Timcast IRL #470 - Author Of "The Next Civil War" Stephen Marche Joins, Says We Are On VERGE Of Civil War
Tim, Ian, Daniel of Powering The Future, and Lydia join author of 'The Next Civil War' Stephen Marche to discuss his book, his article about coming civil war, Marxism as a force for evil in the world, the loss of independent voters in the US, and how the media moves on the political spectrum.
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This Black Lives Matter activist was bailed out by BLM, by Black Lives Matter in Louisville, after he was arrested over the attempted assassination of a Jewish Democrat.
Now, they're saying he's mentally unwell.
Other people have pointed out, it's been reported, that he was actually advocating for a black nationalist organization called, what was the name of it?
I'm forgetting the name.
It's the armed forces of some extremist organization or whatever.
No, it was a similar group to the black Hebrew Israelites.
And so when this stuff happens and you're getting the, you know, attempted assassination of politicians, it's coming right after Adam Kinzinger said, you know, he believes that it's possible a civil war could start.
And if it does, you will see targeted assassination.
So I want to get into this.
And we do have a lot of stories coming out now.
We got the National Guard deployed in New Mexico to be teachers and things like that.
We've got the trucker convoy, obviously.
That's up in Canada, but there's talk of an American convoy.
We've got cancel culture.
We've got, you know, similar issues around this.
We've got, in Florida, they've just passed a bill to ban abortion after 15 weeks, which of course is generating a lot of controversy.
Joining us to discuss this in depth is the author of The Next Civil War, Stephen Marsh.
And I think there's like a core that we completely agree on, but then there's like a divergent worldview we have based on, you know, different political parties, which I think will be a really interesting conversation.
Well, I mean, there's that old expression, would you rather be married or right?
Right.
And like in America, a lot of people would rather be right than married.
You know, that's that's where you're at now.
I mean, I should say, like, I don't really think of myself as a partisan in the United States because I'm a Canadian.
So my like when I talk about Canada.
We can definitely talk about Canada, but what we're seeing in Canada is essentially a proxy conflict for the hyper-partisanship in the United States.
And I think of myself like, I think when you think of Canada, you think left.
But honestly, as I've crossed the United States writing this book and as I've interviewed the experts, I'm not part of these tribes, right?
Like, I'm outside of all of these tribes.
So it's not really that we have a difference in tribalism, so much as I have a different perspective because I'm a different citizen of a different country.
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Let's just jump in to the first article we have here from January 4th by a man named Stephen Marsh.
The next U.S.
Civil War is already here.
We just refuse to see it.
I saw this.
It's tagged by The Guardian, The Far Right.
And as I was reading it, you know, there are some things in it that I was like, okay, I don't know if I agree with that.
I think you talk about voter suppression and things like that.
I think it's one of the issues.
But as I was getting into it and talking about how we've got these, you know, look, a potential political assassination attempt.
Well, the book is really based on the best available models.
That's how I did it.
I tried to keep myself out of it as much as possible.
So, you know, the leading experts that... Foreign Policy did a survey, like, their number was a 67% chance of a civil war.
That also coincides with polls about average Americans, how likely they think a civil war is.
So, you know, I feel with this stuff you don't need to exaggerate.
It's so scary anyway that, like, what I wanted to do in the book is be as precise as possible, right?
And use the best available evidence that I could.
So, you know, yeah, there's a process underway.
The United States is a textbook case of a country headed for civil war on a number of fronts.
And it's not one thing.
It's actually what they call a complex cascading system.
So, it's things feeding into each other.
So, on one hand, it's political illegitimacy.
On the other hand, it's effects of climate change.
On the other hand, it's the levels of inequality, which are at unprecedented levels.
You know, literally levels that haven't been seen since 1776.
And all of these things contribute to each other and factor into each other.
And that's why the United States is kind of in a unique position because, you know, all these things are happening in the rest of the world as well, but it's the way that they feed into each other that creates such a dangerous situation for the United States.
Well, the big... I mean, there are a few ones that are big.
Like, I don't really separate them out because I do think they feed into each other.
But, like, the decline of faith of institutions, so the fact that only 20% of Americans believe their electoral system is fair, you know, that's right.
That's a condition that's just right for civil war.
The fact that 33% of Americans think that it's okay to use violence if your side loses, and that's...
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So I think, you know, just leaping off from there, we have the story about the Black Lives Matter activists
accused, allegedly shooting this Democrat.
Certainly there have been instances where far-right and right-wing groups have engaged in violence.
But if you look at institutional support, When it comes to, say, Black Lives Matter in 2020, you get Kamala Harris soliciting donations to bail out rioters.
You have a Black Lives Matter activist who's arrested for the attempted assassination of a politician, and Black Lives Matter fronts $100,000 to bail him out.
You don't have that same kind of thing on the right.
Okay, so the first thing is that the process that civil war experts talk about, and this happens all over the world, happens in Chile, it happened in other places that had civil war, is called complementary radicalization.
So what you have is left-wing groups or right-wing groups taking extremist positions, and this causes people on the other side to get more radical.
So that's an area that transcends, you know, Partisanship like that's that's another that's a process that's underway.
Yeah, where as things get more extreme on the left They get more extreme on the right that causes the left to get more extreme that then causes the right to get more extreme Right, and so that's that's a very toxic Process that is extremely hard to escape from now.
The other thing I would say is that when I talk to You know, this is just let me just give you this perspective.
You can take it or leave it.
You know, you might be useful to you.
It might not be but when I talk to like members of Secret Services of other countries and they're thinking about what a collapsing America looks like they're not really afraid of the left because the left is inherently self-defeating.
It is much less organized than the right like and it's also it's much less effective as it as a group.
So like when you look at a group like the Oath Keepers They have it together.
They have it together in a way.
Whereas when you look at left-wing institutions, like the Women's March after the Trump inauguration, it had somewhere between half a million and a million people at its opening rally.
It imploded in internecine politics almost instantly.
And the term woke institution basically doesn't exist because they eat themselves, right?
So all I would say is both these processes are underway, but I would say that when I talked to experts on civil war from other countries and people who are worried about the stability of the United States, it was definitely far-right extremists that were their primary worry.
I don't think you're wrong, but the way I see it is the right I would describe as sharp, the left I would describe as blunt.
Black Lives Matter was able to raise, you know, what, tens of millions of dollars for relatively nebulous causes, but that attracted thousands of people to riot in the streets over 2020.
The damage caused was severe and it did result in a lot of death, but it was very, very widespread.
So typically what we see a lot of, especially at the start of Donald Trump's run for the
presidency, I was actually on the ground at a lot of these Trump rallies, you see
a blunt level terrorism. It never exceeded the, it was political violence.
So the political violence you'd see on the left would be rampant, but low scale.
So there'd be a lot of instances of someone getting punched in the face, or someone getting pushed in the street, or people running around and knocking over garbage cans.
It was incessant.
It was never rising to the point where, you know, for a lot of it, people were losing their lives until, I think, the riots.
Well, the Oath Keeper List, I mean, they have, well, obviously January 6th, I mean, would be at the top of the list, but, you know, as a very highly destabilizing action.
But, you know, like the other thing about the right is that they understand the importance of institutions in a way that the left does not.
You understand, I'm not judging.
I'm just saying.
I agree.
When you look at the Oath Keeper list, when it came out with that 40,000 names, they'd infiltrated very deeply into police departments, into school boards.
