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March 29, 2025 - Ron Paul Liberty Report
42:46
Ron Paul - "Trump 2.0"

Former US Rep Ron Paul discusses how we can continue to work toward peace and prosperity.

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Time Text
Life's Challenges 00:05:33
Thank you, Representative Duncan.
That was wonderful.
Now for my favorite part of the day, where I get to talk about my boss right in front of him, which I never get to do.
So much has been said about him.
So I'll conclude in my own way.
And I'll start with this.
Life is hard.
It's very hard for all of us.
It's hard for Ron Paul, myself, for all of you.
We can't avoid it.
Doesn't matter if you have a lot of money, life is hard.
If you have a lot of things, it's hard.
If you have a lot of friends, it's hard.
It's hard.
And it gets very hard when there is social pressure.
That's when it really squeezes us.
And it hasn't been too long now, but we all remember COVID and how rare courage is.
And if that was a life lesson for all of us, it's rare.
And that is where Dr. Paul comes in with courage, with social pressure.
Tom was talking about the campaigns when he was on that stage.
I remember it like yesterday.
I was yelling at my television when he was on that stage in the Republican debates, and they shove him to the side.
The media was against him.
The interviewers were against him.
The audience was buoying him.
The cameraman, I'm sure, if you went up to them, he'd be like, I don't like this guy either.
It was all stacked against him.
And he stood in front of the entire nation and changed everything, but with courage.
That's how rare it is, and that's how life-changing it is.
And today, we have the richest, powerful man.
Everybody pays attention to him.
I don't miss any of his posts on X, Elon Musk, talking about repeatedly Ron Paul.
Incredible, incredible.
And not only that, it's not just Elon is posting.
It's all of the millions of people that are responding, how they love this guy.
I remember him.
And Tom's talking about Tim Palenti.
I mean, look at the difference at what happened.
You know, and our lives are not changed like the progressives think and the Republicans by legislation.
It's not another law that's going to fix everything, and you just pile them up.
It's what Ron Paul did.
It wasn't legislation.
He shook our souls with his courage.
And here he is right now, right in front of us.
Dr. Paul, please come up.
Thank you.
Thanks.
Thank you.
Sounds like a friendly crowd.
That's very neat.
I certainly want to thank everybody who has supported the cause of liberty and the things that we have suggested.
And I feel very strongly about it, but the rewards are getting to meet all the people and personally thank those who have put so much time and effort.
I think it's a little unusual.
Two other former members of Congress, David Stockwood and Jimmy Duncan.
Wow, this is getting to be really establishment, you know.
But it is wonderful that we can get together.
I have a rule about getting together for functions like this, because sometimes we talk about serious things and we tell the truth about what's really happening in the country.
And I think if you get together like this, it's very important that you have a little bit of fun doing it, meeting people, talking to people, and getting along.
I think that is great.
But the one person that I think deserves a really deep bit of appreciation for putting this together, and that's Daniel.
Where is Daniel sitting?
There he is.
I will confess, though, in observation, the closer we get to events like this, the more nervous he gets.
But boy, is he happy today.
It's coming to an end, but he will find another program tomorrow.
I think he has another one that he believes he's trying to get me to go to or something like that.
He stays busy.
But, you know, I think Daniel has an interesting history because, you know, sometimes we stereotype the different universities that we go to and say, oh, you went there, you went there.
But he's been through Berkeley and he survived it all.
But you know what?
Berkeley is interesting to me because during the campaign, somebody told me once that was my biggest crowd ever in campaigning.
And that was really encouraging to me.
Young people who were so-called against the liberty, against Republicans, maybe.
But the crowd was wonderful.
And it just always bewilders me.
You know, where do these people come from?
So I've always been surprised about what's happening and very pleased.
You know, somebody frequently I get the question, when did you decide to be a congressman?
I said, never.
Deciding To Be A Congressman 00:05:17
That was never my goal.
And sometimes a young person will come in and they'll hear my talk and get them enthusiastic.
And of course, the issue of liberty is important to me.
But they'll say, what do I do to become a congressman?
And I said, forget it.
You know, if that's the only goal you have, you know, that in itself doesn't accomplish a whole lot.
But I had a goal to, you know, once things came together, I wanted to win.
Not for a personal reason, because I always figured that I wanted the message to be loud and clear, and they knew exactly what I stood for.
And when they voted for me, they knew exactly that we were getting.
