Newt Gingrich on Election Security - November 25th, Hour 3
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If you want to be a part of the program, at the bottom of this half hour, we will get an update on what the hell is going on out in Arizona.
We were on the program yesterday with Carrie Lake.
She'll join us at the bottom of this half hour.
And they had announced we have 412,000 votes and some rural votes, but that's about it.
Well, they counted 100,000 of them.
Now today's total votes uncounted are up to 625,000.
How does the math go?
How do you magically find these ballots?
They're finding out that 384,000 of them have been hand-delivered.
That would fit the profile in my mind of a Republican that wants their vote counted badly.
It's insane.
We still can't get real accurate numbers out of Nevada, except that anecdotally, it looks like, and according to Adam Laxhalt himself, that it's mathematically impossible for Masto to hang on and come back and win that race.
So that would be a pickup of the Republicans.
They'll also have, it looks in the end, a majority in the House, albeit smaller than maybe people had predicted, but still a majority is a majority in the House.
And that's it.
That's what matters.
Former Speaker of the House, Newt Gingrich, is with us.
How are you, sir?
I'm good, but I'm with you.
You know, the French and the Brazilians have a national election.
They count all the votes in one day.
Some of the things that go on are just nuts.
And there was a report at one point of several boxes of ballots in Nevada that showed up.
This whole thing, because Republicans tend to vote on Election Day, and I think Kerry Lake was getting, I think, 70% of the Election Day votes.
So if 20% of the machines just happen to go out in Maricopa County, that specifically hurts Republicans because they're the people most likely to show up and have to wait a long time in line.
And, you know, you look at these things, and of course, the Secretary of State, who is supposed to be responsible for the election, happens to be the Democratic nominee for governor.
A lot of this stuff is crazy.
I mean, I think mathematically, to the best of my understanding, Kerry Lake is going to end up winning unless the Democrats magically find a whole bunch of extra ballots.
And I think that Adam Laxalt is going to end up winning unless they find magically a bunch of ballots.
I just talked a few minutes ago with Herschel Walker, who's very positive.
He won every overtime game in his career.
And he looks at this as just overtime.
So he's raring to go, and he's going to be out there with a very positive campaign, drawing the distinction.
And I think with Governor, the scale of Governor Kemp's victory, clearly there's a real possibility we're going to pick that up.
So I think we'll end up, by narrow margins, being in control of the House and Senate.
But Sean, let me tell you what I find the most, and I'm having to rethink everything because you'll remember, I thought there was going to be a red wave.
I was very confident.
Let me tell you, the Cook report just came out a little while ago.
They think there were 6 million more Republican votes for the House than Democrats.
Now, how can we be up 6 million more votes and only be up a handful of seats?
And I find myself having to go back to school and try to rethink everything I thought I knew about American politics because it makes no sense.
In other words, this would have been by sheer numbers a wave election.
If you look at the numbers, you'd think, wow, these guys are doing great.
You know, all of this now, I hope, is leading to a crescendo of nationwide voter integrity.
You know, I've been quoting all day.
I can't beat the quote myself, so I might as well repeat Marco Rubio's words.
How is it Florida was able to count 7.5 million votes in five hours?
And here we are.
I'll get the updated numbers from Kerry Lake at the bottom of the half hour, but we expect around 625,000 votes now outstanding.
384,000 of them, I'm told, were hand-delivered the day of, and they can't count that today and give us the results tonight because that also impacts the Senate race of Blake Masters.
That would say to me that if the overwhelming day of voting goes to the Republicans, that Blake Masters has a very good shot of coming back and winning that Senate seat.
Well, and you'll notice that most of the analysts are not counting Arizona Senate races decided because I think they're looking at the same numbers you're looking at.
But I agree.
You know, I think part of what happened was after the great embarrassment of the hanging Chads in Florida in 2000 and the Gore Bush race, Florida really got its act together and really, and they had a series of good governors, and the governors really forced dramatic change on the state.