When I talked to Michael German, who was an undercover agent with the FBI in far-right movements, he was like, once they discovered I had no tattoos, they were like, you're never going to talk to anyone rough ever again.
What I mean to say, just because I want to make sure I can let Daniel come in, is I think one of the reasons there's a lot of people who don't think that the far right elements, many people on the right don't think that there's a big threat from them because they don't see it a lot.
The way to describe it is it's sharp versus the left's blunt.
I think you're right when you say that they know the importance of institutions.
The right talks about losing institutional control at the time.
What the left doesn't understand, what they have is numbers.
People will go out in the street and march and smash things, but a day later, where are those activists?
There is a huge number of ungovernable... To me, as a Canadian, when you look at the big Build Back Better bill or whatever it's called, that's a budget.
That's a Wednesday in a mature democracy.
Like, you just pass a budget and that's it.
In the United States, those basic functions of government are increasingly impossible or extremely difficult, and that leads naturally to a politics of rage, right?
Where it's like, because you can't ever enact policy, Whether you're left or right, everything becomes aesthetic.
Everything becomes an aesthetic, artistic gesture of your own anger and your own beliefs
in a concept that transcends essentially real actions, real government actions.
And that's a huge, to me, that's maybe the number one factor.
No, I think it's, it's, it's worth bringing back, not just because it's my point, but I think it touches on what you were saying of institutions.
So you mentioned the Oath Keepers and we were also talking about Black Lives Matter in the sense of institutional dysfunction and how I love that you said the right sees institutions as inherently necessary or valuable.
But one of the things that I'm curious about is when you take a group that is, I think, incredibly polemic, and that does cause a lot of division, which is something like Black Lives Matter, institutionally, they're golden. You have Bank of America who writes them
checks. You have the NBA. You have major institutions that support what I think is a purely
political entity, but it is held up to this level. And I think that causes a lot of rage because
the Oath Keepers, regardless of what you think of them, would Bank of America ever write them a
check? They probably couldn't even get a loan at Bank of America. So I think there's institutions
And then there's the other fact that while Republicans are pro-business and so on, 70% of American GDP comes from Biden-voting counties.
That seems to me like one of the key facts that's going to determine the future of this country In civil war or out of it or at the end of it and so like I think there's that I will acknowledge I find it confusing like where where money goes to where is coming from like where what it is supporting and what it wants.
I find it confusing that certain political causes are objectively accepted to receive money, or to be on the board, or write a check to, and others are not, because those causes are aligning more and more towards people's beliefs.
Well, there are certain things that YouTube banned, but to the point about politicizing everything, video games did used to have a lot of politics in them, but it was more of background, acceptable American views.
When they started becoming very different, at core, having some kind of Marxist tinge to a lot of them, What do you mean by Marxist?
I mean, you know, I think it has come to mean something in this country that I just don't recognize in my own readings of Marxism, in my own readings of... To me, that's an identity politics formulation which is a completely separate thing from Marxism.
So, critical race theory, specifically, Kimberly Crenshaw wrote that Marx didn't understand American racial politics, and that the idea of oppressed versus oppressor can't just be class-based when race is inherently tied to class.
Yeah, but I mean, that's inherently a rejection of Marxism, right?
Like, I mean, right, like that, like Marxism, like in the Jewish question he says, you know, there are, there are no, there are in effect no ethnicities, all there is is class.
So to me, this whole reading of Marxism... It's a semantic issue, though, is what I was saying.
I guess so, but it does seem to me pretty important that... Because Marxism conjured so much evil in the world, because it conjured so many totalitarian regimes, to call something Marxist to me is...
I mean, that's kind of the ultimate insult because it was ultimately so evil, right?
So, you know, I end up streaming and stuff, but it started out with conservatives, libertarians, liberals, and leftists all in one place saying, we very much oppose the bailouts, the corruption in the system, the revolving door policies.
In the first week, there was so much talk about these big banks got bailed out.
The guy who works for the pharmaceutical companies gets a job with the FDA.
The guy from the war machine, Halliburton, becomes the vice president.
But within about two weeks, Critical race theory took over, and all of a sudden you couldn't speak at their assemblies if you were a white man, and if you wanted to speak, or I should say you're at the bottom of the list on their progressive stack.
So it started out as essentially Marxist, the class-based oppression.
Quickly turned into a bunch of intersectionalists, critical race theorists coming in and saying, no, no, you guys don't understand.
Race is actually the core component.
And then all of a sudden the narrative there shifted, the libertarians and conservatives left.
And this was one of the starting points, at least in the culture war that I've experienced, where all of these things took over.
Well, Occupy Wall Street resulted in a massive shift of wealth from for-profit to credit unions.
And it resulted in, I think, the Democratic Party pulled their money out of Bank of America and moved it to Amalgamated, which is a union-operated bank.
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But it's a big, you know, you plant the seed of a cultural shift and that matters.
So when I look at Occupy Wall Street and I see the rise of what was effectively a form of, I think it was overtly critical race theory, It then makes its way into something bigger, into media, it expands.
That was the first experience I had with it.
It was kind of a crazy experience to see how racist they were.
I mean, overtly separating people into different racial categories to make them vote on policy was insane.
Well, I mean, certainly, like, they're... Relatively disorganized.
Okay, well, the extreme right in the United States is, of course, really hard to figure out.
You know, the way I think of it is as a, like, a smorgasbord of ideologies, some that are completely incompatible, and some that are... So there's... It's true for the left, too.
Oh, the left is totally chaotic.
I mean, for my own sake, I think we can just dismiss the left as a force in America, because it is so disorganized and it eats itself.
So what you see on the right is there are sovereign citizens, there are three percenters, You know Oath Keepers there. There are sagebrush rebels.
There are as you know Second Amendment absolutists there are tax evasion people.
There are Tax avoidance people so there's a whole what have they done?
well of the political murders of every year which are amount to like about 70 on average since
2015 I think the number don't quote me because it's in the it's in the book and I don't have it on my fingertips
but I think it's like 72% are far far right and like 7% are far left and the middle is like
So, like, I would say, like, when I talk to the experts, the fear of political violence is much clearer from the right.
Well, you know, we're also dealing, I think we should acknowledge this because we are all trying to stay human beings here, is that we're dealing with a lot of people who are on the line between mental illness and political affiliation.
We're dealing with a lot of people who are criminal.
You were just simply criminals and use politics as a cover for their violence and like that has to be acknowledged too, right?
And that this and that this political radicalization gives them cover for mental illness and for and for their violence, right?
So those things all like to also those numbers like to be clear are not from the FBI.
They're from journalist reporting organizations who are going through newspapers to figure out what are violent crimes.
Well, they're trying to pick up the pieces, but honestly, this work has not been done at a government level, and it's been done at an academic level, so it's not ideal.
I want to get back to that point, because I don't think we've got a chance to flesh it out.
So, my point was that there's substantially more far-left polarization and extremism compared to the right, and to make my point, Let me ask you a question.
Would you fear violence against you at a right-wing rally?
I saw the far-left screaming the N-word over and over again at right-wingers.
I saw the Proud Boys with a bunch of different people of different races, and there was a black Proud Boy who was walking down the street, and Antifa was screaming incessantly the N-word at him.
And we booked him to speak at an event called Ending, what was it called?
Ending Violence, Racism, and Authoritarianism.
He was our keynote, our headline speaker to talk about de-radicalization.
Antifa threatened to burn the theater down, so they canceled on us.
The after-show venue refused to back down, so Antifa came and protested.
And he said, look guys, don't worry, I'm gonna go talk to him.