So I always assume it's not me in person, but it's what I've said.
And people, if I don't scare them off with the positions I held, then I was very pleased.
And I think that's the case.
So I never had a plan.
You know, I think it would really be neat to be in Congress.
And to tell you the truth, it was always a surprise to me when things moved along.
I've told the story frequently about an event that occurred on August 15th, 1971.
And that was, to me, a much bigger event than people recognized because I think it was a very blatant declaration that we were flat out broke and we defied it.
And here we were, we had the empire, the military, the money, and the wealth.
And really, in many ways, morally and financially, we're moving into an age of total bankruptcy.
And yet it was not recognized at that time.
I remember listening to Nixon that night.
Sunday night, he was talking about closing the Goldwood and putting on tariffs and all this other stuff.
He said that he was so dedicated to this.
He believed in all this.
But the next day was my enlightenment because I was a member of the Chamber of Commerce and they had a legislative action committee.
On Mondays, they always got a report from the National Chamber of Commerce to go over something big going on in Washington.
So they talked about Nixon's speech.
And the official report from the Chamber of Commerce was that they were delighted with this.
They endorsed the whole thing.
They endorsed the tariffs and the wholeness of taxes going off.
It was closing the gold window.
Nobody really talked about that then.
But that sort of woke me up.
And I thought, well, you know, by that time, I had been introduced to Austrian economics and had a grasp of it to some degree.
And I was motivated because I was so fascinated with it because I was comparing the nonsense that was being spouted in the universities and what I had heard as the official economic policy that we were to be dealing with.
So I was, you know, I was aghast.
I was looking for places to speak out.
Now, that was in 1971, but in 1973 and 74, the Republicans had a little trouble.
I think it was called Watergate or something like that.
Texas only had three Republican congressmen, and Republicans weren't very popular at the time.
So there was a big vacuum there.
And I whispered to somebody, you know, I'd like to speak out on this monetary issue.
Maybe I should just put my name down on this ballot.
And boy, they grabbed that fast.
They wanted to fill a lineup because the Republicans were in such bad shape.
So that's how I got started.
But of course, I went to the boss of the family and I talked to her.
And I said, you know, I think I'm going to run for Congress.
She says, what in the world would you want to do that for?
And I said, well, I want to speak about the monetary system.
What?
What are you doing that?
I'm going to run for Congress.
And she says, I said, what's the matter?
And she said, well, there's a danger in that, don't you know?
Running for Congress is very dangerous.
I said, how can it be dangerous?
And she wasn't even into conspiracy theories.
So when I found out what she was worried about, she was a bit worried.
You know, you're going to get elected.
That was the danger that was involved.
But believe me, I set her straight.
I said, it ain't going to happen.
You know, you don't vote for people who don't like Santa Claus and all this nonsense going on.
Nobody really cares.
This is therapy for me because I was still practicing medicine.
I just continued to practice medicine.
But events came together, politically speaking, even though they kept popping up and popping up.
The congressman resigned and that sort of thing.
And there was a special election I ended up in Congress.
Four Terms in Congress 00:02:43
But I was there for six years, three terms up, actually four terms, but not quite eight years.
And by that time, I was tired of it.
You know, why did I come here?
I was missing my practice.
And I had kids sent through school.
And it was expensive doing that.
So after the four terms, I said, I'm getting out of here.
So I left, went back home, practiced medicine, but stayed intensely interested in economics.
And that was my delight to be able to study this.
The one individual that influenced me the most on economic policy and political Manners, we might say, and that was Leonard Reed, Foundation for Economic Education.
And I found him to be a real delight.
And he didn't like politics, he didn't like politics, but he liked me.
But he had small groups.
It was teaching, it was to promote the cause of liberty and especially economic policy.
So I went to a lot of his conferences.
We got to be good friends.
And actually, I was served on that board at one time along with Rulu Rockwell.
And I think that was important because I had come to the conclusion that ideas have consequences.
And I just wonder who used that word.
Probably a lot of people have used that term.
But I found out that there was a book called Ideas Have Consequences.
And lo and behold, it was written in 1948.
Oh, something else was written in 48.
Wasn't it?
I think there was a book written in 48.
And this one was written in 48, too.
But it was written by Richard Weaver.
And it was called Ideas Have Consequences.
And I dwell on that.
And I think that is so important.
