Aug. 18, 2025 - The Tucker Carlson Show
26:02
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| Speaker | Time | Text |
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| in the name of creating this multicultural society that England never had in the first place. | ||
| And so you see these elites who are destroying the nature and quality of their people. | ||
| They are actively replacing the people in their nation because if they do that, then those barriers to the power that previously existed that were tied to the tradition will be gone. | ||
| We did an interview with a woman called Casey Means. | ||
| She's a Stanford educated surgeon and really one of the most remarkable people I have ever met. | ||
| In the interview, she explained how the food that we eat produced by huge food companies, big food in conjunction with farmers. | ||
| interaction with pharma is destroying our health, making this a weak and sick country. | ||
| The levels of chronic disease are beyond belief. | ||
| What Casey means, who we've not stopped thinking about ever since, is the co-founder of a healthcare technology company called Levels, and we are proud to announce today that we are partnering with Levels. | ||
| And by proud, I mean sincerely proud. | ||
| Levels is a really interesting company and a great product. | ||
| It gives you insight into what's going on inside your body, your metabolic health. | ||
| It helps you understand how the food that you're eating, the things that you're doing every single day are affecting your body in real time. | ||
| And you don't think about it. | ||
| You have no idea what you're putting in your mouth and you have no idea what it's doing to your body. | ||
| But over time, you feel weak and tired and spacey and over an even longer period of time, you can get really sick. | ||
| So it's worth knowing what the food you eat is doing to you. | ||
| The Levels app works with something called a continuous glucose monitor, a CGM. | ||
| You can get one as part of the planner. | ||
| You can force pumping you full of garbage on healthy food with artificial sugars. | ||
| and hurting you and hurting the entire country. | ||
| So with levels, you'll be able to see immediately what all this is doing to you. | ||
| You get access to real-time personalized data, and that's a critical ste step to changing your behavior. | ||
| Those of us who like Oreos can tell you firsthand. | ||
| This isn't talking to your doctor an annual physical looking backwards about things you did in the past. | ||
| You get an additional two free months when you go to levels dot link slash tucker. | ||
| That's levels dot link slash tucker. | ||
| This is the beginning of what we hope will be a long and happy partnership with levels and doctor Casey Means. | ||
| Can't I mean, so many questions. | ||
| I can I can imagine a multiracial society. | ||
| I certainly can't. | ||
| And so when we think about different ethnicities in Europe, there are many, right? | ||
| There the difference between an Italian and a Swede is. | ||
| However, there's this vast. | ||
| Right, it's vast. | ||
| Right, but there's this macro core, you know, category of white or European. | ||
| And that means something, but it really only means things in a highly racialized society. | ||
| So it used to be that in America, we had black Americans, and they had a specific ethnic identity because they had basically been shorn of their previous ethnic identity. | ||
| They didn't have a connection to their tribe, to their peoples, to their history. | ||
| And so they had an ethnogenesis. | ||
| They formed an ethnos in the United States. | ||
| But the white population, the European descendants were those that had different European ethnos backgrounds.s. | ||
| They had English backgrounds. | ||
| Irish. | ||
| Irish, all of these, right? | ||
| And so, you know, those different identities were distinct and we even had different neighborhoods, entire states that were settled by very different peoples, even though they are of European descent. | ||
| But as we have racialized, as we have become only interested in those macro categories, all of those separate white ethnoses that once existed have been pulled into something like that. | ||
| Or something like that. | ||
| Right. | ||
|
unidentified
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Yeah. | |
| The ones that existed previously. | ||
| Yeah. | ||
| Washington DC has the, I think, the largest population of Ethiopians and Eritreans who are black. | ||
| Ask them what they think of what they're interested in. | ||
| You can't think of local black people. | ||
| Right. | ||
| Right. | ||
| I don't know that they have any in common. | ||
| They don't seem to. | ||
| Right. | ||