And when he went out there, they started screaming at him, chanting at him, and wouldn't let him speak.
He wrote a Facebook post, which went viral, where he said, I've never experienced anything like this.
That I was able to go and talk to Klan members as a black man, but he couldn't even talk to these leftist activists outside without them screaming at him.
If they're from Belgium, yes, they're on the left.
I'm going to go back to one thing you said.
I haven't been to a far-right rally, I've been to Trump rallies.
My experience has been that if you are a black woman, people will go so much further out of their way to be accommodating because they want to demonstrate that much more that they are not racist.
Because they have been pinned by the left as, you are a Trump person, you must be a racist.
And I think I find that amazing that that's what has to be done, but that is what happens.
Don't you think the time has come to stop asking yourselves who is more to blame and start figuring out either how do we reconcile this or how do we come to some kind of conclusion that is not violent?
I mean, you're talking about like...
All of this stuff, you're getting yourselves really angry about this stuff.
I'm just saying, the point of this book is really that the moment has come where you have to ask yourself, How do we get ourselves out of this cycle of those people are awful, or our people are awful, but that's in response.
The crisis that is facing you is no longer one of who is right, but how do you work out these structures into a way that is civilized?
Being conquered by a foreign country is nothing compared to civil war.
It's the worst thing that can happen to a country.
It's a disaster.
China will come in if this escalates.
In part of the book, I'm imagining what it would be like to have a negotiated settlement with the United States, which would have to be internationally monitored.
Political violence, and they were done based on journalists who dug into the story and read it.
In five years from now, if a journalist reads an op-ed in the Las Vegas Post, which talked about the Black Lives Matter attempted murder in Louisville, They called him a right-wing Trump supporter, basically.
They said that this is the cause of right-wing violence.
And they said, although he is not, and if you read the op-ed, and I sent it to Lydia, because I was so apoplectic.
As of now, he has not been identified to any right-wing groups, but this is Trump violence.
This is an editorial in the Las Vegas Sun after it came out that he was a Black Lives Matter activist.
So you want to say to that editorial board, What are you doing?
Why are you writing a story saying this is a right-wing extremist who shot a Jewish, tried to kill a Jewish man running for mayor, when all of the evidence there says he is a left-wing radical?
I don't want to hear your answer to my question, because I think you're a very interesting case of somebody who has lived through complementary radicalization.
And I would like to know how you see escaping from it.
So the Democrats support Black Lives Matter to try and earn votes, which then gives funding to, say, the federal government gave funding for COVID relief that the Illinois government then gave directly to Black Lives Matter.
I believe it was $300,000.
That would never happen with the Oath Keepers.
That would never happen with the Proud Boys.
In fact, the Proud Boys get called terrorists and evil and demonized.
So here's my point.
When you look at civics data, civics, if you're not familiar, they're a polling organization that have a massive map, a time spread going back like five years of all these different issues.
You can see that independent voters, people who are unaffiliated, right now overwhelmingly agree with the right.
When it comes to issues of the economy, when it comes to issues of job, presidential performance, when it comes to black lives matter.
Because there are no independent voters in America anymore.
It's only about 7%.
I think the last one is a 4%.
Lots of people on the right call themselves independent, but if you talk about voting behavior, people who actually shift, vote Democrat sometimes and vote Republican sometimes, that percentage in America is negligible.
But what we're seeing now with Pew data is that there's a specific graph showing hyperpolarization, and you have a larger portion of Democrats becoming Republican, Independents becoming Republican, than the inverse.
So here's what I see.
I see my views mostly unchanged on principle, save the Second Amendment.
In the past several years, I went from moderate to, hey, we should respect people's rights, but maybe have some gun control.
Now I'm just outright, you gotta change the Constitution before you can do any of this stuff.
So, but, you know, to have, in this country, people who are uninformed on policy or a specific industry try to regulate it and then fail repeatedly, that's exactly why, one of the reasons my position's on this changed.
If a guy comes into my- If I'm in the middle of a field, and I watch two guys, and one guy's, like, hanging out with his kid, and they're playing catch, and then some dude in a black mask walks up and punches him in the back of the head, he turns around and starts fighting, I'm not gonna be like, oh no, a fight!
I would say that would be the general perspective of experts on civil war and the conditions of the United States.
I mean, those are the models that I'm working from.
Right?
Like, but I would say, like, surely you can see that these, these sides, that each side has a case.
And that they, and that the problem here is not, the problem here is not that, you know, what has happened, but the fact that there is no way for anyone, you know, democracies only work when, if you lose your side, the other side is still valid.
Those are the conditions of democracy.
What you're saying to me, and what I hear, is that that's no longer possible.
And so that, like what you're saying to me is, and what I hear is that that's no longer possible.
And that's really what the book is about.
And that is, like, I'm kind of, like I'm imploring you as a neighbor.
This is a book written out of love.
This is not a book written out of contempt for the United States.
This is a book written out of profound love for the United States.
I've lived in the United States.
I've worked there.
I have a lot of American friends.
I have my Trump-voting cousin in Seattle.
I think Canada has a kinship relationship with America.
Where we're, you know, Northrop Frye, the great Canadian literary critic, said that a Canadian is an American who rejects the revolution.
I mean, you know, like, the other thing is, I come from... We almost took Montreal in 1812.
No, you had the worst general in the world.
You had the terrible, terrible general in 1812.
The real danger was 1860.
But, um...
Where was I?
I now completely lost my train of thought.
My point, though, is that as someone who is concerned for your country and as someone who wants you to have a stable country, you are going to have to get to a point where you either come to some kind of divorce, which seems to me like when a marriage reaches the point that the United States is at, you'd sit the kids down and say, like, it's over.
I'm sitting here with people telling me that... So, I'm going to go right into the stereotype for everybody who's listening.
I come from a second-generation mixed-race family.
They fought, my grandparents were forced to flee numerous states because it was illegal to cohabitate and to have kids.
This is some of my family experience.
I grow up, once again, with my mom, who's mixed race, marrying a white guy and having a second generation mixed race family.
And I genuinely believed when I was a kid, growing up in Chicago, like we had come to this position where we recognized race was less important.
Martin Luther King Jr.' 's dream.
It didn't matter what I was, or my Latino friend, or my Asian friend.
We were all just friends in the neighborhood.
And then I got to experience critical race theory.
And these people looked me in the eyes and said, I don't know what you are, so you're not allowed to be in any of these groups.
But all the white people go there, the black people go there, the Asians go there, and the Mexicans go there.
That's what they did at Occupy Wall Street.
They were called spokes, the spokes council.
And they said there were working groups and there were caucuses.
And the caucuses were race-based and gender-based.
And so they quite literally said, if you want to vote on how we spend money, all the black people have to go in the group of black people and decide how black people want money spent.
And I said, that's insane.
And I will fight against that tooth and nail because my family experienced this.
In this past election in California, they tried to repeal their civil rights amendment from their constitution.
I ask you, you say that we've got to come to this position where we come together.
Would you be willing to allow a bunch of white people in a majority white state to discriminate against black people in the name of peace?
You know, I don't think I'm going to be faced with that question.
And certainly the world is perplexing to me enough without what ifs, but I'd actually like to ask you a question because I don't, I don't know the answer to this.
Even after I spent five years writing this thing, like, how do you think this is going to end?
I mean, I've heard you say there's going to be a civil war.
Like, America's so big and so diverse and so geographically huge that those numbers are probably not as meaningful as they are in the rest of the world.