And of course, Marco Rubio at one point was Speaker of the House in the Florida legislature.
So they really went through a modernization, which I think the machines in places like California and Nevada, they don't want modernization.
They don't want rapid, accurate counting because then it gets to be too hard to steal.
You know, it really is stunning to me that, you know, here it is, all these, you know, it's not complicated.
And you're right, they did have the 2000 debacle, and it was a debacle, dimpled, pimpled, hanging, perforated, swinging Chads and what we went through in that post-election era in 2000 was insane.
And, you know, then you can add to that the problems, I believe they had, it was 2016 or 2018, I forget which.
Ron DeSantis fixed that, brought voter integrity, and in five hours they counted 7.5 million votes and every vote was counted and nobody questioned the integrity and nobody questioned the outcome.
I mean, that should be standard operating procedure for every state.
That's what's frustrating.
With all that said, and you look at this race overall, what message are you taking out of this?
To be honest, my first message is I don't know.
This is not the result I expected.
I don't understand how we can have won 6 million extra votes and only pick up a handful of seats.
I don't, you know, so I'd have to, I'm literally in a project we're doing that you know about, the American New Majority Project.
We're going to spend probably at least a month just tearing apart everything about this campaign because we lost some incumbents that I didn't count on losing because last time in 2020, we didn't lose any incumbent House members.
And of course, in 94, we didn't lose any incumbents.
So I want to find out what went wrong with where we, you know, case by case where we did lose an incumbent.
And then what happened that we have a whole bunch of races, apparently, where we're within 1,000 or 2,000 votes, but we don't quite get there.
And what should we learn from that?
Because if we'd picked up all those closed races, which is what I had thought would happen, we'd have been in great shape.
So there are a number of things that I think we just, we don't understand right now.
And I'm not willing to go out on the limb.
I'm happy to tell people.
And if they heard me on your shows over the last few months, they will remember I was wrong.
Well, when you're wrong, I think American pragmatism says look at the facts, go back and rethink it, and then try to figure out, you know, for the next time what you should do differently.
But your analysis brings me to something that I observe as a radio and television host.
And especially when you have people that are outside the arena of politics and they enter this arena, many times they're just not fully prepared for it.
Now, there were some amazing exceptions this year.
I know Tudor Dixon didn't make it over to the finish line.
She destroyed Gretchen Whitmer in those debates.
Absolutely pulverized her.
Tiffany Smiley emerged as an amazing politician, even though it was her first time.
I watched the debate with General Balduck.
Now, look at this guy's record.
He has 10 tours of duty, two Purple Hearts, five Medals of Valor, but he wasn't a seasoned politician.
When I interview some of the candidates and I listen to them, they just don't have a polished, well-thought-out response for a lot of questions.
And I'm talking about layup questions.
I'm not talking about three-pointers.
And I think that there has to be a system whereby media training is given to some of these newer candidates in particular, and even some of the veterans, frankly, they don't communicate particularly well either.
So I do think there's a communication issue and an inability to deal with the media issue.
Yeah, part of it is the culture of the Republican Party.
You know, the Democrats are the natural party of Hollywood and trial lawyers, and both of those are places where words matter and performances matter.
And the Republicans tend to be the party of managers and almost take pride in being inarticulate.
And that's just goofy.
I mean, as you know, I spent my whole life trying to train the party and trying to talk about ideas.
Now, I will say, by the way, on behalf of Herschel Walker, I know you saw this, but I don't know if our audience has, but Herschel underwent real training.
And by a plurality, Georgian said he beat Warnock in the one debate they had, came across as more sincere, better prepared, more accurate.
And you could see Warnock shrink all during the debate because as a professional preacher, he entered that debate thinking he would demolish Herschel because he's so much more glib and earns a living out of speaking.
And it began to hit him that Herschel was scoring all the points.
By the way, that is a great case in point because, look, I don't think that speaking would be his forte, but Herschel Walker, what came across more than anything else on top of his enormous likability quotient that he has.