| But why would you want to erase all those very real differences? | ||
| Like why pretend that Swedes are the same as Sicilians? | ||
| Because eventually, each one of those particular cultures creates a high level of resistance to both standardization and scale of managerial power, but most importantly, to government power. | ||
| Because peoples with particular traditions and identities are not going to just go along with whatever the government says. | ||
| They have real organic, deeply seeded understandings of who they are. | ||
| We can just look at COV COVID, right? | ||
| Who are all the people that actually resisted during COVID? | ||
| Orthodox Jews, the Ahmed. | ||
| The religious, high people with high degrees of individual transcendent identities, right? | ||
| This is my group, my practice and my religion, the And The only thing that can push back against that, it's not abstract principle. | ||
| It's not words in a constitution. | ||
| The words in the constitution only restrict the government if they reflect because we understand that the actual diversity of peoples is somehow important. | ||
| We can feel that. | ||
| And it's certainly a power grab by governments. | ||
| Well, I think the better. | ||
| Big change has happened, especially after the Industrial Revolution. | ||
| We used to have states all working constantly to ensure that their power grows and the agency. | ||
| of individual people in their actual homelands is reduced. | ||
| One of the core beliefs about economics, I think that most people have, because it's just intuitive, is that in order to receive a reward, you have to provide a service, like doing something useful, moving the ball forward, feeding people, giving them shelter, educating their children, allowing them to go to heaven. | ||
| A certain percentage of what people make, what they do, and they're gathering it to themselves and hoping it's going to get them somewhere, but it's really the only thing available to them at this point. | ||
| And so we are seeing in many different places around the world, people are pushing back against the managerial elite. | ||
| But to hear people like JD Vance or Vivek Ramoswamy talking about the issue itself is just going to turn every piece of the organization into their own little power grab, their own little fiefdom where they can secure more. | ||
| And that's why we see the managers exploding in every form of business, whether it's consulting, if you look at public education, where my experience came from, you have a thousand more administrators than you do teachers because the incentive is not to actually educate students or actually serve the public that you were created to serve. | ||
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| So the system as one of its like core imperatives has got to divide the population. | ||
| It feels that way. | ||
| It doesn't. | ||
| A lot of the I mean, I'm coming to this slowly, but a lot of the ugliest things that the system does, inspiring race hatred, for example, I never have understood why you'd want to do that. | ||
| Why would you want to do that? | ||
| But they're doing it and have been for 60 years. | ||
| Like, is that a long-term, is that, can you continue doing that? | ||
| Not forever, but it's a classic power strategy. | ||
| So we need to understand that one of the things that power always wants to do is centralize and expand its reach. | ||
| I think that's pretty obvious to a lot of people. | ||
| But this guy, Bertrand de Juvenile, came up with this metaphysics of power. | ||
| And his understanding was that what we would think of as the. | ||
| middle class, right? | ||
| The Kulaks. | ||
| They're entrenched in society because they own a piece of the tradition. | ||
| They own a piece of the land. | ||
| They have actual communities. | ||
| They have resilience. | ||
| They have the ability to push back against the government. | ||
| And so if you have this middle class, they're in the way of your power as a lobby. | ||
| And so what do you do? | ||
| Well, you take your high, your hot, you're your ruling class, and you pair them with a low class from outside of society. | ||
| And that high and low versus the middle is the way that you break up society because you promise the new voters or the new participants that you will give them whatever the Kulaks have. | ||
| It's all their fault, the middle class. | ||
| They're the ones that are holding you back. | ||
| They're the racists. | ||
| They're the sexists. | ||
| And if you just defeat them, we'll just give you all their stuff. | ||
| And this is the wedge that is continuously used. | ||
| The large amount of our government right now is just a wealth transfer between Heritage Americans and the new political class that's being moved into rural society. | ||