But on the other hand, I think we're in agreement, right?
No, it's the standard metric, but it's still not, like, You know, America's America's different, right?
Like America is a very different place.
Like I don't think America is an exception.
I don't think the laws of political gravity don't apply to the United States, but like when you're applying these standards, it's just a little it's just a little more complicated than it would be for Canada, right?
But on the other hand, do you think political violence is going to become normalized?
That there's just going to be a lot more assassination?
Do you think there's going to be street fights?
All of those things are happening.
I can't foresee a scenario.
One of the problems here is that by 2040, 50% of the country will control 85% of the Senate.
Right.
So this is like this becomes like this is classic anocracy.
So, you know, civil wars tend to happen in like civil wars don't happen in full democracies like Denmark and they don't happen in autocracies like Russia.
They happen when there's a in the gray area.
Right.
In this in this area where it's unclear whether it's democracy or autocracy.
So do you think like I can't foresee a scenario where there will be an uncontested election ever in the United States?
I mean, going back to since Gore and Bush, it's just been, and even then you still had some degree of strife and insanity with previous elections, but it was really bad starting then.
There's a bunch of different ways I see this.
I don't think the right wants to control the left, but the left does want to control the right.
Yeah, I mean, it was extraordinary to me where I would find it.
Like my friends who are in media in the Hudson Valley, they feel very much under threat.
Like they feel, they feel like if you run for dog catcher as a Democrat in Hudson Valley, someone will send you a picture of a gun saying we're coming for you.
Right?
Like, never mind.
But, I mean, the thing about America right now is that everyone feels under siege.
And when Russiagate was a hoax, when the Covington Kids was a hoax, when Jussie Smollett was a hoax, at a certain point don't you say to yourself, maybe they're lying to me?
Well, then there's the, you know, then there's January 6th, and then there's, then there's Trump calling up the tanks in Washington on the 4th of July.
If I'm going to cite overt, widespread lies, and then you cite January 6th, which is unrelated to what I was talking about, I'm going to ask you... Oh, I think you're asking... Well, I mean, if I were to count Trump's lies...
I'm saying you'd say that Black Lives Matter would accuse me of lying.
And my response is, Jussie Smollett, that thing was an obvious lie, but it was picked up by actors and celebrities and every mainstream news organization.
Russiagate was three, four years of outright lying.
Well, Fox News is the biggest news organization in the country, by far.
Well, yeah, I mean, we're in media breakdown.
This is actually a large part of the structure, too, like the information breakdown.
That's also a big part of the book.
But like it's, that's actually, that's a, you know, when I talked about a complex cascading system, that's, that feeds into both sides in different ways, in asymmetrical ways.
But, but, you know, like one, one way of thinking about this struggle is that it is a mimetic struggle in the Jeff Jazea, you know, definition of it.
If you look at the politically homeless faction, the intellectual dark web faction, the post-liberal faction, conservatives, and even hardcore MAGA Trump supporters, they all agree, for the most part, on a typical worldview, except for certain Q elements, which don't make up that many people.
I mean, maybe it is my own failing, but I mean, part of my job was trying to figure out, like, what are the intellectual coherences that you find in this?
And I found that, I mean, one of the things I find really interesting about the American right in general is their love of esoteric information, right?
Like, an esoteric knowledge, where, like, something becomes more valuable because it's less believed.
And I've actually stated exactly this in 100 plus shows of this, that the reason civil war, in my opinion, is inevitable is because you have two sides both saying, I'm right.
You come across, you're walking down a road and you come to a fork in the road and you see there's two paths and you know that one road will lead you to imminent death and one road will lead you to safety.
But... That's actually a really good way of putting it.
So if that's the condition where one's the angel and one's the devil and you don't know which one is right, Like, surely we have to come up with something more clever than the other side's wrong.
I suppose the issue is, the reason I use the Biden example is because if you were to ask the average journalist in this country, did Joe Biden engage in a quid pro quo in Ukraine, they will tell you no.
I mean, if you're writing about a civil war and there have been accusations made against Donald Trump in terms of a quid pro quo... Donald Trump does not figure in this book.
I'm talking a lot this one, but I do want to make this point, is that, as a baseline, I've been reading the news and doing the research and the fact-checking on all of these stories, and it's come to a point where the right tends to be correct on these things, and the left goes off into Wally world every time.
UkraineGate being a really great example of the corporate press, the establishment Democrats, and the left all lying about what Joe Biden did with respect to Ukraine, when more and more reporting keeps coming up proving he actually did this, even based on the mainstream media's own previous reporting, say from Politico.
Politico publishes a story, as does the New York Times, that Ukrainians meddled in the 2016 election in an effort to help Democrats.
Not that the Ukrainian government did, but that elements of higher-ranking officials in Ukraine did.
A court even ruled this in Ukraine.
Joe Biden engages in a quid pro quo where he brags about it on camera.
But if you come out and say that, you're called right-wing.
They say it's fake news, you're lying, and it's not true.
I live in a world based on, do you have sources for that?
Just the other night, we got reporting that the person who tried to assassinate the Democrat was a BLM activist, and I said, no, no, no, no, no.
We are not.
That is a rumor.
It is not confirmed until we can get official confirmation on the story.
Even though there had been, I just hadn't seen it.
Because if I don't have the official reporting from a trusted source, it didn't happen.
But every single time I go to the news, a good majority of what's considered mainstream corporate press is outright wrong and they defend it.
For example, the crack pipe story.
Jen Psaki goes on TV and says, we were never going to give out crack pipes.
That's a lie easily proved by looking at the organizations they were contracting who give crack pipes.
I pulled up two different sources, international and national, that say safe smoking kits include meth and crack pipes.
Yet when the right comes out and says this, Snope says, false.
All of the corporate establishment press are saying it's not true, there were never any crack pipes.
Then Jen Psaki goes on TV and says, no crack pipes.
See in Canada I remember in the 90s there was a, I remember going to parties
and there was a government program to give out straws for snorting cocaine.
Because it was being, AIDS was being.
He communicated nasally.
And so I remember and I was like, yeah, that's that's the government I like they give out This is what happens but listen Do you do you honest are you honestly telling me that you feel like when you see something on Fox News?
You feel like it's probably correct and that it's not and that it's and that it's and that you've never seen a story on Fox News That was not was a lie No, I call out Fox News, it's just I call them out less frequently.
And Fox News is one station compared to... The problem here is the informational networks.
But what ends up happening is, after a decade of this...
It has become so divergent that you cannot convince an 18-year-old who's voting for these policies that the majority of their life was based on lies.
So I'll give you another example of what's caused all this, and I don't know if you looked into this, but have you looked at the LexisNexis data on critical race theory and woke terminology?
I mean, like... Anger and justice can go either way.
Well, like, the... I mean...
I feel like I'm repeating myself, but surely we can all see that I've definitely not been a friend to wokeness.
You can read my writing on it.
I've been punished enough for it.
But just to be clear, my point here is really this, that the crisis that your country is facing is so severe that these debates are increasingly meaningless because they take place in a context of Essentially, semantic collapse.
Dude, you can see people in the metaverse wearing with black avatars and with white avatars.
It doesn't matter if they're black or white in real life, but you'll see them segmented into their little avatars in the game, and they're going to act like real life, as if it's real.
But when Mike.com starts off libertarian and then becomes woke, when Vice.com starts off as an edgy bro frat boy kind of punk website and becomes feminist, when ABC News funds hundreds of millions of dollars and then six months later says, we're going woke everybody, it is not going the other direction, it's flowing one way.