He's just so likable.
And he's authentic.
He learned the playbook.
Right.
But it was clear that he also had studied up on the issues, spent time thinking about them, and had answers prepared and was ready for everything they threw at him.
And I thought he did a really good job with it.
I didn't think General Balduck did particularly bad, but he certainly going up against a seasoned polished politician like Maggie Hassen, it was just a little bit of a different environment.
Well, look, in the case of both Balduck and Oz, remember also they both had huge amounts of money spent in the primary weakening them.
I think in Oz's case, it was $40 million spent by his Republic opponent attacking him.
And in the case of Balduck, for reasons I've never understood, McConnell actually went in and spent $4 million trying to beat him in the primary.
And so both of those guys had to climb out of holes that their own party had dug.
All right, quick break.
We'll come right back.
We'll continue.
800-941 Sean, our number more with Newt Kingrich, and then Carrie Lake at the bottom of the hour.
All right, we continue with former Speaker of the House, New Kingrich, is with us.
Well, in the case of Oz, my analysis is this.
I had not known, I had never heard of Doug Mastrano, and I met him, and you were with him when we did the town hall in Pennsylvania.
A very nice guy.
I think he would have done a good job as governor.
Put that aside now for a minute.
But he was running on a platform that had no exceptions on abortion.
Abortion, for Democrats, at least when you look at the exit polls, was a big issue for them, bigger than I thought it was going to be.
And his answer was no exceptions for rape, incest, or the mother's life.
And I just don't think politically, I'm talking politically, that that is a viable position in Pennsylvania.
He lost by 13.
Oz lost by two.
That means that Oz had a double-digit crossover split-ticket voting take place, which never happens.
That's an impossible number to achieve in my mind.
Yeah, I think that's right.
Listen, I lived through that one time because the second time I ran, we had Gerald Ford as the incumbent president against Jimmy Carter of Georgia.
And I got twice as many votes in my home county as Ford did, and I still lost with 48.3%.
So, I mean, there are times when you just can't climb past a certain point.
Yeah, well, and I think Oz hit his max.
And with that said, the people of Pennsylvania are stuck with this radical, you know, trust fund Bratton.
I think there were two really big things that did happen that should make Republicans spend a lot of time thinking about how it all occurs.
One, of course, is this extraordinary scale of DeSantis' victory and the degree to which he and Marco Rubio, you know, they both carried Miami-Dade, which had never been done before by a team like that.
Jeb Bush carried it one time, but that's a county that I think Hillary carried by 29 points.
And DeSantis carried a majority of Latinos.
I mean, Florida is a state which is literally shifted now into a Republican base.
And then the other thing.
Mr. Speaker, by the way, they got 850 people moving there a day.
Here's one of the problems, though.
They're moving from New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Michigan, and Illinois, and Indiana.
Guess what?
That makes those states harder to win for Republicans because the people moving tend to be more conservative.
That's a problem.
Yeah, no, that's all right.
But the other thing I was going to say is that the margin is going to be much narrower than I thought it would be, much narrower than I'd like it to be.
But the fact is, on January 3rd, Nancy Pelosi is going to hand the gavel to Kevin McCarthy.
And Kevin is going to ⁇ the transfer of power from a left-wing Democrat to a conservative Republican is going to be gigantic and is something which I think really people under, they're underestimating how big a difference.
A friend of mine, Calista, said the late election night, we were down with Kevin watching the returns, and she turned to me, having served as the chief clerk in the Agriculture Committee.
She said, you know, a majority is a majority.
And then Kevin's lawyer, a great young person named Matt LaCarr, said, you know, they don't make big gavels and medium gavels and small gavels.
They make one size.
You know, that's funny, is it?
Transfers power.
There's a saying in tennis, you know, win is a win.
And there's another saying that says, winning ugly.
You don't have your A game.
You win with your C game.
You figure it out.
Mr. Speaker, great to have you.
