Tony Abbott argues Western civilization has mutated into destructive self-loathing due to cultural Marxism, defending the Anglo-Celtic core against subversive left establishment efforts. He cites the 1838 Myall Creek massacre trial as proof of British justice regarding Indigenous dispossession and critiques modern multiculturalism versus post-war assimilation. Abbott highlights the successful AUKUS nuclear submarine deal with President Trump as crucial against communist China, disputes Great Barrier Reef destruction claims by citing record coral cover, and clarifies that Vegemite tastes best on toast with butter. Ultimately, his book challenges current narratives on Australian history and future geopolitical threats. [Automatically generated summary]
I used to be very confident in the long-term survival and success of Western civilization because I thought that our civilization, unlike almost all of its predecessors and current competitors, had a capacity to learn and adapt from others.
I think that self-critical capacity, which has been so important to our survival and success up till now, has to some extent mutated into a kind of self-loathing.
And this is very destructive.
It's very destructive.
Yes, look at yourself in the mirror and say this can be better and that can be better, but don't look at yourself in the mirror and despise what you see.
For nations, for cultures, for civilizations, as for individuals, almost nothing is worth, is worse than self-loathing.
All right, former Prime Minister Tony Abbott, nice to see you and thank you for being gracious and allowing us to enjoy this beautiful view from your office.
So there's many things I want to discuss with you, including your new book, which just came out last week.
And the cover is absolutely beautiful.
And it's interesting because when we sat down in Hungary about four or five months ago, I think the first question I asked you was, what do people not know about Australia that they should know?
And this is a full history of Australia.
So there'll be plenty to talk about on that.
But at the moment, your current Prime Minister has just left the White House.
He's obviously in the Labour Party on the left.
What do you make of him?
What do you make of the meeting?
Did something have to happen that maybe didn't happen?
Did anything happen that you didn't expect to happen, et cetera, et cetera?
Look, as an Australian patriot, I want every Prime Minister to succeed, including the Prime Ministers who I would not have voted for.
Anthony Albanese is from the other side of politics.
I think that the government is making some mistakes, but nevertheless, I do think it's been a very successful White House meeting.
From the reports, it seems that AUKUS, the deal to give Australia nuclear-powered submarines, initially Virginia-class and ultimately the next generation of British nuclear submarines, that deal seems to have been confirmed.
It seems that there is an agreement between Australia and the United States for rare earths and critical minerals, and that's a good thing.
And obviously, there was a degree of bonami between our national leader and your national leader.
And given the potential for argument over things like Palestine, over things like climate, over perhaps China, that's very encouraging.
So all credit to Anthony Albanese for navigating the times perilous passage through the White House.
And all credit to President Trump for seemingly being his best self in this meeting.
Yeah, there were one or two little moments of poking a member of the cabinet and that sort of thing, but it seemed like it went pretty well.
What do you make of the overall nature, not just of the current administrations, but the overall nature of the relationship between America and Australia?
I said to you before, it's like Australia, we just have positive view of Australia.
Nobody, you say Australia to somebody, nobody thinks they think Crocodile Dundee.
I mean, it's as cliché as that in some sense.
What do you make of the overall nature of the ratship over the years?
Look, I think of all the English-speaking countries as family.
Britain, the United States, Canada, New Zealand, the Five Eyes partners.
We are linked by interests, by values, by history.
I think that's very strong.
I don't ever want it to change as far as I'm concerned.
Although the United States and Australia are juridically independent and separate nations, I don't believe we're foreign countries to each other, perhaps a bit exotic in some respects, but certainly not foreign or strange in important ways.
So it's a good relationship.
Yes, it waxes and wanes a little, but it's essentially a very strong relationship.
I guess the big questions are how much support will Australia continue to give the United States in its various international undertakings.
I like to remind American audiences that American soldiers went into action in the Great War for the first time under Australian command on the 4th of July, 1918 at the Battle of Le Hamel.
John Monash, the famous Australian commander, was in overall charge on that day.
Australia has been with the United States in every single one of its subsequent conflicts, including Vietnam, Iraq, Afghanistan.
And I think it's important that the English-speaking countries stand shoulder to shoulder.
I think it's important that the great democracies form a very strong partnership because this is a perilous world, more perilous now than at any time since the late 1930s.
I think we have a tendency to be complacent about the dangers facing us.
I think that communist China is a more formidable competitor than the old Soviet Union ever was.
And while President Trump is currently playing down the prospects of serious tension over Taiwan, I think we have to take the Beijing regime seriously when it says that it is determined to take Taiwan by force if necessary, and the sooner the better.
I think that probably the polity that we most resemble is the United Kingdom.