So racial resentment is like, well, it's a pretty complicated sociological thing, it's a bunch of different factors, but it's like, it's not necessarily racism per se, it's whether you feel threatened.
And so that and so that that number like rather than being an ideology like rather than being a Ideology as in I am a racist it is like how you feel about certain aspects of life But so that and those numbers were identical for Democrats and Republicans in I think 1990 and then they again Don't quote me on that, but I won't address the semantic yes, because I would really like You know we're here.
We're doing this show people are listening to it right now What are we doing to prevent semantic breakdown?
The left and the right, the right has a traditional view of language, like we use words that mean things they meant 20 years ago, and the left has redefined things.
I am not saying, you know, fault on either side of this, what I'm saying, one of the things that is causing a divide is people have different tolerances for a change in information, or they have expectations.
That's possible, although it seems to me like the radicalization is happening, you know, at the same level, and happening, and don't you feel everyone's out there looking for an anchor?
I mean, God knows the people I talk to on the left are desperate for some kind of stability.
I mean, that's the one hope I have is that, you know, the chaos has become so intolerable to people that they need some kind of, they really start to crave structure.
So again, to throw it back to Jussie Smollett, for instance, Covington kids, big cultural moments that were absolutely wrong.
For a lot of people that, you know, we've even had on the show, they've said, this was the moment I said, I just can't live this way anymore and I need something solid.
And so I said, I can't trust these people who keep lying to me and I look for something else.
See, I think, not to be too much of a salesman, you actually have a lot of information about this that I don't have, but I think what I try to do in my book is go 30,000 feet in the air.
But it wasn't a joke in the sense of the way institutions latched onto it, the way elected officials latched onto it, the media latched onto it.
And I think one of the ways where, I don't want to say I disagree with you, but where we see the world differently, I do not see the right trying to cancel the left the way the left tries to cancel the right.
Small example of that you have this lovely singer British chick Adele who won an award and Because of the current time period a week ago.
It was a gender-neutral artist of the year and in her acceptance of speech She said I wish it weren't I won't fake a British accent.
I wish it weren't Although she's cockney.
I wish it weren't artists of the year.
I wish it were Woman of the Year, because I love being a woman.
That turned into Adele's trying to cancel the trance movement.
Adele should be banned on Spotify.
Stop buying Adele.
I don't ever see that on the right.
And proof of that is, two years ago, the NFL, they kneel at the anthem.
Stop watching the NFL.
No one stopped watching the NFL.
Look at the Super Bowl numbers.
Look at the playoff numbers.
The right can't go to a cancel culture the way the left can.
So those are not... Well, I mean, if you actually want to know what I believe, it's the Charter of Rights and Freedoms of the Canadian Constitution, which is incredibly specific and was written in 1982 and contains all this beautifully articulated in a simple way.
But my point really here is like, Whichever side you're on of this, these two countries can't coexist.
It has to be one or the other, and it really can't be both.
I mean, it's really worth reading because it's a great work of genius.
It's a really fascinating Book because he worked because he predicts exactly where you are right now like exactly where you are right now And he did it you know on his retirement.
I imagine you did a lot of research on the first American Civil War Yeah, I mean There's so much work on it like I would never call myself an expert on that like I definitely read a lot of books about it But just you know I'm not I would never There are some things in here that I do consider myself an expert on but that there are so many Civil War experts Just because you asked me earlier what I thought was going to happen.
Even though in hindsight it all seems perfectly clear and the structures are all there and it's like there's no way that it couldn't be a civil war after the nullification crisis and the bloody Kansas.
There are countries that negotiate separation, like Czechoslovakia, where they do negotiate in goodwill, and that's what happened with Norway and Sweden.
Yeah, tell me what you think of that.
I mean, that is not a... I wonder what the best way to show this is, actually, because I don't... I wonder if I... So...
I can't do it. Well, it's basically the north, northeast and then the south and Midwest and then
California to Oregon and in Texas. Have you seen the poll?
Well, the problem is, first of all, to negotiate a settlement, you need goodwill.
And then the UN, to negotiate with the UN, which I know sounds ridiculous, but, you know, you can't, no one will land in an airport until you have a UN agreement that you're a separate country, is really, really hard, especially with a country that has security, general, what's it called, security council placement.
Of course, I did just write something about it in Lit Hub, about the politics of abortion as a factor in polarization.
I mean, you know, the most bizarre thing about it is that, you know, this is again looking at it from a foreign country, is like, Abortion in the United States should be one of the policies that everyone agrees on.
It is a success story.
Women get more control over their reproductive health every year.
Abortion rates have declined 19% between 2011 and 2017.
If you want to end abortion in America, keep doing exactly what you're doing.
It's a policy success.
No one can see it.
Everyone is screaming at each other.
No, like someone said is screaming life.
The other one is screaming choice.
If you were to ask yourself what the correct policy is, you would see that the policy is both like women get control over their reproductive health.
That's what leads to declines in abortion rates.
And so it's a win-win for everyone.
But because it's so divided, they can't see those basic facts.
That's not really a contributing factor to what I'm talking about in the book.
Like, that's not... I don't have expertise in that.
Like, I'm sorry, but like, I just can't really give an honest or accurate answer to that question.
I mean, I would say that once that happens, that... Like, one thing that I notice in this book is, like, the right has said concept of civil war for a long time, right?
Like, for at least since the 90s.
And it was a fringe position, but it sort of became more mainstream in 2008.
But I think the left is actually starting to catch up.
The left is actually starting to catch up to the idea that this country isn't working, its institutions are failing, there's going to have to be a response to this, and I think abortion could be a major trigger of it.
I think there are a lot of people who don't... You know you asked me that question, what if healthcare was taken away from me?
For one, many conservatives have told me, no, Republicans will never try to ban it federally.
Not only that, they can't.
It can't be federally legislated.
It has to be at the state level.
But my question is, do you think there's any number of right-wing people, any small number, who would be willing to go to an abortion clinic the moment Roe v. Wade is overturned and say, with force, end what you're doing right now?
Well, you know, the criminalization of abortion is one of the worst policy ideas it's possible to have, because you have to ask yourself all kinds of questions.
But do you think people would be like, do you think there would be a John Brown of abortion, who's going to walk up to an abortion doctor and just blow his brains out?
When we're talking about the numbers of what constitutes political violence, that doesn't qualify as political violence in the stats that we looked at.
Going up and killing an abortion doctor.
But I, of course, would qualify it as that.
Right.
So like, yeah, like, absolutely, I think.
So the point is not really the violent extremists.
The point is, do they start a police force?
Like, how are they going to actually manage?
Like, you know, the Texas law was not policy.
It was just like, we're going to start this crazy bounty system that I mean, no one knows what the hell that would look like.
They don't want to actually answer the question of what Yeah, and they've gone a long way already.
this would look like especially given the fact that you know america can even
Like, I think the left is starting to figure out, like, that would have been, those kind of defiant actions would have been typical of Red states for its whole history, but I think now oh, sorry.
I've got it mixed up You know, you know everywhere else in the world red means left You know why that's right.
Yeah, it was it was 2000 election, right?
Someone explained it to me Yeah, but it used to be the other way around it used to be the other way around.
Yeah But so now people on the left are figuring out We're gonna be in defiance of federal authority So we've had sanctuary cities on the left for a long time.
So when California allows in non-citizens, the census is done, non-citizens are counted, and they get extra congressional representation, which then results in, it results in disproportionate voting power, and it results in disproportionate power to elect the president.
