April 10, 2010 - The Political Cesspool - James Edwards
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Welcome to the Political Cesspool, known worldwide as the South's foremost populous radio program.
And here to guide you through the murky waters of the political cesspool is your host, James Edwards.
Southern and the thunders mutter, northern flags and south winds flutter...
To arms is one, two, arm is light, to arm is light, Dixie.
Send them back your fierce defiance.
Stamp upon the cursed alliance.
To large one, to large, to arms, Dixie, advance the flag of Dixie.
Hurrah, hurrah, for Dixie's land we take our stand to live or die for Dixie.
Two arms, once who are once and conquer peace for Dixie.
To arm ones, who are one and conquer peace for Dixie.
All right, everybody.
Welcome back to the third and final hour of tonight's live installment of the award-winning Political Cesspool radio program.
I'm your host, James Edwards.
It is Saturday, April 10th.
That means we are still right in the middle of Confederate History Month 2010, and you just heard the war version of the Southern National Anthem, Dixie.
And always brings chills to my spine to hear that song and any version that it is rendered.
And welcome back to the show.
As I mentioned, we've had a great show so far tonight, and we're going to certainly end it on an even more explosive manner.
And to help me do that, last week we talked at length about the renowned paper, Shattering the Icon of Abraham Lincoln.
And as I said at the top of the show tonight, anything worth doing is worth doing right.
Why talk about the book when you could talk to the author of it?
And to help us do just that, we welcome back our good friend Sam Dixon, the prominent Atlanta attorney, the gifted public speaker and frequent guest on this program who has a knack for delivering surgical-like precision commentary on all sorts of political issues.
Tonight, it just so happens he will be talking about the South, the old Confederacy, and indeed shattering the icon of Abraham Lincoln.
Welcome back to the show, Sam.
Well, it's great to be here.
I'm happy to be here, and I'm happy to congratulate you on the birth of the next generation of Edwards's that's right.
That's another little gift we've had in recent weeks.
I tell you, we're firing on all cylinders here in Memphis.
We just have about, you know, half a million more babies, and we might have a chance to win an election or two here in town.
Well, maybe.
Well, anyway, thank you again so much for that, too, by the way, on a personal level.
I do want to talk to you, of course, about the South, but most importantly, and to start out, let's talk about your booklet, Shattering the Icon of Lincoln.
Now, when did you originally write this paper and what motivated you to do so?
I had thought about it since I was a child, literally.
And I had always been irritated by the Lies of the Saints depiction of Lincoln because I knew as a, you know, let's say a child, I knew in my early teens, and then late for them, that Lincoln was not what he was made out to be.
He was born and grew up in a city that he burned to the ground.
And, you know, we hanged Germans for that.
If we could, we'd be hanging President Ahmadinezon if he committed the crimes that Lincoln committed.
And yet we were compelled to sit in schoolrooms in Atlanta and read textbooks about the kindly, sweet Lincoln.
I had to listen to classmates of mine come from their churches and talk about the great Christian Lincoln and how he walked with the Savior, which I knew also was untrue, and this kind of thing.
And it was just frustrating.
And, you know, coming from a family from the Charleston area of South Carolina and all that, I heard stories from my grandmother and from old people about the things that had been done by Lincoln.
And, you know, so it's always sort of a burr into the saddle.
And I spent my life, when I would run across a little tidbit about Lincoln, I would often save it and would talk to people about it.
And then people urged me to say, well, you need to write this up.
So I wrote it up.
Well, Sam, you mentioned something that I have so often noticed, and that is that Lincoln has ascended to saint-like status.
And in his ranking, in his saintly ranking, I believe he places slightly behind Martin Luther King, but slightly ahead of Jesus Christ.
And we had Richard Spencer on last week, and he was talking about radical traditionalism.
What was very traditional viewpoints some decades ago has now become, at least in the eyes of the establishment, very radical.
And I'd like to, if you would indulge me, Sam, to read the opening line of your booklet where you write, my views on this subject is not unusual, talking about Lincoln.
They are those of the overwhelmingly majority of Southerners, both immediately before, during, and for decades after the war between the states.
My views were also shared by many in the North and the West.
Only the passage of time and the studious cultivation of the myth of Abraham Lincoln, coupled with his timely death, timely in the sense of being providential for his place in history, have caused Abraham Lincoln to be raised to the level of a sacred cow in American history.