Appreciate you being with us.
We continue to watch the ballots come in, and we'll let you know the results as we get them.
800-941-Sean, our number, Carrie Lake, will update us on this disaster that is Arizona vote counting when we come back.
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Hey there, I'm Mary Catherine Hamm.
And I'm Carol Markowitz.
We've been in political media for a long time.
Long enough to know that it's gotten, well, a little insane.
That's why we started Normally, a podcast for people who are over the hysteria and just want clarity.
We talk about the issues that actually matter to the country without panic, without yelling, and with a healthy dose of humor.
We don't take ourselves too seriously, but we do take the truth seriously.
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Leonard Skinner, simple man, self-proclaimed simple man.
There is some ambiguity to this.
Bill O'Reilly is with us.
All things BillO'Reilly at billo'reilly.com.
Mr. O'Reilly, sir, congratulations again on another massive, huge bestseller.
I don't know how you keep doing it.
Writing to me is one of the most difficult things that I do work-wise, which is why I don't write like you do.
Anyway, killing the legends, the lethal danger of celebrity, which we know is true.
I have a question for you, and I want to lean on the Bill O'Reilly historian.
Okay.
Now, this happens after every midterm election.
Immediately, right out of the box, everyone starts talking about, all right, well, let's look to 2024.
Who are the candidates?
Who's going to be this?
Who's going to be that?
My take on this is what the world is going to look like two years from now is going to probably be the determinative factor in terms of, and the candidates, of course, matter, but are we going to be in a state of war?
Will Taiwan have been taken over by China?
Are we going to be in a position of economic collapse?
Are we going to be paying $9 a gallon for gasoline?
Is inflation still going to be ongoing?
Is the economy going to crash in some ways that nobody's predicted?
We just don't know yet.
And then you've got this other problem, which I'll ask you in the next question.
Okay, so that's an astute observation, Hannity.
By the way, you act like a professor with a student.
That's an astute observation, young man.
Okay, but let me explain what it really means.
Because we have something in play in America that's almost unique, that we have a president who cannot do the job.
And in our lifetime, we've really never had anybody like that.
We've had bad presidents, Carter, but we've really never had anybody who just cannot do the job.
And if anybody disputes that, I will point out to the open border of the United States of America.
Hey, Bill, he didn't know the leader of the country he was in, and then he didn't know the country that he was in.
Okay, but those are small ball.
You know, when you have 5 million foreign nationals, at least, in this country since he's been inaugurated, you have hundreds of thousands of people dying from narcotics coming from Mexico, and you have a president who has not even made an attempt to solve that problem, not an attempt.
So when you have a situation like that, that's where you start.
So things are not going to get better in the next two years.
Help is not on the way.
And even though the Republicans are going to be in charge of the House, they're not going to be able to do any new legislation because the Senate will block it and then Biden would veto it.
So basically what that is for the Republicans is a blocking measure against Biden to stop the massive spending and other insane things that the progressive want.
Let me just take a little issue with one thing you're saying.
You're right about the legislative part.
Biden will stop it.
The Senate will stop it.
However, I think people are underestimating two things, two powers that the Republicans will have.
The power of subpoena and the power of the purse.
And if they stay united with their small majority, I think they can be enormously effective in ways we can't imagine today.
That's my thought.
But they've got to be careful because independent voters, which will make the difference next time around as well, if you're going to do something like Hunter Biden, all that, you better have demonstrable evidence that the public can see from the jump.
So the phishing exposition like January 6th committee, that's not going to play.
So you better have something.
But getting back to your astute point that we're not going to have the same world two years from now that we have now, it's going to be a worse world.
And things are going to go downhill for America because you don't have any problem solving capability in the White House.
None.
Zero.
And so it's like every man for himself.
Can I actually take it a step further?
I'm not a fearful guy.
You know me.
You've known me for many, many years.
I don't care.
I never back away from a fight.
You know me.