| That's just the dynamic we're seeing. | ||
| And this happened in Rome, this has happened many, many times over, you can see many historical examples. | ||
| So the H one B thing is just a So the enemy is what you call Heritage Americans. | ||
| What are those? | ||
| Heritage Americans are those that are actually tied. | ||
| You could find their last names in the Civil War Registry. | ||
| Like they have a tie to the history and to the land. | ||
| And Samuel Huntington is a guy who I really like. | ||
| He wrote the Clash of Civilizations and Who Are We? | ||
| And I think won his debate with Francis Fukuyama pretty decisively. | ||
| But he said in Who Are We? | ||
| his book about American identity, the core of American identity is the Anglo Protestant spirit. | ||
| And he's a man of the center left, you know, as a Harvard professor. | ||
| This is a guy who's not, you know, he's not, oh, you can only be an Anglo or a Protestant to be part of America. | ||
| But he says even the Catholics and Jews in America take on this Anglo Protestant affect in some way. | ||
| And so we're talking about a heritage American, we're either talking about someone who is tied specifically to that tradition or someone who has come here and has been here for generations but understands that they are conforming to that way of being, that that's the core of society. | ||
| And what is that way? | ||
| Can you describe the Anglo Protestant worldview? | ||
| I mean, obviously, we could spend entire books on that and that has been done. | ||
| Well, it's almost never mentioned. | ||
| It's true. | ||
| Yeah. | ||
| And which I think is interesting because those are the people who founded the country and set up every system that we're benefiting from now from, you know, our economic and political systems or have been benefiting from maybe not anymore. | ||
| But those are the founders, it's 100% Anglo Protestant, like 100%. | ||
| Right. | ||
| So I don't why don't we ever mention that culture? | ||
| Because we're very terrified of the idea that ideas are particular to cultures and peoples. | ||
| That sounds very scary in the old world. | ||
| It's true. | ||
| Of course it's true. | ||
| It's obviously true and we know that because now we laugh whenever we try to export democracy to Afghanistan or something, right? | ||
| I know it from traveling. | ||
| I go to different countries and I don't hate their cultures or ideas at all. | ||
| I don't have to live under them. | ||
| I'm just visiting. | ||
| I think they're really interesting, but they're very different because the people are inherently different. | ||
|
unidentified
|
Yes. | |
| Yes, and when you change the people, you change the culture, which is why our Western governments are so busy trying to replace those populations. | ||
| Yeah, when you change the population, you change. | ||
| Yeah, you change the country and you change the principles that it's going to be founded on. | ||
| You know, we look at the Declaration of Independence and it says, we hold these truths to be self evident. | ||
| If you go to Afghanistan, are the truths of the constitution self evident to them? | ||
| No, of course not. | ||
| Because when they said self evident, they meant to people in our tradition, to our, to us, to the people who descended us, who share our values, who speak our language, who speak, you know, the type of heritage that we understand. | ||
| That's where that comes from. | ||
| Again, it doesn't mean that other people can't be grafted into that and absorbed that, but the idea of a purely propositional nation that is in no way tied to a culture or a people, but is entirely a collection of abstract things agreed on in some social contract before society even began, is just ridiculous. | ||
| And it's not the way the constitution was even understood when it was written. | ||
| Our founders said very famously that the constitution is for immoral and religious people. | ||
| They had a particular understanding of how we would have to live our lives and what that would look like if we were to be able to live under the republic that they erected. | ||
| All true. | ||
| I interrupted you with my outburst of rage. | ||
| When I asked you what exactly are the presuppositions, what's the nature of this Anglo-Protestant culture that founded this country? | ||
| I think this is where people get a lot of the ideas of a decent amount of individualism. | ||
| This has always been a key part of it. | ||
| Also, restrained government, the idea that government would be limited as something tied to the Magna Carta, right? | ||
| Like, yes, they had a, you know, became a constitutional monarchy, but, you know, we can see a direct line from what the English were doing with their set of government in the way that we understand, you know, our society. | ||