So that is why some people might describe me as being stoic, you know, talking about the issues.
But I think I'm very aggressive in wanting to be in an area that is important but recognizable.
And that is to have an idea that you believe in and you promote and get some credit for maybe getting other people to join in in the effort.
So I've worked with that condition.
Ideas have consequences and that's why I have maintained that.
Campaign Manager's Pressure 00:04:02
And to me, it was a trip to Washington to try to spread the message.
Now, Leonard Reed had one thing that he would say because he was very much into education, passed out a lot of books and all.
And he said, his advice to me was, he says, what you want to do is you want to be educated.
Try to understand the issue and do it well.
And he says, if you know what you're doing, he says, you won't have to worry about a thing.
Somebody will find you.
And it was the effort that if you do know something, and I tried to follow that.
I hope that was a positive thing that happened because a couple people did find me.
And it gave me an opportunity, like it was mentioned at some of the rallies.
It just astounded me.
Where do these people come from?
Yeah, because I was used to, because when I first started speaking out, I could get speaking engagement at the various universities.
There were early libertarian groups back then.
And if they heard that I wanted to come or I'd call up and say, I'd like to visit, they could get 15 people together.
And I thought, oh, well, 15 people is 15 people.
You know, some of those 15 people might even be in this room because they ended up working in the campaigns and other things like that.
And many of them I met later on.
But the whole thing was, is, you know, it grew exponentially without an organized plan.
There wasn't a scheme like it.
Somebody, you know, have been astounded about our fundraiser that made a little bit of news.
And that was when there was the fundraiser where there were $6 million raised one night, you know, the money bomb.
And I remember when that started.
It was started by grassroots because it wasn't my idea.
And I don't think my campaign manager said, let's have a money bomb.
But he did.
The campaign manager said, we needed a little bit of money, you know.
And he says, I think we could raise $500,000.
And I said, yeah, most of our audience, they're poor college kids.
They don't have any money.
And they're going to have to pick in.
And they were.
There was $25,000, $50, pitch it in.
And he would send us a note and say, look, we need some money.
And I thought, putting pressure on these people to pump money in here.
What are they doing that for?
So when we got to $500,000, Kent, our campaign manager, came to me.
He says, that went pretty well.
He says, let's see if we could raise a million dollars.
This was all in one day.
And I was, you can't bug these people to death.
They don't want to hear again about this.
So a little bit more time went on, and it was up to a million dollars.
And then I forgot about it.
And then you know how much was raised.
And of course, it was the $6 million.
So it was astounding.
But one interesting thing that happened on that was I was still in Congress and I was voting occasionally, not as much as I had been before.
And I remember another member, I remember him as friendly, I can't remember his name.
He was friendly, but not quite libertarian.
But he was very political.
He came down and he was annoyed.
He was probably in a political organization group because he was impressed.
He says, $6 million in one night?
Well, how did you do this?
And how did you know that much about the internet?
I said, I don't know a single thing about the internet.
And somebody else says somebody else did that.
And he said, well, he wanted to know how to do it because that was very impressive.
Concerns About Influence 00:14:26
But we were voting at the time, and I think the board was showing a vote, and it was lopsided.
I think it was such and such to one.
And it was up on the board.
And he says, how did you do it?
Instead of me explaining I was a computer expert, I said, I just pointed up on the screen.
I said, maybe that has something to do with it.
Maybe people are looking for something other than this problem that they get.
And matter of fact, it turned out I think I'm very selfish because I had a lot more satisfaction than people must get on the long run when they play those silly games.
So, you know, innerly speaking, you know, I did have satisfaction, but it was sort of self-imposed because I think I was measuring it by the support.
And I think this is so important that we have to get support from people.
You know, the one other thing that Leonard Reed talked about was, he says, in a way, numbers don't count.
You say, how many people?
A couple hundred people.
We have people come, and I started with 15.
And he said that, he says it's the ideas and the leadership that makes the difference.
He says, numbers are important.
And I always thought, well, why do I care about the election?
Well, the election tells me how many people are sympathetic, and it's a measurement.
But what really counts is that small group of people who are the leaders in ideas and promoting ideas.
And that, I think, is important.
And I think that's why most of you are here because you're interested in ideas.
Ideas have consequences.
And the ideas of liberty are very, very important.
And that's why we all support it.
But, you know, the biggest issue that I think that we face today is the issue of liberty overall.