So if you think of Australia as being Britain, only a federal Britain, you'll have a reasonable grasp of our political system.
Like Britain, we oscillate between governments of the centre-right and of the centre-left.
Just recently, as in Britain, we had a relatively long-serving and disappointing government of the centre-right, which I led into office back in 2013, followed by a government of the centre-left, which is probably more green-left than usual.
And one of the points that I like to make to my fellow countrymen is it's important for conservative governments to be strong, because when you get a strong conservative government, the next centre-left Labor government will be better than would otherwise be the case.
And if you've got a disappointing Conservative government, well, that, if you like, gives the left license to be even more left, which I think is normally bad, undesirable.
For countries which have mostly been brim full of self-confidence and brim full of national pride, I think generally speaking, obviously there are some individual instances that are exceptions to this,
but I think generally speaking, there's been a lack of national pride, a lack of national self-confidence recently, and a great deal of angsting about particular historical episodes.
I think if you look at contemporary America, Donald Trump is obviously an exception to this, but I think contemporary America, much of it at any event, obsesses over slavery.
Contemporary Britain obsesses over the empire.
Contemporary Australia obsesses over Indigenous dispossession.
Now, obviously, slavery was a dreadful blot on the United States history.
Abraham Lincoln magnificently responded to that challenge.
And I don't think America should be damned simply because of that part of its past.
Likewise, the British Empire was far from perfect, but on balance, the British Empire was actually a wonderful benefit to the wider world.
All of the countries that have a British heritage in some way are the better for that.
And it was, in fact, the Royal Navy, which more than any other entity stamped out the transatlantic slave trade.
And it was British colonists and missionaries in Africa and the Middle East who did everything they could to stamp out local slavery as well.
And yes, while there is no doubt that the Aboriginal people of Australia suffered considerably, particularly in the early years of settlement and the periods of pastoral expansion, at all times, official Australia said that Aboriginal people had all the rights of British subjects and had to be treated fairly.
Now, we all know that it's one thing to say something at head office.
It's another thing to make sure that out there on the frontiers of settlement, things are going well.
But the story of Aboriginal Australia was not just one of conflict with the settlers.
It was also one of cooperation with the settlers.
For instance, almost none of our early explorers would have been able to make progress through a harsh landscape, but for the Aboriginal guides who were very familiar with the landscape that was new to British Australian eyes.
Almost none of our pastoralists would have been able to succeed without the help of Indigenous stockmen and so on.
So it's been a story of partnership and cooperation, as well as a story of dispossession and occasional serious conflict.
And I think it's important that we look at our history in the whole.
And I think it's important that we judge our forebears not by modern stereotypes, but by the best standards of their day, not our day.
And I certainly think that for all the exceptions, generally speaking, both Australia and Britain and also the United States have got far more to be proud of in their past than to be ashamed of.
I think a lot of it has to do with cultural Marxism.
A lot of it has to do with perhaps the decline of faith generally, faith in institutions as well as religious faith.
I used to be very confident in the long-term survival and success of Western civilization because I thought that our civilization, unlike almost all of its predecessors and current competitors, had a capacity to learn and adapt from others.
I think that self-critical capacity, which has been so important to our survival and success up till now, has to some extent mutated into a kind of self-loathing.
And this is very destructive.
It's very destructive.
Yes, look at yourself in the mirror and say this can be better and that can be better, but don't look at yourself in the mirror and despise what you see.
For nations, for cultures, for civilizations, as for individuals, almost nothing is worse than self-loathing.
I mean, this naval gazing seems to be happening across the West.
So when you were Prime Minister, which wasn't that long, only about a decade ago, I mean, do you think there's anything that you could have done that would have addressed some of the issues, perhaps with the Aboriginals or elsewhere, that might have stemmed the tide of this?
All of this upendingness was just going to happen either way.
Well, there's no doubt that the cultural Marxism, the long march of the left through the institutions, has been underway for quite a few decades now, at least since the 1960s.
I think it's gotten much worse in recent times.
The Black Lives Matter thing was a particularly, I think, toxic manifestation of it.
I think that the current outbreaks of anti-Semitism or Jew hatred are another very toxic manifestation of this.
And if you want to destroy a country, it's much better to destroy the self-belief of its citizens than it is to destroy its physical infrastructure, because in the end, the physical infrastructure is yours if the defenders and the advocates have lost their self-belief.
Well, trying to define a nation and try to put, if you like, a label on what defines a citizen of one country as opposed to another is pretty elusive.
I say in the book again and again that the three pillars upon which modern Australia rests are an Aboriginal heritage, a British foundation, and immigrant character.
We are a fundamentally Anglo-Celtic culture, regardless of the ethnicity of our citizens.