| The idea that free speech is something sacred, that the individual conscience and the practice of religion is something that needs to be maintained. | ||
| These are all core values that when you actually look in other societies, they don't look the same. | ||
| Free speech in Germany doesn't look the same. | ||
| There's no Slavic society. | ||
| And I love Slavic societies, just being honest. | ||
| They're great, but they don't see free speech as a foundational God given right. | ||
| They just don't. | ||
| Right. | ||
| And they're whiter than I am. | ||
| So lumping all these different, very distinct cultures into the white group eliminates differences that we should be thinking about. | ||
| Right. | ||
| Yeah, absolutely. | ||
| Even inside European cultures., vastly different traditions, closer, perhaps, than, say, someone in Eastern Asia, but still very, very different from place to place. | ||
| And the fact that we've just kind of melted that all down to this, you know, binary or between a couple, few races as if that's like the complete understanding of who peoples are and how they live their lives is just silly. | ||
| And again, I think that serves the purpose of really just melting down culture in general, right? | ||
| Like it looks like race is very divisive identity politics, right? | ||
| Which to some degree it is. | ||
| But the reason it feels so divisive, the reason it feels so, so unnatural is it's thoroughly unrooted from actual organic ways of being. | ||
| It's completely removed from the things that make your life better when you have a holistic identity. | ||
| It's just this rough collection of hatred for people who happen to have a different skin color, which doesn't get you anywhere good. | ||
| Smart. | ||
| So smart. | ||
| Can you have a continent sized country with hundreds of millions of people in it with completely distinct cultures with totally different assumptions about things like natural rights? | ||
| To some extent, if you want to operate as an empire. | ||
| And I think this is the crossroads that America is at. | ||
| We, if you talk to Americans, you know, the, the, the Democrat side will say, well, we're a democracy. | ||
| And then Republicans will say, well, no, of course not. | ||
| We're a republic. | ||
| That's very different. | ||
| If you ask them what the difference is, they won't be able to really explain it. | ||
| No, no, they never can. | ||
| There's a representative. | ||
| They get all huffy, but they have no idea what it is. | ||
| Yeah. | ||
| And the real difference is that republics have self government because the body politics sees itself as being a necessary participant on a regular basis, that the individual sees himself as needing to cultivate a certain amount of virtue and individuality that allows for a level of self governance that otherwise doesn't exist. | ||
| And so the fact that the Republican type of government requires this type of virtue means it has to stay relatively small. | ||
| And this is not something I just made up. | ||
| You can see this in Aristotle or Machiavelli or the founding fathers. | ||
| They understood that scale was a very dangerous component of government forms and that if you created this vast empire, even a continent size empire, much less a world empire, that was going to radically change the way that you had to govern. | ||
| And we have continued to expand our imperial ambitions as the United States, but have never addressed the impact it has been having on our governance. | ||
| And this is why so many people feel like the people they elect don't run the government. | ||
| Of course they don't, because you don't live in a republic anymore. | ||
| You live in an empire and the empire has a large amount of machchinery that hums right under the surface and is constantly serving its own interests on a regular basis. | ||
| Some people will call this the deep state. | ||
| I wrote a book called The Total State because I think that really encapsulates a much wider understanding of the manager elite and the power they hold. | ||
| They're not just in the unelected bureaucracy, but they're in the media, they're in financial institutions, they're in education, all of these different things that manipulate our public opinion. | ||
| And really, the ability to manipulate public opinion has become the one skill necessary to govern at this point because we switch from this idea that we have a people, a specific people ruled in a particular way through virtue in a republic and instead have understood that just the mass will is the only thing that matters. | ||
| And what's great at manipulating the mass will? | ||
| Mass media. | ||
| You may have noticed this is a great country with bad food. | ||
