George Friedman predicts the next 50 years will see the U.S. retreat from global military engagements, embracing "Fortress America" while dominating space—critical for intelligence (e.g., Ukraine’s HIMARS success) and economic security. He dismisses China’s Taiwan threat due to geographic constraints but warns of overdependence on foreign supply chains. Friedman frames Trump’s presidency as a necessary "wrecking ball," accelerating decoupling from Europe and potential U.S.-Russia cooperation, while Saudi Arabia and Turkey rise as Middle East mediators. Domestic challenges—technocratic rigidity, institutional decay—must yield to reinvention every 50–80 years, he argues, with space tech and material science driving the future. Tucker Carlson interjects to condemn YouTube’s censorship, framing it as a threat to "true" information amid global instability. [Automatically generated summary]
So you have made a career of predicting the future, and I think that you've done a better job than anyone I've met in predicting sort of the big picture movements of nations.
Clearly we're in, and I hope we can talk about this in a transition away from the post-war order, but I just want to start at the end.
Where do you think the United States will be in 50 years?
Physical materials, for example, lenses on satellites, can see things that glass can't show them.
They have acuity that can see a platoon operating.
And when you reach that point, there's also massive changes in medicine.
We're able to re-engineer genes, in fact.
So it's in the first stages, but not in a primitive stage.
So just as the automobile changed our life and the railroad changed our life previously and canals before that, material science, I think, is the radical innovation based on artificial intelligence having a major component to it.
And all that material science is developed for space, for survival of machines in space, particularly in telescopes.
They were able to...
There's a company called Prophetion that's put solar systems on satellites so they can survive and energize the satellites to maneuver.
And it's a really extraordinary thing.
Focus on Ukraine properly.
We failed to understand that the reason the United States did not intervene with troops is we had a better solution.
We spotted the Russians moving.
We could order the Ukrainian forces to be right in their way, even though they were a small force.
We knew where they were coming.
And more importantly, we finally put in something called HIMARS, which was they could launch six rockets at a time.
Much better than artillery because the explosive forces were great.
And when there was Russian concentration, now this is, an American was always in one of them, just one American.
It was Ukrainian-operated.
But he had to put a card in to let the machine run.
So then they pulled the trigger.
So the Americans were more deeply involved than was known, but not militarily.
We were not taking casualties.
And it was about time that we dealt with a problem without taking casualties.
He went into electric cars, and then he went into, along with people like the Amazon king, I forget his name, Bezos.
He went into...
Rockets. And, of course, it was just a hobby.
But it emerged into a major business, and they're both major foundations of the Americans' launch program.
Because right now, you have to launch a lot of satellites, because you know you're going to lose a lot of them.
And if you lose a lot of them, you lose a tactical advantage on the ground and a strategic capability in nuclear war.
So, we're emerging into a new age, which normally has a new technology, and this new technology is partly satellites, but that's really 1950s stuff, emerged.
But the way these satellites are made is not made from the normal metals and plastics that we had in the past.
Particularly their sensors are built with material science.
And solar energy and extraordinary things that will be integrated into Earth as World War II technology became very present in the American economy in the 50s.
That's what's going to happen.
And I see this as one of those times where what normally happens in the United States is every 50 years we have a historical crisis.
Yes. And the era that began With Ronald Reagan as a social and economic era.
Yes. It's at his end.
It's pleaded out, the economic and social thing.
The social crisis is terrible, and it's a crisis of what I call hyper-egalitarianism, where saying that black slaves, who really still weren't treated decently in the United States,
was a moral imperative.
But genetic engineering of genitalia do not constitute a new class.
Yes. So we've invented classes and demanded egalitarian.
He did something else.
We stopped asking for equal opportunity and turned to equal outcomes.
Yes. And this became untenable.
So we had a social crisis.
At the same time, we had an institutional crisis.
The federal government was really invented in its current form by Theodore Roosevelt to deal with the recession, but it was forged in World War II.