I think we have a profoundly Judeo-Christian ethos, again, regardless of the particular religion of our citizens.
I do think that the left establishment is unhappy and at times subversive of both the Anglo-Celtic core culture and the Judeo-Christian core ethos of our country.
And I think it's important that we maintain and reinforce both.
But look, what's the Australian project?
I mean, America used to talk about its manifest destiny.
I think Australia, the United States, and the United Kingdom have all, in a sense, consciously and subconsciously pursued their own version of a manifest destiny.
In Australia, I think that what's animated almost all of us from the very beginning of modern Australia has been this idea that this is a country where everyone who is prepared to have a go is going to get a fair go in order to build a better life for his or her children.
I think in the United States, the manifest destiny was to tame a vast land and subsequently to, I suppose, be a beacon of hope and freedom to the rest of the world.
The shining city on a hill, the phrase that Ronald Reagan liked to use.
I think Britain, they've had, if you like, a manifest destiny, a civilizing mission, if you like.
I think it was Macaulay who said of the British in India back in the early parts of the 19th century that our role in India is to enable, quote, the native people to walk alone in the paths of justice.
So I think all three countries in their own way have had this sense of manifest destiny.
But amongst wide swathes of the elites, if you like, there would be this scoffing at that kind of thing, this deep cynicism towards what I think are actually quite noble and uplifting ideals.
So speaking of those noble and uplifting ideals, so outside of the Aboriginal piece, which you've already addressed, what is something you would want people to know about Australia that they don't know?
Well, I think this is a country that prides itself on being the land of the fair go.
And part of being a land of the fair go is that if you come to this country with curiosity and goodwill, you will have a very warm welcome.
And if you are able to live in this country with goodwill and a determination to make a go of things, you will very quickly be an absolute first-class Australian.
So is that part of the confusion maybe around some of the immigration stuff now that you guys don't have illegal immigration and that you have an unbelievable geography and you're an island and a huge landmass?
So is it basically since your government that there's pretty much been no illegal immigration, but there's constant discussions around legal immigration.
And currently, legal migration is at an all-time record, and it's effectively been subcontracted from government to educational providers and businesses.
And a lot of educational providers are selling effectively an immigration outcome in the guise of education.
And a lot of businesses, I think, are bringing people in from overseas to do jobs that Australians are currently less enthusiastic to do.
And I think what we really need to do is offer locals more training, offer locals higher pay, and perhaps some important changes to the welfare system so that it's never more advantageous to people to be on welfare as opposed to being in work, even entry-level work.
One of the things that I was responsible for as a minister in the days of the Howard government was something that went by the very blunt title, Work for the Dole.
And under the Work for the Dole program, you might call it Work Fair in the United States.
Under that program, if you were under 50 and had been unemployed for six months on benefits, we would say, well, okay, you've had your time looking for work and it hasn't worked out.
Now we are going to give you part-time work for some community organization or for some good cause.
And if you want to keep getting your government benefit, you've got to do two days' work for this good cause.
Now, I actually thought that was a very important policy, not just from an economic perspective, but really from a moral perspective.
So how complex is between dealing with some of the historical issues that people seem to be obsessed with, even if largely they shouldn't be obsessed with them, and then dealing with integration now with some of these people that have come that don't seem to be sharing in that and don't seem to want the warmth that you just described from the native Australians?
I mean, America in its glory days was very much regarded as the melting pot.
I pluribus unum, one of your national mottos, as it were.
We had the same sort of approach.
For instance, the great period of post-war migration, which was the first time large numbers of non-British migrants were encouraged to come to Australia.
In those days, the official attitude was, well, integrate from day one and assimilate as quickly as you can.
And there was an expectation and reality that at least your kids would be entirely assimilated into the Australian way of life.
Over the last few decades, we've adopted this concept from Canada originally of multiculturalism, the sort of the fruit salad as opposed to the melting bowl, where the different ingredients are expected to retain their identity.
I think that 99.9% of migrants, even now, who come to this country, they want to be as Australian as they can be, as quickly as they can be, because let's face it, they chose to come here and they chose to come here because of Australia as it is, not because of Australia that it might become.
They came here, I like to think and believe, to join us, not to change us.
But given governmental funding for ethnic activist organisations that have a vested interest in trying to perpetuate difference, I think there has been this rise of separatism, if you like.
At this point in time, I think it's more than manageable and more than reversible.
But you don't want to go too far down this path because the further down this path you go, the more difficult it gets.
Well, one of the things that the current government did on coming into office was abolish a requirement that the previous government had put in place that local councils have citizenship ceremonies on Australia Day.