And that's well said, and it's very true, but I guess the question should be, why should folks in 2010 be concerned with who Lincoln really was?
Why does it even matter anymore?
Oh, it matters very, very much.
And that's a great question.
I was reading some of Gore Vidal's essays this morning.
He's a weird guy.
But a lot of his stuff is very, very, very good.
And he was writing about this very thing that he quoted David Hume, the Scottish philosopher, that many are ruled by the few by opinions.
And he wrote that, I think, in the 1600s.
And that's still true today.
That it is through symbols and through the control of ideas that people are manipulated and governed.
The ideas that are given people cause them to govern themselves.
By selecting these ideas and selecting these images, people can be manipulated.
And we've been manipulated in a way that people, I don't think, realize How psychologically debilitating it is.
This hate war, which is waged upon white Christians in general and white Southerners in particular, and white male Southerners in particular, it has a huge effect, even if people don't notice it,
To have young people taken to school and start in kindergarten at age five and have them subjected to history books which caricature them and demean them and demonize them and stir up hatred against them, and written by historians who scour history, looking for any incident they can find to use as a psychological weapon to browbeat the victimized groups,
the groups the regime hates on behalf of what our late dear friend Sam Francis used to call regime support groups.
To have this kind of stuff go on is psychologically very harmful.
You know what would be the impact on Jewish children if the American NAZI Party were given the power to write textbooks and to make every little Jew submit themselves on the TV, from watching TV and the TV, popular entertainment, all the way through the history class in the schools to the, to the Nazi view of Jews.
And this is what Southerners get we.
We are, we.
We are subjected in the entertainment media and and in the educational system to a view of ourselves that comes from people who view us the way the American NAZI Party views Jews, and this is served up to us by people like the high priest Morris Dees as love.
It is love to foment hate toward white people.
It is love to cram hate down the throats of white children.
Uh, you know.
And of course, these and his associates, they know it's not love.
They're pimping for Israel, they're pimping for the rival ethnic groups that are contending with us for a place on this continent.
But it's critical that we, that we, we know our own history the the, the corporate the, the society's view of itself through, through these, how it views its history and its memories, that are handed down.
This is to a society what an individual's memory is to the individual.
And again, to quote Corvidal, he often refers to America as the United States of Amnesia.
I think he's wrong.
I think we should describe it as the United States of Alzheimer's, because to take away, to take away our history, to take from us our heroes and to destroy our memory, which is, which is what has happened, it is to our ethnic group, to our people as a whole, The same thing to what we see happen to our relatives when they die of Alzheimer's, as my mother did.
What my mother suffered due to a medical condition is what southern whites at large are suffering as a community due to the obliteration of their history.
Ladies and gentlemen, if you are enjoying what you've heard thus far from Sam Dixon, rest assured there is much more forthcoming as the political cesspool rolls on this evening.
We're going to take a quick commercial break, and when we return, we're going to talk more with Sam about Abraham Lincoln as we shatter that icon.
And then we're going to go to Sam for some personal anecdotes about the South.
Who are his favorite heroes?
What are his favorite legends?
All that and more right after this.
Call us tonight at 1-866-986-6397.
And here's the host of the Political Cess Pool, James Edwards.
Folks, if you haven't heard from Sam Dixon in a while on this program, I know he appeared a couple of months ago.
We were talking about some political issues that were manifesting themselves in the Atlanta area, and he came on to give us a little inside info about that.
But you understand why we invite Sam on this show so frequently.
And I want to remind you that Sam is on this evening as he plays his part in our celebration of the South during this annual Confederate History Month tribute.
But he's on because he wrote the paper Shattering the Icon of Abraham Lincoln.
That paper is linked on our website two or three times.
It's linked prominently tonight on the homepage at thepolitical cesspool.org under the forthcoming guest section.
It's linked next to Sam's name there.
It's also linked in a couple of blog entries we put up in the last week, week and a half.
You will have to try hard not to find it if you've on the website.
But it is available online free of charge.
We encourage you to read the whole thing.
In fact, if you read one thing this April, let it be that.
If you want to read something very interesting and something very, very meaningful, something every school child should read in order to absolve himself somewhat from that indoctrination they're getting in all the schools, public and, sadly enough, Christian these days.