| Our food supply is rotten. | ||
| It didn't used to be this way. | ||
| Take chips, for example. | ||
| You may recall a time when crushing a bag of chips didn't make you feel hangover. | ||
| Like you couldn't get out of bed the next day. | ||
| And the change, of course, is chemicals. | ||
| There's all kinds of crap they're putting in this food that shouldn't be in your body, seed oils, for example. | ||
| Now even one serving of your standard American chip brand can make you feel bloated, fat. | ||
| loaded fat, totally passive and out of it but there is a better way it's called masa chips they're delicious got a whole garage full of them they're healthy they taste great and they have three simple ingredients corn salt and 100 grass-fed beef tallow no garbage no seed oils what a relief and you feel the difference when you eat them as we often do snacking on masa chips is not like eating the garbage that you buy convenience stores you feel satisfied | ||
| light energetic not sluggish tens of thousands of happy people eat masa chips it's endorsed.com tucker code tucker for 205% off your first order, highly recommended. | ||
| So the idea that media would be a bulwark against government overreach, that it would be a sort of watchdog acting on behalf of the population. | ||
| They're too busy knowing what their government's doing. | ||
| The media is going to do it for them. | ||
| That whole notion is like absurd. | ||
| The media is a participant in this system. | ||
| And what's funny is, again, if you look at the American tradition, if you just look at the people writing inside of the American tradition, they describe exactly this process and how it's going to take place. | ||
| John C. Calhoun, Vice President of the United States, ultimately the American media. | ||
| would not serve as any kind of checks, the opinion of people creating a winner take all situation in any given election. | ||
| You have a situation where all political parties are suddenly incentivized to basically burn down the country, take as much as they can for themselves and imprison or otherwise deny their opponents access to the ballot box because otherwise they'll lose this giant leviathan they've built. | ||
| And again, I think he wrote this in the 1850s, the 1840s. | ||
| It's really released after his death. | ||
| But again, we can just look at the people who were part of the American tradition and they recognize that this is the function media was going to play from the beginning. | ||
| It does seem like we're moving toward dictatorship, even party. | ||
| I think the Democrats are much more eager for dictatorship than the Republicans generally, but I'm not even making that point. | ||
| I'm just saying, people's faith in democracy, whatever that is, has been badly shaken, and I just don't think you can govern in the way that our government currently governs forever. | ||
| Do you think that's inevitable? | ||
| Yeah, I do. | ||
| I think Cesarism is a natural life cycle of any civilization. | ||
| When you get to the oligarchic stage, Cesarism isn't it? | ||
| Oh, so smart. | ||
| Yeah, this is, you know, Oswald Spangler talked about the life cycles of civilizations. | ||
| And after the age of money power, after the age of oligarchy, the only thing that can cut through the Gordian knot of this vast, sprawling bureaucracy built on money is a strong man. | ||
| That's what he predicts in any given age. | ||
| Obviously, that's not the Anglo-understanding, right? | ||
| It's definitely not the way that you want to see it. | ||
| Let me speak for all Anglo when I say we're very opposed to that. | ||
| Right. | ||
| But if you aren't careful, if you don't understand how and why money power has come to dominate your society and created this rule of the oligarchs, people will cry out for that. | ||
| They would inevitably. | ||
| The only thing more powerful than money is violence. | ||
| Right. | ||
| So that just kind of simple. | ||
| Yes. | ||
| So if you reach a stage where money determines everything, which is where we definitely are now, we are in them falling behind, you know, leaders like this very, very easily. | ||
| Right. | ||
| And so you have a very precarious situation right now. | ||
| We are at a very important crossroads in the United States. | ||
| It's very rare that a nation decides to scale back its empire voluntarily. | ||
| It doesn't happen very often. | ||
| And we have to consider whether we think that's worth avoiding the current track we're on because there's a cost to scaling down empire, to be clear. | ||
| You know, being the world hegemon has amazing potential. | ||
| Amazing benefits for you in theory. | ||
| It has more benefits for your ruling class and eventually it's going to destroy your population. | ||