Having a citizenship ceremony on Australia Day has always been thought of as a wonderful way to combine your entry into the wider family of Australia with this great celebration of the country itself.
Some Green Left councils, quite a lot of Green Left councils, now that they have the latitude from the government to kind of disown Australia Day, have opted out of citizenship ceremonies on Australia Day because they don't see Australia Day as the point when the modern world came wonderfully into an ancient land.
They see Australia Day as, if you like, a day of embarrassment, even shame, when the British invaded what up till then was a series of sovereign First Nations.
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Now, I think that we got plenty of these guys too.
Okay, well, I don't want to try to remind Americans of their history, which they're more familiar with.
But back in the middle of 1838, there was a dreadful massacre of Aboriginal people by a group of stockmen.
About a dozen stockmen surprised an Aboriginal encampment and up to 30 men, women and children were absolutely brutally butchered.
Word of this filtered down to Sydney and the then Attorney General of New South Wales, an Irish Catholic who was made Attorney General here at a time when Catholics were still under legal disabilities in Britain, who was a very deeply humane man, very conscious of the rights and dignity of every human being, regardless of race or religion.
He insisted, with the full support and encouragement of the then governor, he insisted on launching an investigation.
The perpetrators were put on trial here in Sydney.
The original jury refused to convict.
That could have been the end of the matter.
But the Attorney General John Plunkett then brought fresh charges against a slightly reduced number of perpetrators, persuaded a couple of the perpetrators to turn Queen's evidence.
The judge at the second trial said that this is an abomination, an atrocity that cries out to heaven for justice.
The jury did convict and seven white men were hanged for the murder of black men back in 1838.
Now ask yourself, did that happen in the United States at that time?
I suspect the answer is no, it didn't.
So for all our errors, for all the prejudices of those days, for all the failures to accord the native people of Australia the rights they should have had, British justice did sometimes prevail.
And there are many stories, some of them in this book, some of them in other more specific histories, of the wonderful warmth between settler families and Indigenous families, because the story was by no means one of relentless conflict.
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How does the geography of your country play into the national ethos and the culture and the international relations and all those things in that you're the size of the United States, but you have, I think it's like the 15th of the people, 350 to about 25 million?
Well, the United States is a country of deep soils and vast river systems, high mountains.
We're not like that.
Other than in some of our river valleys, the soils tend to be poor and thin.
We don't have high mountains.
Much of the country is semi-arid, even desert.
Now, with modern fertilizers, with irrigation, we are a breadbasket to much of the wider world.
But the carrying capacity, if you like, of Australia is not as great.
And the natural carrying capacity, if you like, of Australia is not as great as that of the United States.
That said, if you go back to the Federation era, the 1890s, when we had a population at the time of perhaps three to four million, which was about the same as the population in 1776 of the United States,
our Federation fathers, most notably Sir Henry Parks, said, look, our aim and objective is to create on this continent a country with all the potential and all the future prospects and flourishing of the United States.
Now, we don't have a population of 350 million, and we never will.
You could fit it, but I like to think that in our own way, we have created a society which is every bit as good, in some ways better than the society of the United States.
Well, Dave, look, the great thing about Sydney, as you can tell just from looking out this window, we've got the bush, we've got the water, the harbour, we've got the ocean.
In some respects, Sydney is a city in the midst of a national park.
If you try to combine Yellowstone with LA and New York, the water of New York, the beaches of LA with the beauty of Yellowstone, then you've got something like Sydney.
It exists, but it's not nearly as bad as in Washington, in London.
Again, maybe it's a function of the weather.
Maybe it's a function of the have a go mindset that an immigrant people tend to have.
Maybe that our mood is better.
Our mood is better.
And long may that be the case.
But so I think that, you know, soak the place up.
Walk the city.
Admire the Opera House.
Admire the Harbour Bridge.
Get to the beach.
If you can, get up to the Barrier Reef because don't believe the climate alarmists.
The Barrier Reef is not being destroyed by climate change.
The Barrier Reef waxes and wanes.
Sometimes it's doing better than at other times.
But in terms of mankind's impact on the reef, it's less now than it has been for 100 years because we've cleaned up the rivers that flow into the waters of the reef.
Agricultural runoff is not nearly what it was.
In fact, the most recent statistics that came out just in the last few months suggest that the area of coral cover is at an all-time record or certainly at its greatest since statistics were kept.
So get up to the reef, get off to the center, have a look at Ayers Rock or Uluru, Uluru, as we now call it, because it is a magnificent country.
Wait, I have to ask you one last thing then, which is tell me, I googled it already, so I know what the answer is, but tell me the best way to eat Vegemite because I think my team has done it wrong here and there's some confusion.