In World War II, it was a federal government, this massive entity built around the Pentagon and everything else, that won the war.
It was very efficient.
It was necessary at the time.
It evolved into something else.
It evolved into a fundamentally inefficient entity.
Its greatest weakness was experts.
I've said this in writing.
The experts knew a great deal.
Fauci was not a criminal.
He was not a Chinese intelligence agent or anything like that.
He was a doctor.
And you looked at the doctor and said, okay, now what do we do?
And he said, well, everybody should stay at home and go out.
And children should not go to school.
Well, we have children, and if a four- or five-year-old doesn't get to play with other children, he becomes a homicidal maniac.
Yes. You can't do that.
But we depended on him with his narrow expertise.
What we had lost in the federal government was a class of people with common sense.
When I was a kid in the Bronx, there were party bosses.
Charlie Buckley ran the Bronx.
One day, my father, who had finally bought a car, had an accident.
The insurance company wouldn't pay.
So somebody said, go see Charlie Buckley.
He went to Charlie Buckley.
Charlie Buckley made a phone call.
He said, Emil.
Carrier, you know, messenger's on the way to the house with a check.
But you remember, you vote for me.
Your white votes for me.
Your children vote for me.
There was a way to petition government.
Remember, the Constitution guarantees us the right to petition the government.
The party bosses, as corrupt as they were, and they were certainly corrupt, were our channel to the government.
But it was a place where you could petition the government.
With the rise of the technocracy, there was no way to petition the government.
Yes. So I didn't get the Medicaid that I'm supposed to get, whatever it is.
Yeah. Because I had a good insurance policy.
I didn't want to go to government insurance policy.
Yes. They fined me when I finally went to get Medicaid because I had not gotten it.
But I had known that it wasn't necessary.
No one ever said it to me.
And there was nothing to petition, so I had to get in.
So we have a federal government where you cannot petition the government.
And that, I think, is the most important thing.
The second thing is that the experts do not have a layer of common sense above them.
Wise men.
And the same is true of the Supreme Court.
They're all lawyers.
When the question on integration came up, the head of the Supreme Court was Warren...
Warren Burger.
Warren Burger.
And Warren Burger knew that he had to have an absolute unanimity on desegregation.
And since he'd been a politician, not a lawyer, he brought the Southerners around and he built it in and they got a 9-0 vote.
Every one of them on the Supreme Court now is a lawyer.
Well, the law is more subtle than the law appears.
Yes. There has to be subtlety.
And so what happened was that the federal government fell in love with experts after World War II.
Experts won World War II.
The people who built the atomic bomb, who built the bombers, the hands of the boat, the landing craft and everything.
These were experts.
And the federal government fell in love with expertise, which is a very important thing to have.
Yes. But there was no Eisenhower above them, who may not have known how to engineer anything, but had enough common sense to know how to use them.
And that layer was lost when the politicians sank below the level of the bureaucrats, or more precisely, they created agencies that didn't answer to anyone and made their own laws.
And the problem was that they were corrupt or evil or anything like that.
Because they did their job, and the other did their job, and they contradicted each other, and there was no common sense hovering above them, saying, you can't tell everybody to stay at home forever.
Yes. You know, we're going to have the disease.
It's going to have to happen, but you can't do this.
But Fauci, as a doctor, well, this is what a doctor says.
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So, typically, you released, in my mind, the Storm and Tails War, that there's not really a reset.
Eisenhower... Who was a very wealthy man, and I don't think he saw anybody who was poor who wasn't his servant, cast himself as the champion of the poor, convincingly.
Presidents are actors.
Presidents shape themselves to the moment.
Abraham Lincoln was a cheap lawyer in Illinois.
He came from Kentucky.
He was practically a southerner.
He crafted himself to be what he had to be.
The presidency is partly what you see inside yourself and then what you become.
If all of us lived the life we think inside, publicly, it would be a terrible place in the world.
