutch law, now you have land claims court, which are thoroughly indigenized.
So what happens is a tribe moves on to land, begins threatening the farmer's family, possibly killing or raping, killing the animals.
And you know, there is a section in my book about the animals.
And maybe, maybe the West will care about slaughtered cows, cows that are, because they don't care about people, right?
Right.
Poor animals whose Achilles heels are severed so that they will die slowly.
So they cut all the fences, they colonize the land, they move onto the land, and that, according to the now tribalized indigenized court, is a form of homesteading, my friend.
So what chance does a people, a family have, a family that feeds possibly hundreds of thousands of people with its produce, what chance does it have of retaining its farm?
And there is not, and I document this in detail, I refer to the work of Dr. Dutoy, who's a PhD in law and an expert on agricultural sector.
There is not one successful land handover in the entire country.
What do you make of that?
At some point, such wanton destruction cannot be justified.
So unless the world reads this book and actually cares, but you guys care, and thankfully you're syndicated now.
But mostly, if you read the history of the publication that I went through, none of the major publishers were willing to touch this book.
So the world doesn't care.
And commentators from the Wall Street Journal to the neoconservative establishment only care that distribution of land is not equitable enough, that it's going to cronies.
They don't protest distribution, period.
In other words, they don't uphold property rights as we libertarians would.
So no one gives a damn.
These people are being slaughtered.
10% are gone.
The country cannot feed itself, is importing food.
What chance do they have?
I don't know.
But we have to fight for them, right?
Well, you know, I guess we're certainly trying to raise awareness tonight.
That was one of the most incredible answers.
And you put so much factual evidence into your answer.
And I think you've really given people a lot to think about and ponder.
And you're right.
You know, South Africa once was the red basket of Africa.
Now you find that it can't even feed itself.
And I certainly like the way you brought up that.
I laugh to keep from crying, but you're quite right.
I mean, the American government won't intervene on behalf of the Afrikaners or the Boers, but maybe they will if they find out that animals are suffering injustice.
By the way, James, not to interrupt you, do you remember there was some very hush-hush issue with secession?
Was it Margaret Thatcher's son?
Someone was arrested in that part of the world, and that had to do with a secessionist attempt.
I'm just bringing that back to my solution to the problem, secession and freedom.
But that was a hush-hush affair whereby the person was arrested with the help of Western powers.
So yes, we would interfere to sunder freedoms in that part of the world.
Well, let me ask you this as we're beginning to wrap things up, and I want to bring everything into summation.
I asked this almost as a rhetorical question a few minutes ago, but let's take it to a literal level.
Do you think South Africa is a glimpse to the future of America?
Is it possible?
I do, and I do make the case throughout the book.
Look, in the U.S., the minority is targeted for affirmative action.
In South Africa, it is the majority, okay?
So granted, there's a world of difference between compelling minority recruitment to equal the proportion of minorities in the population.
But enforcing majority recruitment, as the case in South Africa, to equal the proportion of the majority in the population.
Now, that's bound to destroy a country overnight, but we are in the same position because we are hollowing out our establishments, and it's certainly a harbinger of things to come.
Sure, America has not yet collapsed under its diversity doxology because the restructuring is much slower, but this is going to change.
In South Africa, it was an almost overnight transition, where you had a relatively well-educated minority that dominated all institutions.
But the push is on in the U.S.
It will be more incremental, and it will happen, especially with mass immigration.
And there's one variable, Bill and James, that I didn't factor in in my book, and that in the course of publishing this book I've encountered, and that is rising idiocracy among our own population.
It doesn't matter.
We're importing third worlders at a pace, but our people are so stupid and so incapable of officiating in a civilized society that was bequeathed to us by the founders that that too will hasten collapse.
You know, if I have disdain for anything, and there are anyone, it is exactly those who you just mentioned, Alana.
And I'll tell you, you know, we covered a lot of ground tonight, and as much ground as we covered, and you can never cover as much as you would like in commercial radio.
We were just beginning to scratch the surface of the contents of this book, ladies and gentlemen.
And so, with that being said, we are out of time this hour.
But, Alana, I want to offer you the opportunity one last time to plug the contact information for your website and how people can get their hands on this book.
If they'd like the interview, they're going to love reading the rest of what you have to say.
And I'd love to make this a regular sometime to come on again.
It's so rare for me to have intelligent discussion.
Believe me, we can relate.
We would be delighted.
We would be delighted.
And, you know, I want to say this about your book, Elena.
It's absolutely brilliantly written.
Follow the links.
AlanaMercer.com, ladies and gentlemen, buy the book.
And of course, Amazon.com.
You can just search for Alana Mercer or into the Cannibals Pot.
That's the name of this title.
And Bill, I know you were trying to get a last word in there for Alana.
I've read most of the book now.
It's brilliantly written.
It's stunning.
It's informative.
And it's heartbreaking.
And it must be read by anyone who cares anything about the fate of the Boer, the Afrikaner, and all the whites in South Africa.
You know, it's absolutely necessary that they inform themselves.
And Elena, I want to thank you very much for coming on the show, and we'd be delighted to have you back.
Lovely, and thank you so much, Bill, for your support and James.
God bless.
It's certainly our pleasure, and to you as well.
Alana Mercer, everybody.
Check out her book.
And my thanks to Bill Rowland once again for setting up this incredible interview.
Stay tuned, everyone.
Third and final hour of the political festival forthcoming right after these words from our sponsors.