I think, according to the Heritage Foundation, California last election only got one additional electoral vote.
But when we're talking about, you know, what is it, 538?
I mean, that's substantive.
That's a decent amount of gained power.
And it's not just California, it's other sanctuary cities and states.
So, the left likes to come out and say it's unfair that the Senate is comprised of, you know, X amount of senators who come from only a certain amount of states when they're engaging in defiance of federal authority to give themselves disproportionate votes in Congress and the Electoral College.
Well, that's, I mean, whether that's the way it's supposed to be or not, you're going to have a huge number of people in your country who don't regard themselves as living in a legitimate democracy.
I'll give you a- That's not- that's- that's minoritarian, but that's not the same thing as- that's minority protection.
That's not the same thing as minoritarian rule.
I mean, that is- that is very big distinction.
I mean, in Canada, we understand this really implicitly.
Right?
Like, we have a minority population, French Canadians, who are, you know, who have to be protected from the majority rule by, like, just to keep the country together.
The fact that people choose to live in populous states, you actually need a functional control for that so people don't all just crowd into one tight space and they actually spread out.
So in California, when I was covering the drought, we went to East Porterville, a small, mostly migrant city with no water.
Why?
The farmers were not allowed access to surface water because of the drought.
The surface water had to be rerouted to cities.
Why?
Because the cities had voting power and voted away the water from the people who actually had it.
So what happens is the farmers, being a large portion of the United States' economy, said, we're going to have to drill deeper and deeper into groundwater.
And they went down thousands, even tens of thousands of feet.
The small family migrant workers could only drill about 30 feet and their water went dry.
big cities inequality etc well it's not that so much as the water problem
that the united states faces yeah i mean actually that was the
that was the chapter that kept me up at night it's funny not any of the none of
none of the politics stuff like it's funny the one that kept me up was
talking to like an expert at the usda on corn did you did you uh look into the
the lawsuit attempts to seize great lakes water Yeah, well, well, of course, in Canada, we're really obsessed with this because like we have all the water, right?
Like we have one fifth of the world's natural water supply.
And so what happens when you guys run out of your water is of great concern to us.
Well, I mean, the worst thing to me is the Ogallala Aquifer.
Which they're accessing to grow.
Like we live in an era of completely cheap food, like artificially cheap food, largely driven by Midwest, the genius of Midwestern farmers who have innovated corn to a point of, you know, extreme productivity.
And that's driven by this aquifer that is not renewable.
That's just water they're taking out of the ground, that when it's gone, it's gone.
And where they go from there, they don't really know.
I want you to imagine a world where we don't have cheap food anymore.
That's added to all this stuff we're talking about, right?
Did you ever, in any of these, when you were thinking of all the potential possibilities, did you ever find out No, I mean, that was not something I looked at.
hey we're gonna supply your weapons and help you win when you give us states
I'm looking at structures here, but what I do know is that when you get to inequality levels with this kind of structural problem, it just creates huge amounts of turbulence.
Well, if I can be honest with you, like when I hear the debate here about the trucker convoy, it is it's like, have you ever seen like a movie where you know what really happened?
And like you see the movie and you're like, it has nothing to do with, like it's just so distorted that it has nothing to do with reality.
The largest support for the Trucker Convoy I've seen in my life was driving here in Maryland and someone had a big sign up.
Right?
I mean, you have to remember, like, here it's become, like, all this stuff about Trudeau and, you know, all this, like, the person who did the original Emergencies Act was Doug Ford, the Premier of Ontario, who's a populist conservative, and I personally have called him a tinpot Northern Trump in the pages of the New York Times.
He would, like, this is a very, the political context of this in Canada is just completely separate from the political
context here.
Like it's just a completely different framework of interpretation of events.
So for the most part... I would just say the reporting that I've seen in American sources from both sides, like, has really... Like, I was trying to think, like, how could I explain this?
And I was like, well, you know, the Quebec premier, who is a conservative, like, he's definitely the right, a month ago proposed a tax on the unvaccinated.
Right?
Like, just a straight tax.
This is a different world than the world you guys are in.
You know what I mean?
Because of universal health care... But we have that too, though.
No, no, no, quite literally in the United States to claim that a certain person of a certain race has different susceptibilities or different traits based on race is overtly racist.
But I would just say, when I see the American debate around it, I've yet to see an American left-wing source say that the number one enemy of the truckers is Rob Ford's brother.
The left-wing source?
Yeah, like MSNBC, it's become this debate around Justin Trudeau or whatever, but the point is, the conservatives have all said, go home.
He is the most conservative.
He's also the most powerful conservative in Canada.
If I were gambling, I would say he'd be our next conservative prime minister.
I think this might make him the next conservative prime minister.
Wasn't there a belief back in the 80s and 90s when Quebec was doing its stronger separatist movement that Northwest Territories would try to apply for American statehood, giving us a direct road to Canada?
In 1970, when they declared martial law, they arrested people.
You didn't need a warrant to arrest anyone.
My country has nearly died twice in my lifetime, 1982 and 1995.
This is not a book of judgment.
This is a book of like, what's amazing to me, what's the most shocking thing, maybe one of the most shocking things that's happened in my life, is that somehow Canada has become the stable country and America has become the unstable country.
I mean, if you told me that that would happen when I was 20, everyone would have laughed in your face.
But Canada has resisted it in a lot of ways because of Because of a bunch of really odd policies like we have very strict immigration But we are very pro-immigration and we have we have we didn't 2008 didn't happen to us, right?
Like we didn't we didn't have Occupy Wall Street because we are because we're so vulnerable We because we're not America like we had to protect our banks and our banks came through very safe It's the center of the Empire exactly what Montreal says are the most culturally diverse city in Toronto is Toronto.
I think that's a huge difference and I think you were talking about abortion and how you think it's a polarizing issue and it is.
I think should the civil war come, those who are not here legally should be the ones who are most concerned because there are parts of this country that they will ask for your papers and you will flee to California or Illinois or New York.
Except Ian, in New York now, you can vote as a non-citizen.
So they're gonna just go to the state and be like, we're here anyway.
And then that's it.
So, you know, that point I made about taxes and geography before, I think one thing you might end up seeing in the map you have in your book might actually be an accurate starting point.
It would be between people who want disorder and want breakdown and people who are trying to keep the institutions alive by by force.
And like and of course the problem is as America's learned in its counterinsurgency strategy and as you know I talked to an anonymous colonel who was responsible for drawing up what they call full spectrum operations in the homeland like the more you try to control the population militarily that
just spreads violence unit you know i think you're right about that
So we had Marjorie Taylor Greene on, and she said, when she went to Congress, she was confused because she's sitting there and there's like 10 Democrats, or like 5 Democrats and like 5 Republicans, and there's some random guy she doesn't know at the speaker's podium, pulls up a bill and goes, bill, assembly bill, you know, congressional bill 473, in favor, Democrats, and they go, meh, Republicans, meh, Democrats have it, next bill, They must have hated her.
no one's even voting on the stuff right so she called a roll call vote which forced all the members
of congress back to actually record their votes in a state of her and they
could they come after her for it and that's probably why you hear these
insane stories about her in the press because she's in defiance of
I mean, when you actually talk to, I've been interviewing a politician lately about the inner workings of electoral politics for a possible sequel to this book, and, you know, it's staggering.
Like, I had like a 20 minute conversation with this guy, and I was like, oh, well, no wonder this system is so screwed up.