But presidents craft themselves at the moment.
And if you're smart enough to craft yourself, and it takes huge discipline to do that, you can govern.
But then you're used to governing based on reality.
So a presidential candidate is nothing but a realist if he's going to win.
And as a realist, you as president try to hide the reality a bit and appear to be a very nice guy and having only the best wishes in heart for everybody.
For China to go to war with us, it has to be a war in the Pacific.
We've built a string of bases around China, from the Aleutian Islands all the way to Australia, with the Australian Air Force on the southern flank, and there are only narrow passages through these islands.
The greatest thing we did was convince the Filipinos not to go with China, but go with the United States.
We now have four bases in the Philippines.
And these block all the exit routes.
So, for example, to invade Taiwan would be a very interesting thing for them.
It takes about 10-15 hours for a landing craft to reach Taiwan from China.
And by the time our satellites will pick up the landing craft.
And if we're in mood, Guam will send a...
Misallowed to take it.
There's a reason why the Taiwanese always threaten to invade Taiwan and never do.
They can't.
So the reality is, space notwithstanding, that's another sort of war, that the Chinese Navy, you can build as many ships as you want, but you're going through a narrow strait and we can take it out.
They're not going to go to war with us.
They may fight on the border with the Indians, which they have, and have lost.
So, China has bluffed an inside strike beautifully.
So, it's interesting, because I think the growing consensus is in the United States that China is too powerful to contain, that it's just inexorably going to be the leader of the world, and there's something we can do about it.
Yep. The dependency on raw materials is one thing.
Dependency on manufactured goods to be the basic implements of our industry is a very dangerous place to be.
If you don't have control over that supply chain, if you are so dependent, not just on China, but on any country, or the world in general, For your economy to function.
And for me, because I don't have any money, financial crisis doesn't bother me.
To me, the essential weakness we had with the Chinese is we created China.
Chinese exports to the United States, American investment in China, American businesses moving to China created this.
And these businesses are, of course, under control of the Chinese, as they should be.
My fear is that if China decided to really hurt us, they'd stop shipping those goods.
So reshoring is not just a question of jobs.
That's there too, but I think that's the cover.
Reshoring is a question of national security.
We are so dependent for so much of our equipment, our aircraft and everything else, from China and nowhere else, really.
So we are now moving rapidly into India.
And we'll have later a problem with India.
But one of the reasons to have a domestic-based economy is you're secure nationally.
Right. You're not depending.
And during the last period, remember that having a disfavorable balance of payments was a strategic issue.
It was a national security issue.
You wanted to make your allies stronger.
Then there's Soviet lives.
And we play the same game in China.
We made the Chinese dependent on the United States, excessively so, so that we're dependent on China.
So it's interesting, not surprising, the president has raised tariffs on everybody, even the Canadians hate us, and pulled back dramatically, really.
So I wonder if, I mean, what you're saying is so obviously true, and I think that smart people are concerned about that.
And I wonder if where we find ourselves isn't also a product of our economic assumptions that, you know, capital should be free to move and that, you know, you shouldn't do anything inefficiently.
And it's not, you know, it's not as efficient to make pharmaceuticals in New Jersey as it is to make them in China.
So they're now made in China, but we have to have them here.
Maybe our economic system changes with the realization that it hasn't actually served us very well.
I was teaching at a college in Carlisle, Pennsylvania.
And also the U.S. Army War College at the same time.
And I went out drinking with some colonels who drink well.
And, you know, they were moaning and complaining and all sorts of things about what America has become.
This was back in the 70s.
It was, you know, what the economy has become, the troops under us are not reliable, and it was terrible.
And I was sitting there wondering, because I was having a fine time in my life, I didn't see what was any terrible.
Had this ever happened before in America?
That there'd be such a disjuncture between the prosperity we actually had, in spite of everything, and the misery that these men dedicated to their country felt.
And I had a choice.
Between picking up the waitress or going to my study and thinking about this.