But continuing on with Sam Dixon, Sam, next question.
Other than stopping the South from divorcing themselves from a loveless marriage, an option, by the way, that the framers of the Constitution promised each sovereign state would have.
What other destructive precedents were set by Lincoln that are currently employed by the regime today?
Well, you hear conservatives and right-wingers talk about executive orders, the power of the executive just to the president to just sign a piece of paper and make it law.
Lincoln pioneered that.
He, as you know, discuss in my monograph, he closed papers all over the north.
He closed newspapers.
He prosecuted editors of papers.
He had his thugs bust up political meetings.
There was a real question whether he would even allow the Democratic Party to have a convention in 1864.
Had things been grimmer, had he lost the Battle of Atlanta and Vicksburg not fallen, I suspect he probably would have just disbanded the Democrat Party and proclaimed himself dictator.
He closed churches down.
One of the newspapers, by the way, he closed, which is interesting to me since I come from many generations of Presbyterians, was the Presbyterian newspaper, the Christian Observer, because the Presbyterian Church in the North did not support his war.
And they had material in their paper hostile to his war.
So he just shut the Presbyterian Church's newspaper down.
So this is quite a chilling precedent in our society that a president can say, well, we have an emergency, and so you don't have a Bill of Rights anymore.
And I can throw you in jail, and I can shut down your newspaper, and I can shut down your church, and I can put your editor in jail, and this sort of thing.
You know, you don't have to, people are all upset about Franklin Roosevelt, and they should be.
And this kind of thing, well, you know, unfortunately, the roots of this kind of attitude and this theory of government run very deep in America.
They run back to 1861.
And somebody said at the beginning of the Civil War that the question is whether the Constitution would survive the war or the Union would.
And someone has often been remarked, the Union survived, but the Constitution did not survive.
And that was certainly a big thing that he left us.
There's an interesting story about his Secretary of State, who was an especially grim and unpleasant figure.
And he told the British ambassador, he bragged to the British ambassador, that he and Lincoln had more power than any British monarch had ever had.
I think he was referring to the fact that they had been able to abolish the writ of habeas corpus that our English ancestors had created to protect people from arbitrary power and that all that English monarchs had been bound by for many centuries.
But he told the British ambassador that I can pick up this bell and I can ring this bell and sign a piece of paper and hand the paper to someone summoned by the bell and I can put in jail any American citizen anywhere in the country.
And Stanton and Lincoln were apparently very proud of achieving this.
When Lincoln spoke at the Gettysburg Address, if you deconstruct his words, people don't stop to think what he's really saying, but he says in part of the Gettysburg Address that this war is being fought to determine if this nation or any nation so conceived and so dedicated can long endure.
And what he meant by that was that he saw the South secession as a test toward a Republican government, a test of a Republican government, not Republican in the sense of Republican Party, or even in the sense that we use the word Republican to mean a limited government of laws.
He meant by that a non-monarchical government because he shared the hatred of monarchy that unfortunately this country has had.
And that he wanted to show that a government that was not hated by a king could be just as tyrannical as a royal government.
And that you could have a country set up which did not have a royal family but would prevail because you could have a non-monarchical form of government that would be as ruthless in suppressing challenges to it as some kings in Europe had been.
Well, Sam, as deplorable as all those actions were, they're honorable in comparison to the way Lincoln conducted the war itself.
And before I go into that, let me say that truly there may have never lived a finer American than Robert E. Lee.
The military genius of Nathan Bedford Forrest is well documented.
Stonewall Jackson's gallant sacrifice is a story that all Southerners know.
But now these guys are labeled as the villains of American history.
Whereas people like Lincoln, as you so rightly mentioned, has been basically rendered a saint.
Let's talk about Sherman, Lincoln's, I guess, right hand down on the ground there in the war.
Everyone knows about Sherman's march to the sea, but I think they just say that without really thinking in depth about what he did and some of the actions he took.
Well, you make mention of these in your book, Shattering the Icon of Abraham Lincoln.
And I was rereading it again recently in preparation for this interview, and you documented some of the absolutely unconscionable actions that the Union took to gain their victory, the way that they would discover where the minefields were and the way that they used Southern prisoners of war.
Well, Sam, you tell it.
You would be better suited to tell it.