And I will just tell you, Bill, for the first time for this country, I worry about the country.
I worry about the forgotten men and women, the Sean Hannity's in his 20s and early 30s that didn't really have any money.
I worry about those folks.
That will be once the presidential race of 24 gets underway, which will be early 24, that will be forefront.
But you saw people last week vote against their own self-interest.
You saw it in Arizona, in Nevada, in New York City, in Philadelphia, in Pennsylvania.
They voted against their own self-interest.
They voted for candidates who are not going to help them, who were foolish candidates.
I mean, the New York situation, nine to one African Americans voted for Hochul, and Hochul is not going to solve the violent crime problem in the minority neighborhoods.
So they're voting against their own self-interest.
That may continue.
It may continue.
Nobody can predict it.
So last night Trump goes on.
I was watching a TV program.
And the first 18 minutes of his speech, pretty crisp, pretty good, in the sense that he had to do it because he had to reignite his base.
So he had to give the MAGA people a big, healthy dose of Trump because of DeSantis, who was a big winner in the midterms.
And DeSantis wants to be president and has momentum.
So Trump had to do it last night, and he did it for the first 18 minutes pretty well, but then he rambled on for an hour and five minutes.
And I'm going, this shows a lack of discipline.
Trump should have gotten out of there at 25 minutes after the hour, giving you 35 minutes to analyze what he said.
But he just, he was like Dion.
Remember Deion Hannity?
He's the wanderer.
He's wandering around, around, around.
Okay, so the first 18 minutes.
So as a professor, you wish it was shorter, and he stayed on script.
I had a copy of the script just given to me, you know, actually after the speech started, and he went off script a lot.
It probably would have been a 30, 35 minute speech if he read it straight through.
But let me go back to something else because I want to stay focused on we don't know what the conditions will be.
And I'm worried about a couple of things.
Number one, Bill, I don't think there's any American, Democrat, Republican, conservative, or liberal, that can watch what went on in Nevada, what's going on in Alaska, what's going on in California, what went on in Arizona, and say that this is the best we can do.
It's not.
And the president mentioned this in his speech last night when he talked about, and I would like to see Election Day be a national holiday.
I would like partisan observers to watch all voting and all vote counting with paper ballots, day of, with the exceptions for the military, for the sick, the elderly, the infirmed, or people that may be out of town.
I think we've got to be fair and voter ID included in all of that.
And I don't see Democrats ever wanting to adopt that system.
Now, if they don't, if we can't change the system, I do believe Republicans do need to recalibrate, and they can't start every election day down 30% and have to make it up that day.
Maybe it's a cold day.
Maybe it's a rainy day.
Maybe it's a snowy day.
And you can't take that risk, in my opinion.
And if they're not going to change it, they better embrace what the Democrats have embraced.
Well, number one, the Biden administration is never going to do that.
So that's not happening election reform for two years, unless the individual states like Georgia, which according to the Heritage Foundation is now one of the most competent states after their new law in counting the votes, unless the individual states decide to clean it up.
And California and Arizona and Nevada are not going to clean it up for whatever reason.
I'm not a party guy.
Well, Marco Rubio said it best.
I mean, they counted 7.5 million ballots in less than five hours.
And, you know, in Arizona, you're waiting for another drop of 50,000 ballots, and that's the best we can do.
And I'm like, no, it's not the best you could do.
Hire the people that were counting in Florida, and you'll be fine.
They should have sent in federal monitors for oversight in the districts.
And in California, they're still not even close to finishing the counts in these small districts.
They're not huge districts.
So you know something's wrong.
But anyway, as for the folks in the country, it's going to be a big fast two years.
Things are going to go very, very quickly, but it's not going to be defined.
And there is a danger of civil war in the Republican Party.
There's no doubt about it.
And that's what the Democrats are hoping for because the Democrats' big deficit is, as I said, things are going to get worse.
Biden's not going to run again.
And they don't really have anybody else to go to.
They have no savior.
They have no charismatic person to go to.