The waitress turned me down, as they always do, and I went to study.
So I started looking back in history.
This was back in the 70s, really.
And I started noticing patterns that I couldn't explain.
Patterns of deep crisis in the government.
And then I noticed For some reason, I can't tell you why.
It's about every 50 years.
Every 50 years, we have a social and economic crisis.
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It feels like, though, there's got to be some hard pivot or something.
There's some disaster that resets people's expectations.
Yes. Second, equal opportunity is not equal outcome.
Yes. So as Warren, the universities are...
I was a university professor for a number of years, and I'm happy to see them being wrecked.
Yeah. I was not happy there.
But the president is also trying to restructure the federal government because it's become vast and unknowable.
And that's really the problem.
The problem is that...
During the COVID crisis, Fauci ruled.
Nobody in the education department was listened to to say, you can't do that to the schools.
No one in the Department of Commerce said, we're going to have massive unemployment if you do this.
Okay? So there was no element of common sense.
And so you come in, anybody who would come in at this point would have to say, look, we're dysfunctional.
We're arguing over issues of whether or not gender can be changed and whether it's an equal class.
What are we talking about?
We're looking at the situation in the federal government that no one really knows at the top what in God's name is happening at the bottom.
We have to change that.
The Cold War is over.
Our foreign policy has to shift.
Yes. As it is.
And whoever became president at this point?
We might have better manners, but we'd be doing about the same thing.
And Roosevelt set the stage with the 100 days.
And what is now happening is the opposition is inevitably forming because we're a democracy and Noah's the king.
And now we're going to find out more about Donald Trump and his political acumen.
And we'll see.
But we are...
At a stage that was predictable and a stage that's good because any country that can reinvent itself after 50 years just by having a few years of horrible crisis is wonderful.
Look at how we adjusted ourselves after World War II to being a world power and were comfortable with it for decades and built our economy on that.
When you take a look at the way we handle it after the Civil War, what other country had a civil war?
That came back to a fairly decent, you know, okay, you know, we had it.
We re-engineered slavery through that.
Made the South not just an agricultural area.
And we re-engineered the world in World War II.
And re-engineered it again, economically.
And after 50 years, it's obsolete and you're trading your car regularly because you don't want your neighbors to think that you can't afford it.
And so this is how we are.
It is inherent in the American culture that a crisis looms where other countries would live through it and devolve and not be willing to change.
We transform ourselves and it's really not fun to live through that time.
Are you concerned that the United States will be sucked into a global conflict in the next three or four years, either in Eastern Europe, Middle East, or Asia?
Because there is no power in the world that can still challenge the United States.
The Russians have demonstrated that their vaunted Red Army, now not Red, is incapable of overrunning...
A much smaller, weaker country, that after three years of fighting, you only hold a small sliver of it.
And that goes in keeping with what I used to think.
It was taught by a man called Andy Marshall, who did it off net assessments, and he said, the Russians are not nearly as good as everybody believes.
So, I was once in Hungary, and I was born there, and I was watching a Russian maneuver.
And the gas lines were leaking.
They were plastic.
And you needed them going forward on tanks.
And nobody seemed to care.
Six months later, I happened to wander back there to take a look.
It was still leaking.
You remember the line of tanks lined up in Ukraine, off the mountain, out of gas, waiting for days?
I think they were still using that same gas line.
The point is that the Russian logistics system and its senior staff, its commanding generals, particularly the staff level, were not very creative,
shall we say.
They took their bearings from World War II for the mass attack by infantry, backed by armor and artillery.
Yes. And they didn't understand that that no longer functioned.
The massing of troops was very, very dangerous.
And that there has to be a different model of warfare.
So they attacked Ukraine as if this was 1941, and they're at war.
And the Ukrainians were very agile because they had great intelligence.
When the president said, we're not going to give you intelligence anymore for a day.
At that time, the intelligence he was talking about was the intelligence of the satellites of exactly where the Russian troops were, down to the smallest number.