I'm grateful to the, we should be grateful to Shelby Foote, who's a very respected Southern historian who mentions this in his book.
But Sherman used prisoners of war as live mine detonators.
I think Sherman was probably crazy.
He really was the stuff he wrote was really shocking.
He had a genocidal attitude towards Southerners.
He described them as lazy and he wanted them completely cleared out and had the South resettled by other people.
But he wrote a letter to his wife, the Shelby Foote close, in which he describes, he was furious that some Union soldiers had been killed by mines, and he regarded that as a bad way to wage war, to use mines.
And so he had the soldiers march back and forth to try to detonate mines.
And he wrote to his wife about this, which shows you how nutty he is.
You'd think if you did that kind of thing, you would refrain from telling your wife you did it.
But he was pleased with it.
And he wrote her, and his words were that he couldn't restrain himself.
He couldn't help but laugh as he sat on Strat His horse and watched how gingerly these prisoners of war stepped as they were herded back and forth to try to detonate the landmines.
Sam, hold that thought right there.
We're going to let you pick it up right after these messages.
Stay tuned, everybody.
We'll be back right after these messages.
On the show and express your opinion in the political cesspool, call us toll-free at 1-866-986-6397.
We gotta get out of this place.
Sam Dixon, our guest tonight, is reminding everybody in a totally different way why the political cesspool is separated from all of the other contemporaries and pretenders of the right.
What separates us from Sean Hannity, Glenn Beck, Rush Limbaugh.
Sean Hannity, as we mentioned last week, recently did a skit in which he banished a Southern caller.
He hannotized other liberals, reformed them, but when a Southerner called in, he banished them because they were just beyond the pale.
And so this is, again, The mainstream voices of conservatism mocking their most tried and true and loyal base.
Whereas here on the political cesspool, we certainly celebrate the Southern people a little more intently in April, but all the year around nonetheless.
And we're learning a little more, being reminded a little more about Lincoln, I should say, by Sam Dixon this evening.
We were talking just before the last commercial break about how the war was waged by William T. Sherman, and Sam was mentioning he used Confederate prisoners of war to test the ground for landmines.
Sam, you also wrote that he would round them up and put them in front of locations that the Confederates had to bombard.
So in order to win the battle, they had to rain cannon fire down on their compatriots.
I had to laugh when we went to war the first time against Iraq.
There were charges that Saddam Hussein was moving people close to the sites that would be bombed by the American bombers in Baghdad.
And all these representatives of the American government were holding forth about only the most evil and wicked people on earth could do such a thing.
Americans had never done something like that and so forth.
I thought no Americans have.
Abraham Lincoln did it.
Well, these are all things, Sam, that we've covered thus far that people can read in more detail about when they visit your work and read Shattering the Icon of Lincoln.
I want to shift gears to issues of a more positive nature.
But before we do that, Sam, we could talk all of this hour, indeed the rest of the night, about your booklet, which is relatively short, but it's so, as Mark Weber, I believe, said, it's just packed with source-driven references, and it's a punchy read.
But I believe that people on our side should write short things.
A long book does not get a hundredth of the readership.
A short one does, and there's too much irrelevant stuff there.
If I had time, if I weren't pressed all the time professionally and financially, one thing I would like to do would be to assist in writing very brief booklets like this with just the strongest evidence on issues that are of interest to the kind of people that listen to this broadcast.
That's what I was saying.
And thank you for bringing it into a little bit of sharper focus.
That's what I was getting at.
It's a short read, but everything in it is very dynamic.
And even though it's few in pages, it's long on things that we would have to talk about.
And of course, time is fleeting.
But if you could mention one more thing about the book that we haven't covered that you would like to share with the audience, what would it be?
Well, I don't know.
Well, I would make something that really amused me.
Southerners are, you know, it's funny, one thing about the South is you can travel around, and when Southerners meet each other, unlike people in the North and the West, they begin asking questions.
Where are you from?
And an astonishing percentage of time, they can establish mutual friends or even relationships.
They can establish that they are distant cousins.
And this is something that Southerners take for granted, but it's something that isn't true of the rest of the country and isn't true of most English-speaking countries.
Well, there's so many things.
When I wrote that booklet, I got letters from three distant cousins of mine whom I had never met and who I didn't even know their names, but they were like second or third cousins of mine on my father's side.