My prediction is it's going to be Gavin Newsom, but Joe Biden certainly is making every appearance that he's getting ready to run.
Yeah, Newsom will go for it, but he'll lose.
He's way too far left.
And, you know, places like New England with a solid Democrat, they'll crack there.
So Newsom's not a lock, and he's not JFK.
But on the Republican side, it just depends on whether DeSantis can maintain momentum.
And you don't know.
It's too early for DeSantis to come out and start to run like Trump is.
Trump's got nothing else to do but play golf.
He can run as much as he wants.
But DeSantis has to administer to Florida.
So he's going to have to hold his powder for a year.
And in that time.
Do you believe it's a lock that he's going to get in?
No, it's not.
I don't believe that.
I've not been convinced of that either.
I think people make assumptions that may not end up being true, but keep going.
Should be made is a Trump DeSantis ticket.
And that's what should happen.
And if it does happen, there's a very good chance that the Republicans will win everything in 24.
But if there is a brawl, that'll only help the Democrats.
All right, quick break.
We'll come back.
We'll continue.
800-941 Sean, if you want to be a part of the program or with Bill O'Reilly on the other side as we continue.
All right, we continue with All Things Simple Man, Bill O'Reilly, allthingsO'Reilly at BillO'Reilly.com.
Now I want to ask you another question.
So I have this belief system, and it's based on facts and evidence about I'm calling it accelerated migration, accelerated by COVID, people that are fed up with shutdowns, people that wanted their kids to have in-school learning, baby boomers now coming of age, not wanting to get out of the cold weather, wanting to stop paying high taxes.
And if you look at New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, they tend to end up on the east coast of Florida or in central Florida.
Then you look at the Midwest, that would be Wisconsin, Illinois, Indiana, Michigan.
They're on the west coast of Florida and Central Florida.
Okay.
So if you're getting 850 people a day, then you're getting migration also from these very same states to the Carolinas in big numbers and Tennessee.
And of course, Texas, they tend to draw more from California, but they're still getting Midwesterners as well.
My question is, all the people that seem to be leaving are more on the conservative side.
Now, what does that mean?
That means that the states that they're living in, you know, swing states like Pennsylvania or purple states, if you want to say, or very difficult states for Republicans to win are now going to get that much harder.
In other words, Pennsylvania will be harder.
Wisconsin.
Look, Ron Johnson, well-like senator, went against a radical Senate candidate and Mandela Barnes wants to open up half the prisons and let everybody out.
Or in the case of Gretchen Whitmer, I think we might be getting to a point where mathematically Republicans have a problem in terms of they'll have deeper red states, but they're not going to have enough purple states that they can win because of this accelerated migration.
Bill O'Reilly, am I right or am I wrong?
You're right in the sense that Donald Trump cannot win 210 electoral votes.
We did this on the New Spin news last night.
I know you watch every night.
270 amount.
Yeah.
No, he can't win 210.
All right.
Trump can't win 210.
He's not going to win in those states that add up, but he can win 219.
All right.
So there are 538 electoral votes all over the country.
270 needed to be president.
Trump can't get 210, but he can get 219.
That cuts the field down to eight states.
And three of the states are problematic for him.
Michigan, Wisconsin, and Pennsylvania for the reasons you just cited and other reasons.
So it's a very narrow pathway for Trump today.
But if you are looking at a catastrophe developing in America, as I think we may be, because again, Biden cannot solve any problem.
So whatever problems we have now are going to be worse two years from now because he is so incompetent and his people are as well.
That will open up some doors.
But look, we're free people.
We can move where we want to move.
Texas and Florida are emerging as very, very strong counters to California and New York.
And that's just the way it is.
All right.
All things simple, man, Bill O'Reilly.
All things O'Reilly, BillO'Reilly.com.
Sir, it's always a pleasure to have you.
Thank you so much for being with us.
Thanks for having me in.
800-941 Sean, if you want to be a part of the program.