All they can think about all day is the three levels of fundraising.
Dark money, social media money, and bundled money.
So we did a little bit of longer show today because, you know, typically what we do with the members-only segment is we'll save like a spicier story for TimCast.com's segment.
But I figured because we're going to be having kind of an amorphous conversation about Civil War and politics, it wouldn't really work out to do that.
Wrestler Town says, If Mr. Marsh started writing his book five years ago, I'd like to know which right-wing activists he had to compare to the left at the conception of his book.
His go-to January 6th example happened one year ago.
Well, what inspired it was the Trump inauguration and the general atmosphere of violence.
I mean, I wouldn't say at the beginning of it I was like... I mean, I went and talked to various prepper groups.
I went to talk to various far-right groups.
I talked to Richard Spencer.
I talked to various members of the far-right and going and meeting them in Ohio and in the field research.
So that's different than, I would say, icons or something like that.
And I just, you know, I got along very well with them.
And they, and also like, you know, Sons of Confederate Veterans and things like this, like, you know, and sovereign citizens and constitutional sheriffs and sagebrush rebels.
And so, yeah, I would talk to all these different groups.
Now, you know, like the specific violence that they're involved in is sometimes purely
in their own minds, right?
And sometimes the right wing groups, I mean, you go and meet these guys and sometimes it's
like this is a hobby.
Thinking about the Civil War, it's like, am I with a far-right group who's plotting the overthrow of the U.S.
government, or are these basically like birdwatchers?
January 6th is one thing that happened one time, and I can give you over the past several years... I mean, the French Revolution is one thing that happened one time.
Sure, but hold on, we're talking about 800 people, of which several hundred fought their way to the front tunnel entrance, and the other several hundred walked through the back door that was opened by police.
Well, and it also strips itself apart very quickly and is also filled with a lot of segmentation.
So, like... Like, I mean, there's no... Like, I would say... All I'm saying here is, you know, you would say that your right wing Does not commit any violence.
I don't say that.
Well, there's some violence.
But if you're looking at, like, mass terms of violence, like, you have to look at things like sovereign citizens, or QAnon, or, you know, etc.
Like, it would just not be reasonable to say that those are not right-wing political violence.
But this is why I explained in the beginning that the right engages what I define as sharp, acute instances, and the left is... Well, let's stay with that.
What I find with peace and order is you can have a slave state that's suppressed its population into peace and order, and they're still slaves and unhappy, but there's peace.
I'll tell you, you know, like, I'm doing research and I come across a story about a guy, no one say his name, seriously, And, uh, because if you do, YouTube will shut the show down instantly.
That is, there's nothing, uh, on the left, so I sit down with Jack Dorsey, and we pull up a tweet of an Antifa account overtly calling for, organizing, and inciting violence and giving instructions on what to do, and they went, meh.
Your group is calling me far left, but when I was an Esquire columnist for years, I was considered like Norman Mailer and constantly called out for all these kinds of questions.
So, like, when the New York Times lies and makes up fake crap, and then we have to fact-check it and prove it wrong with evidence... This book is deeply fact-checked.
So, but this is why I use the Joe Biden Ukraine gait as a really good example.
Because if you go to the New York Times and ask them, did Joe Biden quid pro quo, they'll say no.
And that's factually incorrect.
All evidence points to the fact that Joe Biden did this.
He's even on video saying he did it.
And for some reason, So when the FBI doesn't prosecute Hillary Clinton, doesn't prosecute Joe Biden or even investigate these things, when you have the collusion between Twitter and Facebook shutting down the story about Hunter Biden's laptop, when Hunter Biden is publicly known to have illegally acquired a handgun or disposed of one, nothing happens!
Oh, well, I mean, you know, the number, like, everyone always says that about crime, and the thing about crime is, like, tiny, only tiny little amounts of crime are ever prosecuted.
If you cite them, they'll say... Well, one side says that they have no credibility.
I mean, the problem we're in is the one we keep going back to, which is, like, the sides are so divided now that, like, literally there is no common ground in fact, there is no common ground in narrative, there is no common ground, like, in institutions, there is no common ground in language.
Exactly.
Right?
And, like, when you're in that condition, you either have to find a way back to that common ground or split up.
No, no, for anyone to say you are, because the reason why you're not far left is because you're here, because the real far left in America, and people may say the real far right.
unidentified
Well, you may underestimate my desire to sell books.
They would not sit together and have this conversation, and that is one of the biggest problems.
I mean, I do political debate for a living, even though I've been very taciturn this evening, but it is hard to find an open-minded And I'm sure they would say the same about us, but we don't
sit together.
Crossfire is gone, right?
We don't sit together and have these intellectual conversations.
We have four panelists who think the way we do on our program and they have four—
Well, the left would take that because like all of the indigenous protests about pipelines got broken up very quickly and quite aggressively.
And like for you know, like the Ottawa police were sued for $60 million successfully for their for their brutality over the G7 with the leftist protests.
So actually I think I mean this is that's a Canadian example.
So it's actually not very relevant but You know, one of the things is, like, there are many people on the left asking, like, well, if these were left-wing protesters in Ottawa, would they be treated anywhere near as decently as they have been so far?
Like, there's a lot of... And I, frankly, I sympathize with that.
He says, right-wing esoteric knowledge like QAnon is crazy, but is less insane and far less dangerous, mainstream and institutionally entrenched compared to standard progressive dogma.
It's ridiculous to make an equation between the two.
That's not in my book, and I find it one of the more fascinating things that I didn't answer.
There are a few, like, mysteries that were kind of around the edges of the book that I... because I tried to be really specific and, like, really only say what I know.
But, like, the fascination with esoteric knowledge on the right, I just find it fascinating.
So, in... I think it was 2012, Barack Obama signed into law in... Our National Defense Authorization Act reauthorizes, you know, spending on national defense and stuff.
And so Dave Smith was telling a story on Joe Rogan's podcast where he said Brian Stelter was complaining that conspiracy theory videos about how, you know, certain tragic events didn't really happen were dangerous.
And, you know, Dave's point was like, if some weirdo guy makes a YouTube video, it's like, sure, it's annoying, and Brian Seltzer's like, no, it's dangerous!
And he goes, you know what's dangerous?
That Barack Obama signed into law the indefinite detention provision of the National Defense Authorization Act, and the media didn't cover it.
You know, like one of the things that I think is happening that's, you know, probably I shouldn't have brought up right at the end of this conversation, is like people's sense of what is real is fraying.
They don't know what is real.
That's part of the esoteric information.
They lose faith in institutions, but what is actually happening is very hard to tell.
And I think that's part of the contribution to this chaos.
Because I think, you know, one of the things I was making early, the point I made early on is that we agree on a lot of the core issues that's happening.
A lot of people are commenting like, oh, he's wrong about this, he's wrong about that, you know, and he's wrong about civil... No, I think Stephen is very much correct about civil war.
I think there's probably core political issues that we have different views on.
But, like, that's why I thought it would be fascinating.
But I don't know, I mean, I think when you actually... Like, you're in favor of universal health care, you're in favor of progressive taxation.
I mean, the problem that we're dealing with here is that when you talk about politics... We've had this whole... We've talked for like two and a half hours now about politics.
See, I had this experience when I was in 2015 where I covered the Canadian election and then I went down and covered a Trump rally and a Sanders rally, like right after each other.
They were both in Iowa within three days of each other.
And so this is what a Canadian debate is like.
Sir, we need to spend $428 million on education.
You're completely wrong.