And when I start with a broad issue like that, I also start with the history of mankind.
And I go back, not the story about the good Samaritans about Sumeria, which is really prehistory.
It wasn't much written back there.
There was laws and rules written about that.
And one thing that was amazing to the rules before they were written, and hardly were the Sumerians an ideal for future libertarians, but they did have rules, and they were interesting.
They didn't believe in killing people.
They didn't believe you shouldn't lie to people.
They believe you shouldn't lie and cheat, steal.
And I thought, where'd that come from?
And that's early.
Well, I think it just was the birth of natural law.
I think most people like that, but it's stamped out.
I told somebody once that, what do you try to do now?
Well, I work real hard.
I went through high school and college and even medical school and heard all this nonsense.
I said, what are you doing now?
I said, I'm reading and studying, trying to get rid of all the bad ideas the government schools stuffed into my brain.
So that is the system.
That's what we have to contend with.
It's a world about ideas.
And I think it should be a lot of fun, you know, but it's so dangerous right now.
People, you know, say that things are so bad.
You sound so negative.
I said, no, I see myself as an optimist.
I really do.
Time-wise, you have to figure out when all the optimism is coming.
But I think that I'm amazed that when I spoke to many of the college campuses, I would talk about money.
Money is a big problem.
It influenced me on the issue of money and liberty and war and all these things.
And I would say, things are bad.
And I said, the budget's out of control.
It's going to get worse.
And so I'd do that for about 45 minutes.
And then afterwards, students would come up and talk to me.
And one student came up, and he was telling me about that.
He says, you know, Ronnie, he says, you know what I really like about you is you're so optimistic.
I say, how can you say that?
I just gave you this lecture on how bad things were.
He said, yeah, but at the end, you told me, you told us that it could be changed, and it's not difficult.
It's not complicated.
We just need a few people to get together and motivate other people to join in in the cause of liberty.
You know, I see people that are involved in this.
There's the political issues, and that's what most people are thinking about.
You know, even what's going on today.
It's politics.
And Tom pointed out so well about those non-debates that exist.
It's all political nonsense.
And the politics of it is one thing, and that's what they live and die for.
And that's what Washington's all about.
And I keep encouraging what Doge is doing, but I'm not overly optimistic there.
That's not where my optimism comes.
But I like it.
I think it's been very beneficial for us to know what USAID is all about and how terrible it is.
But that isn't the final answer because I think politics are slipping in what's going on.
From my personal viewpoint, I don't hear enough about really curtailing some of the militarism of our government.
Yeah, there's talk about, there's talk about getting out of Ukraine, but today I read something that said, yeah, but somebody else is objecting to it because they'd like to take six more years to get out of Ukraine.
It's on and on.
And then this stuff is, you know, it's still there.
The political stuff is hard to get by.
But I think it's always, you know, philosophic.
I think it's always ideologic.
And I marvel at the bits and pieces that I've read about the founding fathers.
Do you know what?
The one reason they had an advantage over all of us, there were no government schools to go to and send all their kids.
They had hope schooling.
And the brilliance of some of these individuals was amazing.
I think that the uniqueness of the American Revolution was this astounding group of people who got together.
Far from perfect, there were some problems there.
But really, when you would pick out a group of people that knew history and compare it to the, if you go to our major universities now or in the last hundred years, and if you look at the progressive era, I would say the progressive era practically canceled out every bit of what the founders were really trying to push and teach, you know, and put it into the Constitution.
And the one thing I've already mentioned is I think natural law is very important.
I think they knew that as the very first thing before they had a written code.
People naturally know, you shouldn't go.
You know, you hear the lie chief, steal, and kill.
And it's natural.
And I'm sure I could describe, I wasn't there, but the first people living in caves, I bet they had property rights.
You know, when a family would declare, this is my cage, my cave and my family are going to stay here.
And sticks and stones might break your bones if you come in here.
So I think that it's been known.
But the whole principle of natural law.
And now we have this major contest going on between those of us who believe in natural law and you're supposed to tell the truth and a few things like that versus the people who I think I put them in the category of being nihilists.
But you never find perfect people with liberty or perfect nihilists.
There are some are pretty bad nihilists.
But in a way, so much of the nonsense they have is nihilistic in the sense that they deny and embarrass.
And I think Tom points out, they try to punish people who might say that, you know, truth is nonsense.
Why waste your time there?
You need a good lobbyist is what you need.