So the smaller Ukrainian army could mass against them and block them.
So that was a really serious threat.
Yes. And he did it for a day.
I don't think he really cut it off.
He just said he would.
But the Russians never adjusted to the fact that...
The war they planned to wage in Europe, which they never did, was untenable at this point.
And so Russia, unless it wants a nuclear war, they can have that, is not a viable power.
And it's not influential in the world either.
The Chinese, as I said, are blocked in by a very clever structure of islands we've built around them.
It's very hard to pass through them, and especially get back.
So a world war would indicate there would be another global power.
And China's not a global power.
It just doesn't have the forces to do that.
Russia's not a global power.
We're a global power, and we don't want to be one.
We want to come home.
And we are going to come home.
We'll still have relationships, and we'll still have forces scattered here and there.
But this massive commitment we made to the entire world, To defend them against communism.
Well, communism died 10 years ago.
And Russia kind of...
I suspect US and Russia will reach a good relationship.
Remember, we rebuilt Japan.
We rebuilt Germany after the war.
We made them great allies.
This is American system when we fight wars.
And I suspect that one of the things that Trump is trying to engineer...
With Putin is an understanding.
The Russians are in bad economic shape.
Their economy grew because the war and definite deficit spending on the war machine built it.
But they're cut off.
The oligarchs are furious.
And there's a great argument going on in Russia between the nationalists, if you will, and liberals who want to become integrated.
And Putin is...
Look, Putin attacked Ukraine.
His forces were unable to penetrate, so it took a mercenary army, the Wagner Group, to join them.
Now, the army and the Wagner Group didn't like each other, so the Russian army didn't give them artillery shells.
So after a while, the Wagner Group came back and tried to do a coup d'etat in Moscow.
Now, tragically, they all died in an airplane crash.
My heart goes out to them.
When you take a look at the execution of the war, as it actually was, it was a cluster something.
It was terribly executed and politically almost suicidal for Putin.
So Putin's opposition, Putin's under tremendous pressure to open up Russia to the West.
It's a wonderful investment opportunity, and many hedge funds in the United States are gathering funds for investing in Russia.
I think Trump's ultimate plan is, and he was accused of being pro-Russian, which I think he just had vision of what was going to come out of this war, was, look, we got along with Germany after the war.
It was just fine.
And we got along with Japanese.
It was okay.
And the Russians haven't done anything to us to be as pissed as we are at Germany and Japan.
So I think he looks at it as a huge investment opportunity.
He sees Putin as very weak.
And he's trying to maintain Putin with some credibility.
He's got a lot of enemies.
On one side, the right wing is furious at his performance in the war.
The left wing, Has had about enough.
They'd like to rejoin Europe or something nice.
And he must be under tremendous pressure for his performance in the war.
Well, I think Trump decided that a weak Russian president is much better than a strong Russian president.
And he's going to try to do everything he can to make Putin look good.
In the meantime, the rest of the world will think that Putin bought him.
A friend of mine said, no.
Putin gave him money.
That's why he's behaving this way.
Okay. In my view, he's a good negotiator.
He comes in first, the highest price.
You ever buy a house?
You come in with the lowest price you can think of.
The other guy comes at the highest price.
Eventually you buy the house.
Yeah. But first there's drama.
Your wife cries.
These things happen.
I think this is what he's doing.
He's a good negotiator.
He slammed sanctions on, having no intention of keeping them there.
He knew he'd be stupid.
I think he overreached anyway, but he pulled back, kept them only on China.
And with the Russians, he's trying to give Putin maneuvering room.
For one thing, we're not going to go to war in Ukraine.
It's not going to happen, but it's a threat that he has.
So if you open up the war again, you don't know what we're going to do.
So we deployed 20,000 more troops to Europe.
Being in Europe is a good thing for American troops.
Amsterdam is a wonderful town to visit, if you're young.