And they wrote two from Alabama and one from Virginia and wrote to me and said, you know, dear cousin, because they did know, they were older than me, they knew who I was.
And they said, you know, you left this out.
They sent more information about Lincoln on Facebook that I had left out, like the Turchin affair in Alabama.
And so I've incorporated those some in the footnotes, and someday I'll incorporate some of what my cousins said.
I was intrigued that people I had never met who relatives of mine felt the same way I did, and they've been thinking about it all their lives.
Well, that's just one of the things that makes southern culture and southern tradition second to none.
I mean, there is a relationship that we share with distant cousins perhaps we've never met and people who aren't related to us at all.
I think there's just a bond among southerners, and even though it's been diluted in recent decades, it's still something that's here that you can't find anywhere else in America, maybe not anywhere else in the war.
And to that end, I wanted to ask you this, Sam.
And I'm not a guy like Glenn Beck who's going to get up here or Bill Clinton and start crying.
Oh, please.
You know the people I'm talking about.
These phonies, these people who just do it on call to.
You know what I'm getting at.
But I was born in 1980.
So that's 115 years after Lee's surrender at Appomattox.
It's now 2010, so 145 years have passed.
And I'll tell you this.
You know, I've heard the stories growing up about my ancestor.
It was my great-grandfather's grandfather.
I've said this on the show quite a few times, even in recent weeks.
But he died in service to the Confederate Cavalry at Shiloh.
I saw as a young kid when I would go visit my great-grandparents in Corinth, Mississippi.
I saw the saddle that belonged to him.
I was named after Jesse James.
So these are things that my parents taught me growing up, but it was never, you know, the sort of indoctrination that you would get in schools.
And it wasn't forced upon me, but it certainly took.
So all these years have passed.
And even with that, I mean, I never knew this guy who fought in the Cavalry.
But what causes people like me, maybe even people like you, and certainly so many others, to elicit such emotion?
You know, this emotion comes to life and swells up within our souls when we see our symbols and sing our songs.
What causes that emotion?
There's nothing else that causes me to feel a tingling in my spine, to have the hair raise on my arms, to even turn up.
You don't feel a tingle when you think of Sir Francis Drake and the Armada turning the Spaniards back from England?
Well, sure, sure.
Well, I mean, you know, that's a little more even further removed from the Confederacy.
Well, there are other things throughout history.
Okay, but all of that, put it all combined, the South, stories like that.
What is it that causes us?
It's almost supernatural.
Am I putting too much of an emphasis on this?
No, I don't think so.
I don't know about ESP or whatever, but I do think we communicate with each other on more than just a conscious level.
And I think that those who are only members of their generation are people that are missing out on life.
They're not complete people.
Faulkner said that in the South, the past is not really the past.
And that's another thing that differentiates us from the progressive modern Americans who are irritated with history and irritated with the past because they see it just as an impediment to making money and everybody shopping together in the Walmart and the Kmart, which is the highest good of modern American civilization.
You are part of a continuum.
You see yourself as not just existing on April 10, 2010, when we were having this conversation.
Your span is much greater than that.
Your friends, as a whole, complete, normal person, as somebody who has escaped the psychological warfare, the hate campaign that was waged against you as a southern white male in the school system, you've got friends who lived 2,000 years ago, and so do I. Cicero is my friend.
My friends are not limited to my generation.
And our span is much broader than the here and now.
And those who look out for number one and just try to make money, which is the basis of materialistic, de-rationated, individualized American civilization.
It's a sick civilization.
It's a civilization that needs cure.
And you are somehow immune to it.
But I think people aren't moved by that.
They are not adequate people.
They're the living dead.
I was touched when the first anti-communist demonstration was allowed in Russia in about 1989.
They predicted nobody would show up.
And over 500,000 people gathered in Moscow and marched through Red Square, many of them bearing pictures of the czar and icons that they had hidden for three generations under the communists.
I found that tremendously moving.
And I want to be someone like that.
Sam, and I think people like you and me in the South are the equivalent in America to those people in Russia that kept those eyes.
Hold that thought right there, Sam.
We're going to let you conclude right after this.
Don't go away.
The political cesspool, guys.
We'll be back right after these messages.
We got to get out of this place.
Welcome back.