We need to spend $485 million on education.
It's all numbers and it's all boring technical policy things.
I mean, it's unwatchably boring.
Then you go to America and it's God and socialism.
These grand ideas that have no practical applications, that are incredibly vague, and just simply are essentially aesthetic categories.
What we're talking about here is language.
But if you were to actually sit... Like, I think the abortion question comes up here again, where it's like, if you were to actually sit down, like, what are our policy objectives?
We want women to be in control of their bodies, and we want abortion rates to decline.
It's a moral question of their own identity, of who they are and who their government is.
And that is the thing about America.
It's like you have this idea of yourselves as a shining city on a hill, as a beacon for the world, whereas I think in other countries that are perhaps more stable, it's like, well, what are we doing here?
How can we make life a little bit better?
How can we make things, we're in these systems, how can we make these systems better?
When you get to the systems questions, when you get to those policy questions, there's actually a lot of common ground.
It's actually quite possible to build things together.
Seth Houser says, there are no two versions of America.
It has always been a constitutional republic formed by the founding fathers.
It's actually a really good point.
When you said that there's a multicultural democracy and a constitutional republic, what you're, this country has always been a constitutional republic, albeit with politicians making improper statements about being a democracy or whatever.
Well, also you could say it began at the beginning of the country.
It began with the Three-Fifths Compromise.
It began with all the compromises that were embedded in the Constitution that ultimately were between slave and free states that were not subject to compromise.
Well, I mean, you know, one of the subjects of this book is what an American occupation would look like.
And of course, 1876 was the end of the first American occupation, which was the North's occupation of the South, which was a low level civil conflict, right?
With lots of terrorist groups and lots of, and lots of conflict.
And basically 1876 was, You know, the thing is, occupation never works, right?
Like, it simply never... You can't really occupy people against their will.
The North American settlers... I mean, when you read... Like, one of the guys I interview for the book is a guy named Daniel Bolger, who's a real expert in counterinsurgency and, you know, saw it in Iraq and saw it everywhere.
And he's like, you know, there are basically no examples of this working.
But when you read his book, you keep waiting for the... This book is called Why We Lost.
I think if we were doing wargaming of your book, which we're not going to do because we'll go back to Super Chats, I think that the most important variable is who is what party, what faction is the president at the time.
And that would be, I think the Civil War, the American Civil War, I think would have been very differently.
It would have been very different if there was a different president of a different party.
And so who controls DC, who controls the military, who controls the powers of the federal government, I think will determine an awful lot.
Yeah, I mean, I worked on the assumption in the book that the military oath would hold, because it does seem to me like it would.
I believe so.
It was taken extremely, extremely seriously.
I mean, one of the problems here is that the military is the last institution with widespread respect in the United States.
Which is not healthy.
When that's the backdrop, that's not good.
But the generals in the Washington Post a few months ago openly discussed would the military fragment in the case of a contested electoral college vote.
That's a whole level of terror that I didn't put in the book, but it seems to me entirely plausible.
Like, I mean, I think that's the, the, the, the, when I go and talk to like NPR people and so on, I wonder if I'm the only person this year to talk to you and NPR at the same time, but, uh, possible.
But like the, the part they find controversial is, um, that I say, if Hillary Clinton had been elected, all of this would be exactly the same.
Right, like the Trump, like what we're dealing with here are deep-seated structural problems
that are built into the, they transcend completely the outcomes of elections.
So this is when... Think about what the purpose of war is, right?
To gain control of an asset resource land or a people.
When you look at what started the first civil war, it was these military bases and then eventually, like preserving the Union, gaining control and holding one government over the South because they were trying to secede and form their own country or whatever.
What if you never had to fire a shot to accomplish that?
So, fourth and fifth generational warfare is when you get into insurgency with fourth generational, and fifth generational is manipulation and propaganda.
I mean, the thing I find pretty... I actually wrote about that for Foreign Policy.
I think it's a really... You know, I actually think what's happening in Russia and the Ukraine, not to go off on a completely different thing, but I think it's one of the earliest instances of truly mimetic warfare.
You know, Marshall McLuhan said the Third World War will be an information war fought with no distinction between civilians and military.
And we're in it.
And I think in that sense, if you were to think of the Civil War as a mimetic war, Or as an informational wars or diathetical war, which is what Lawrence of Arabia called it, that you are absolutely in it.
That's why I think when we if we talk in terms of left and right, we've already lost the war because our mind has been changed by the mean to think in that way.
Look, I understand if people are like, I don't want to buy his book because he doesn't deserve my money or it'll make him rich or whatever.
No, no.
I think they should read it because, as I often say, if you think he's wrong, wouldn't it be valuable if they knew all of your thoughts and ideas and research and where it came from?
And then, by all means, you can take the book.
We've actually had a couple people comment saying they did read your book and felt you were wrong or whatever, and that's the right answer!
Well, as someone who's worked for a bunch of publications, I would say if something is in the New York Times, that's the most reliable news source of anything I've worked for, with the possible exception of the Atlantic.
When you go to the Atlantic, when something's fact-checked by the Atlantic, it is fact-checked within an inch of its life.
The New York Times, I caught in what I view as a major scandal of publishing a news piece, getting boosted in the algorithm, and altering it to an op-ed for sustained growth.
They do it all the time.
It's called stealth editing.
But other than that, I mean, you look at what they did with Project Veritas, where they just lied about them, and then basically never fact-checked it, got sued.
It was so egregious that they've actually, surprisingly, Veritas has gotten past the motion to dismiss, which is I thought the New York Times lost a lot of its credibility when they published Anonymous, and they said this was a high-level Trump staffer with intimate details of the Trump administration, and then it turned out it had like the same position I had in the Bush administration, where, you know, you have a job, but like their editorial board, their senior leadership allowed that to go forward, saying this is, they made it look like it was a cabinet position, and they did it for political expediency.
For those that aren't familiar, Times v. Sullivan is the standard that basically you have to prove, if defamation is of a public figure, you have to prove they either knew it was false or were acting recklessly.
Recklessness is that, for the New York Times, for instance, if they publish something, you'd have to prove that they didn't follow their standard procedure for verification.
And if you can't get past a motion to dismiss, and you can't because of its own stance, it's insane.
Someone, they outright make up stories about me.
I can't get into them because of litigation and stuff like that.
But they'll outright lie and make everything up.
And then they're just like, we assume it to be true.
Like we had a source who said it, therefore it's fact.
That you should not be able to get away with that.
So I'll read, we'll just read two more because we've gone a bit long tonight and I think it was worth it.
Papa Romano says, I disagree with him a lot, but a great guest.
Yo, thank you people need like need to understand we would we would have a lot more guests That are more like mainstream journalists and leftists if they were willing to come on.
There were a series of indigenous movements that were about pipelines, but also about, you know, historical genocide, cultural genocide.
They were burning down churches because they were essentially... Right-wing indigenous groups?
Well, I would say national groups.
They would not fall into either category.
They're themselves, right?
They have support from the left, though.
I actually think they have a lot of broad support.
Like Stephen Harper, who was the last conservative prime minister, he was the first person to acknowledge crimes in the educational system, and he actually made a very powerful statement about it.
If someone's going to make an argument, and you're like, I completely disagree with this person, wouldn't you want to arm yourself with the facts and data to properly be able to argue your points?
I think people might read through that and be like, oh, okay, this one has less to do with some of the stuff they talked about, because we have our bias on this show.
Long story short...
I understand them saying they don't want to give you money.