He's making gestures to the Russians militarily.
Nothing serious.
But at the same time, he's making it clear that, look, if you're going to attack, it's going to be a tough one.
And Putin is not going to attack.
Putin has to come down having won something.
And can appear to be capitulated in the United States, which he's going to do.
Well, the Middle East really depends on what happens.
The decision to negotiate a summit, it was decided it was going to be held in Riyadh.
I thought it was going to be held in Budapest because Orban is friends with Putin and friends with Trump.
So I figured I'd get together, have a beer, and work this out.
But they pick Riyadh.
Saudi Arabia is opposed to the Islamic terrorists, as Israel is.
They're terrified of them.
And Saudi Arabia is a major power.
So, for example, it decided to fund last month the entire Syrian deficit.
Just pay it.
So money talks and other things walk in the Middle East.
So I think what is thought of is, look, we've been fighting in the Middle East for I don't know how many years.
My daughter was a major in Iraq, and, you know, it was very bad.
And I was mildly involved in Afghanistan, and this was ridiculous.
We're fighting over a place neither of us really care about.
Iran? The Russians are more afraid of Iran than we are.
Remember the Russian opera house that blew up in terrorist attack?
So we have equal interest.
We share intelligence on those things with Russians.
So it's not that, oh yeah, we let them know when we've seen something that might concern them.
They let us know.
There's collaboration.
But... The problem of the Middle East is this.
There are really rich people who are really afraid of a bunch of mafioso, which I'll call Hamas.
Hamas is at the same time an enemy of Israel and a shakedown artist.
He's extracting money from many countries.
The theory, I think, between the Russians and the Americans is if we bring the Saudis into a deal and back them suitable and make them responsible for the region, The Saudis have nothing against Israel.
They couldn't care less.
Okay? The Saudis are much more interested in the states in the Gulf.
You know, Emirates, Qatar, these really wealthy places where they're interested in.
And the idea that a Russia or the United States is going to pacify the Middle East is insane.
There are two countries that can do it.
One is Saudi Arabia, the other is Turkey.
If Turkey and Saudi Arabia are brought together with some encouragement from the Americans and Russians, it's their problem.
And the Turks have bad relations with anyone, everyone.
The Saudis have great relations with everyone.
So it's a perfect alignment.
And I think what happens in the Middle East, forgetting the Israeli question for the moment, is some sort of entente, you know.
Much of what happened in the Middle East, much of what happened in Asia, much of what happened in Africa was American-Russian competition.
Yes. Latin America, Cuba, Colombia, Venezuela, all of these things were this.
If that stops, and it's not miraculous, the Japanese and the Americans became allies.
And if the Russians and the Americans say, look, we want to make money, we want to have decent lives, and we really don't care about the Middle East.
And decide to empower, if you will, countries like Turkey and Saudi Arabia to handle it.
But we certainly don't want another Middle Eastern war.
The Iraqi war was really bad.
Especially now there are cell phones and our daughter could call us every night.
That's what was happening.
It was bad.
You know, going away in World War II and you don't see your sons in two years.
That's okay.
But every night a phone call?
You know, it was a terrible war.
It was not a mistaken war.
It was a necessary war.
But we have to find new necessities.
So I think a Russian-American Entente changes the way Africa operates, changes the way the Middle East operates, changes the way Asia operates.
And you're already seeing new players emerging.
India is exploding.
Okay? Many of the European countries, the smaller ones, like Poland, are developing marvelous.
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Does Israel get...
Peace with its neighbors?
I mean, we're in a moment of maximum contention in the Middle East, it looks like.
Finally fired the head of intelligence and everything.
It was a massive, major Israeli intelligence failure.
That war should never have been allowed to start.
But then the Israelis also followed this very strange strategy.
They started bombing Hamas territory.
It failed to end them.
So they bombed them again.
Failed to end them.
So they had been repeating the same thing without succeeding, hoping for a different outcome each time they do it.