To get on the political cesspool, call us on James's Dime, toll-free, at 1-866-986-6397.
And here's the host of the Political Cesspool, James Edwards.
I feel as though our listenership is being robbed tonight.
The greatest part of the conversation that Sam and I are having isn't taking place on air.
It's taking place during the commercial breaks.
But we're trying to do the best we can while we are on the air live.
And Sam, this hour is absolutely flying by.
We have about seven, eight minutes left, and I still have three questions for you.
So if you will indulge me to move quickly, I think they're all important questions, and I certainly want to hear what you have to say.
So we'll have to kind of limit our answers.
And any one of these could take up the remainder of the time and still have much more to be left at.
It is.
It is out.
Here we go.
All right, number one.
We're talking about the South.
We're talking about her history, her heroes, her legends, or at least we will be.
We have a worldwide audience who tunes into the show.
I get emails weekly from Finland, from Rome, from Great Britain, Germany, all across America, not just the South.
What can a worldwide listening audience gain from hearing us talk about the Confederacy?
Well, I think the allusion I made to the Russians marching through Red Square, Europeans are much more in touch with their history than Americans.
They're not the United States of Alzheimer's.
And I think Europeans, many of them, will be able to understand what we're talking about in a way that many Americans cannot.
And the South is just one member.
Second point there is that the South in its brief period of independence and then later its cultural existence.
Today we are just one part of the great white Christian European family that you know, one big family, often unfortunately a dysfunctional family in which we have family quarrels like the English and the Germans in World War I and World War II, or the Irish and the English.
But we need, we need, must always keep in mind that we, we in the South and the people in Europe need to keep in mind that we are all members of a common family and our common, our commonwealth is greater than the specific groups to which we belong.
And we need to get back to the kind of idea that existed in Europe before the Reformation of any of Christendom and they of that.
Erasmus, for instance, was a Fleming, but and very proud Fleming, but he was also a European.
And we in America are Europeans too.
We've been Europeans for thousands of years.
We've been Americans for only a few hundred years.
So that would be the second answer to that question, very well said, very articulately, put now on a personal level, from you to the listening audience.
You, you said on this show in one of your first appearances years ago that it is important to have heroes, and your reasoning for that has been something that has stuck with me throughout the hundreds of shows we've done since then, throughout the hundreds of guests we've had on in between your appearances.
We know it's important to have heroes.
You even alluded to it tonight.
Who are you?
Some of your favorite Confederate heroes we all know about Uh, Robert E Lee, we know about Jackson, we know about Forrest, we know about so many of the other.
Let's talk about women.
Let's talk about the you, since the liberals want to make women into one of the regime support groups and to split women off from men and and divide our people on sex lines.
Let's talk about a really fabulous woman, Rose O'neal Greenhow.
Do you know of her, James?
I have to plead ignorant here Sam, so please educate me.
Rose O'neill Greenhow was one of the great, magnificent figures of the Civil War.
She was a friend of John Calhoun's.
She was from Maryland, she was a Roman Catholic from a very conservative family.
Her husband had been involved in, I think, the treaty with Mexico and then she had spent some time in Mexico and come back to Maryland and would visit in the capital and would visit with John Calhoun and she, she was a firm supporter of secession of the South.
And so when the South seceded, of course Maryland could not vote because the tyrant occupied Maryland with with troops.
The first, her first firing of the Civil War was not the firing on Fort Sumter, it was when the militia of Massachusetts attacked the people of Maryland.
Uh and and and, and Massachusetts occupied Maryland.
That was.
That was the first uh firing in the Civil War, when Lincoln was on his way to become president.
But anyway uh, she could not go to the south and uh take part in the south because Maryland was occupied.
So she devoted herself to becoming the South's number one spy and she set up a spy network and she had a house in Washington dc And her spy network was fabulously successful.
She was able to put the plans, the Yankee plans for Bull Run, the First Manassas, as we call it.
She placed those in the hands of President Davis several days before the battle.
Without her espionage work, the South would probably have lost that battle.
She eventually was uncovered by the Yankees, and they seized her and kept her in her house in the hope that her couriers and spies of her network would report to her.
But she had trained her daughter, who she was also named Rose, who's called Little Rose.
She had planned for this eventuality.
She, by you could learn, planned for eventualities.