| But in the short term, the benefits are that always the empire always destroys the population. | ||
| I believe that to be the case. | ||
| It can be longer. | ||
| It can be shorter. | ||
| But over time, we see this over and over again. | ||
| Again, we can look at Caracal expands it to the entire empire in the hope that this will eventually bring people who are not tamed anymore. | ||
| I was about to say. | ||
| So it was a testosterone thing. | ||
| Yeah, it really is willing to fight. | ||
| And this is a key aspect of republics again. | ||
| I know, just like it's all it's just it's it's this record is on repeat. | ||
| It's crazy. | ||
| If you go back to the Federalist Papers, you can see Hamilton telling people of all of your different militias to us so that we meant being a soldier. | ||
| Service actually did guarantee citizenship. | ||
| It was the idea that it is he who is armed. | ||
| Machiavelli said you should never have mercenaries. | ||
| You should never have paid standing armies instead. | ||
| You should always have a militia. | ||
| This is a core part and of your identity as a republic. | ||
| And the minute the people are no longer willing to fight and have to contract their fighting out somewhere else, you know the republic is done. | ||
| So the republic is done. | ||
| The country is not done. | ||
| The republic just becomes an empire. | ||
| Right. | ||
| That's what you're say there. | ||
| So what's the life cycle that these complex systems always reach a point of marginal utility that is just collapsing. | ||
| They can no longer squeeze enough power, enough wealth, enough influence, a political pattern that repeats itself over and over again. | ||
| We try to unite all of humanity under. | ||
| So there's no happy ending for empire. | ||
| There's those that, you know, can walk around, I'm not sure what the answer to that question is. | ||
| I think to some degree the answer is a return to a localism that can actually reinvigorate the communities that cultivate virtue and create republican governmentsance in the first place, but do we have the will to do that voluntarily? | ||
| Do we have the will to walk away from the centralization of power? | ||
| I don't think we do. | ||
|
unidentified
|
Okay. | |
| So you said this is the moment, which is without many precedents in history, where we are, we are voluntarily trying to scale back the empire clearly that that's what Trump's election was about. | ||
| Right. | ||
| And there are costs to that. | ||
| What are the costs? | ||
| Well, a large amount of that is going to be global influence, right? | ||
| We, if we're not in charge of an area, someone else might be. | ||
| And that also means these things should be affected. | ||
| We're not controlling the diplomatic situation or the military that can have large economic impacts. | ||
| I mean, our entire dollar is based on being the global reserve currency. | ||
|
unidentified
|
Yeah. | |
| Retiring away from something like that is devastating. | ||
| We are deepening that in a place like Ukraine, right? | ||
| Where it was, we just came out of COVID, it was very clear that the ruling class had spent a large amount of their capital deceiving the world, and yet they immediately did this without the United States being involved in it. | ||
| Now, if I was Ukrainian, I'd hate Russia. | ||
| I have no particular love for what's happening there, but the idea that we would immediately jump in and try to dictate the terms of that conflict is a hubris that can only be tied to the other, which clearly we're reliving again. | ||
| But if you could start from scratch, like what is the ideal form of government? | ||
| What is the ideal? | ||
| One of my favorite thinkers, Joseph Demaestra said that every people have an abstract idea of how government should run and say, we'll just force that down on everybody. | ||
| Again, we see that artificially. | ||
| But we definitely don't have that view in this country. | ||
| So in our country, we're building some like housing development and it's all white. | ||
| And that's like our. | ||
| Like our core beliefs as a country circa 2025 anyway are that everyone has to live in exactly the same way, whether they want to or not. | ||
| Well, this is a huge part of the Civil Rights Act, right? | ||
| The Civil Rights Act itself is the end of freedom of association, which was a basic understanding of being racist. | ||
| We all know that. | ||
| But, but, but, you know, one of the key understandings is that people, I should have the choice whether or not I should do that. | ||
| A business owner should have the right to decide whether or not I should do that. | ||
| And let's be honest, this is 2025 in America. |
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