So I think Israel, I'm Jewish and I really care about it, really needs a new strategic relationship.
The Saudis are prepared to have the relationship.
Now, if Turkey and Saudi Arabia want Hamas to go away, it will go away very fast.
So far, Saudis have not had any motivation to do it.
But you notice how Qatar, which is a very important, tiny country, has become the main negotiating tool.
Yes. Both for the Russians and the Americans.
Notice that they're using the same tool.
I think the Saudis have had it.
The Turks have certainly had it.
And they themselves are threatened by Iran.
Saudi Arabia is very close to Iran.
The Turks are wondering.
The U.S. has deployed a major bomber force in certain areas that are clearly intended to take out the Iranian Nuclear capability, but frankly, we want missile.
We're telling the Iranians, we're planning carpet bombing, guys.
We had enough.
And the Russians are pretty much masked, too.
So the Russians are doing a lot of negotiating, but they're doing it through the same agency, you will, as the Americans are.
Qatar meets with the Iranians.
Yes. For the Russians and the Americans.
So when you spend your life, if you don't have a life, like I don't have a life, you know, I spend my entire time looking at these little things, you notice gutter is being used by the Russians and the Americans to talk to the Iranians.
Made more complex for the fact that security is necessary, so the one hand doesn't know what the other is doing, and everything else.
The idea that you could stage a conspiracy within the CIA against the United States is hilarious.
These guys couldn't stage a conspiracy against each other.
The institutional structure is a federal institution.
It's developed that way.
The problem is not their power.
How deeply do they see?
They feel that operators are excellent.
I think the Russian FSB is outstanding.
Does the intelligence get processed properly to get to the people who need to act on it?
And what happens in intelligence agencies, they become so security conscious that they don't even want the president to know.
Not because they're plotting a conspiracy or anything like that.
That's nonsense.
It's simply that security becomes a religion.
Need to know is something that's managed by the intelligence community.
Their terror is they're going to lose agents or capabilities because some idiot is going to tell their brother-in-law what was said.
I think that's the problem with the agencies.
It's not that they're involved in a conspiracy.
I don't know how many committees they'd have to have to have a true conspiracy.
The problem is that intelligence has to be classified, compartmentalized, limited.
And the ability even of the head of the CIA to know all of everything that they know.
It's firstly a mental problem.
It's a lot to know.
And you can say we had the intelligence.
But where was it buried?
And how has it gotten wound up with security?
The problem is inherent in intelligence, which is that unless you have a small organization of people you trust completely, a large organization of people on different levels of security, The flow of information is very hard,
and the person who might be able to make sense of it may be even clear to have it.
So the inefficiency that you see in the federal department exists in the CIA as well.
Now how do you reform an intelligence agency is very hard, because you need that security, you need that compartmentalization, you need to protect your sources, you need to...
Protect your satellites.
You can't spread it around.
And so, what the British always had was a very small intelligence agency.
Their view was with MI to be very limited in the capabilities they had, but very smart in making sure the information got to the people who had to have it.
And it was always odd that, of the Five Eyes, The five intelligences share everything, which is a very important entity.
It's Britain, it's the United States, it's Canada, I guess they're still playing.
It's Australia, it's New Zealand.
It might be called the English-speaking world, but we wouldn't call it that.
Sometimes they laterally trust each other at that level, more than they trust the upstairs and downstairs.
So it turns out that YouTube is suppressing this show.
On one level, that's not surprising.
That's what they do.
But on another level, it's shocking.
With everything that's going on in the world right now, all the change taking place in our economy and our politics, with the wars on the cusp of fighting right now, Google has decided you should have less information rather than more.
And that is totally wrong.
It's immoral.
What can you do about it?
Well, we could whine about it.
That's a waste of time.
We're not in charge of Google.
Or we could find a way around it, a way that you could actually get information that is true, not intentionally deceptive.
The way to do that on YouTube, we think, is to subscribe to our channel.
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