And so her daughter knew what to do, and her little nine-year-old daughter went outside and climbed up in a tree and was playing with her dolls when the Yankee troops were waiting to arrest Southern spies, to their horror, heard Little Rose scream to somebody in the street, run and warn the others the Yankees have taken mother.
And so it failed.
They weren't able to get any of the other members of her spy ring.
By the way, there's a good biography here called Rebel Rose, which I recommend to everybody listening.
Rebel Rose, great book.
So anyway, she was arrested and tried as a spy, and they felt they could not execute a woman.
So she was expelled from the North and was sent across the Potomac on a boat.
And while in prison, she had secretly collected scraps of cloth and had woven a Confederate battle flag.
And when they crossed the center line of the river, she unfurled it and taunted the Yankees on the other shore, waving the flag she had secretly made in their prison.
She then went to Richmond, where she was presented with the highest military honor that could be given to any Confederate as a woman.
And she then outfitted her, she went to Europe, where she went on a speaking tour of Great Britain.
Hello, Sam.
Denny, have we lost Sam?
All right, trying to reconnect with Sam here, ladies and gentlemen, bear with us, telling a great story.
Actually, he is taking out both of my final questions in one fell swoop.
I was going to ask him his favorite Confederate hero and his most memorable southern story, and he is interweaving them perfectly and sharing us the story about a heroine in a remarkably storytelling way.
So hopefully we'll be able to get Sam back on here, although we are running short on time.
If by chance, I guess Sam has lost his connection.
Of course, he was dialing in over the phone there rather than appearing live in studio with us.
If we can't get Sam, we are about to run out of time.
You have got to go to our website and read his booklet, Shattering the Icon of Abraham Lincoln.
It is available at thepolitical Cesspool.org.
Sam Dixon, what a marvelous guest.
And I am proud to call him my friend.
I've known him ever since I've been involved in this movement for a number of years now.
And I always circle the dates that he appears on this program.
They are dates that I know I'm going to have a good show.
And I hope you've enjoyed tonight's show.
Sam!
Yes, I'm sorry.
I bumped the phone.
To conclude, the Rose O'Neill Greenhouse story, she got in a rowboat to go to the land, and she died.
And her body was found on the beach, still bearing the gold that she was bringing to the Confederacy.
She could have saved herself, but she drowned rather than throw the gold out, and she drowned clutching the gold that she was carrying for the Confederacy.
She's now buried in the cemetery in Wilmington under a very imposing monument that the UDC inscribed discreetly, Rose O'Neill Greenhow, bearer of dispatches for the Confederacy.
Sam, what a great story.
I was sharing with the audience that my final question for you is going to be your most memorable southern story in addition to your favorite Confederate hero, or in this case, heroine.
And you couldn't do better than that story, Sam, because we're out of time.
And I wouldn't even ask you to try to provide an encore for that.
But thank you for coming on tonight and sharing with us your thoughts and your sentiments as Confederate History Month goes on.
I hope it will encourage others to go and read more into this.
I just want to thank all that work with you.
Everyone listening to this owes a great debt of thanks to you and all the support people out there in Memphis.
Magnificent work.
Thank you for that, Sam.
And I look forward to our next occasion to meet in person and to have you on the air.
And I'm sure that'll be soon.
Excellent.
Good night.
Sam Dixon, everybody.
And that's a good night from us as well.
God bless you.
We'll see you next week here on the Political Cesspool.
I'm James Edwards, everybody.
See you then.
Southern men, the thunders mutter.
Northern flags and south winds flutter.
To arms.
Two armies, Dixie.
Send them back your fierce defiance.
Stamp upon the cursed alliance.
To arms.
The flag of Dixie.
Hurrah, hurrah.
For Dixie's land, we take our stand in the live or die for Dixie.
Two arms, arms, two arms, and conquer peace for Dixie.
Two arms, two arms, and conquer peace for Dick's sakes.
Fear no danger, shun no labor.
Lift up rifle, pike, and saber.
To arms, to arms, to arms, shoulder pressing close to shoulder.
Let the odds make each heart holder.
To arms, to arms, to arms, advance the flag of Dixie.
Hurrah, hurrah, for Dixie's land we take our thanks for joining us tonight in the political cesspool.
To learn more about us or to make a donation to keep this program on the air, go to www.thepoliticalsupool.org.