If you want a freedom, you want to live under freedom.
You have to have the lobbyists to get your contracts filled up.
So that's a different thing.
But I think that contest goes on constantly.
I think we're in a reversal phase.
I think it was downhill certainly since the progressive era.
I think it's been all political and shenanigans and the giving up of natural law.
And the one thing is, you know, there was a major book, The Law.
It's not complicated.
And the law simply says that if you and I aren't supposed to kill people, you know, fortunately we still have that sort of on the books.
You're not supposed to, but you're not supposed to kill people.
That's wrong.
But what about governments?
Should we apply all the rules to all the people in the government, you know, on the rules that are placed on us?
And what would happen if the government was never allowed to lie, cheat, steal, kill, counterfeit, start wars needlessly, and do what they have to this world?
It would be terrible.
But why do we as a people put up with that nonsense, you know, of allowing this special group of people?
Now, I understand if there's six of us in here and we have just gotten the government printing press and we can counterfeit the money.
Boy, if the government ever found that out, just think of what they do to people who argue the case for constitutionality and money.
They don't like that.
So that is one big thing.
They will resent it and they will not permit it and they want people to toe the line.
And the other principle that I try to apply is this whole idea of voluntarism.
The libertarian says, you know, no aggression, you know, not aggression principle.
But how about voluntarism?
That sounds very positive.
So two people, two groups of people, two churches, two sexual groups, whatever.
What about all associations, country-wise, business people-wise, everything in economics, everything has to be voluntary.
But, you know, that had exists a long time.
There's still a lot of negotiating for price, you know, until two people come together.
Why do we skip everything else?
Why do we skip the fact that now they come and tax us to pay for transgender operation for the military?
And we pay for it.
We don't say anything.
Well, fortunately, more people are saying things than they should.
But I think a simple rule is, can we do this?
Can we do all these things in person?
If we lie, cheat, and steal, we get into trouble.
But government gets promoted.
They get better jobs.
If they work in the FDA, lie, cheating, and stealing and selling, subsidizing the pharmaceutical industry.
Can you believe this could be true, that they get jobs in the pharmaceutical industry later on?
I mean, it's a system that is so blatant.
But there's a simple little rule, you know, that every association should be voluntary.
Just think how much better.
I would think that before we take it greenland, I think we ought to have the post-sides agreeing to it before we get it.
It just doesn't seem complicated to me.
And most people think, well, that does make sense, you know, and it doesn't sound very threatening.
But the one issue that I've spent the most time talking about and working on, because I became fascinated with the principles of liberty, and then the monetary issue popped up.
And that to me is so vital because anything I've met now of any government function costs money.
And countries like ours and many others, the temptation is governments to control the money and they get control of printing money, bankrupt the country, and the thing comes to an end, which we're getting ready to do.
So they do this, and they do this to make sure that people will try to obey the law.
And I believe the money issue is the big deal.
The Money Issue 00:08:40
Somebody said to me, oh, we will make you chairman of the Federal Reserve Board.
Then you can do it.
I said, I don't want to be lighting the match of the Civil War.
You can't do that.
And they say, oh, you're not a very strong supporter for getting rid of the Fed.
And I said, all this stuff is going to take care of itself.
The market wins out in the end.
And that's what we're going through.
But the difference is the Fed, you know, without the Fed, what else could you do besides burn the building down and stopping the inflation?
Well, I think one rule you could have, which would make them all hysterical, is make it illegal for any government agency or Federal Reserve system to buy government debt.
What would happen?
I'll bet David Stockman knows interest rates would probably go up.
You know, I say there's still a little bit of a hint on what market interest rates should be because market interest rates are a big deal in economic.
So what would, where's something market rate?
I says, who knows what the market rate would be?
It could be, you know, maybe the credit cards telling us what the market rate is.
Maybe it's 18 or 20 or whatever it is.
So this is really pretty crazy.
And people don't realize the market rate of interest is a price.
And that's because they have screwed up the money system so badly.
And if you can't have a unit of account and know what the unit of account is, you really can't buy and sell and know what the market rate for interest is.
But the market and the excessive credit, what about that?
You know, zero rate of interest and all what happened a couple years ago in the recession.
Tons and tons of money, but they kept interest rates zero.
Matter of fact, they were negative when you had the inflation rate still going on.
It was negative.
So the interest rates is the price.
How could we exist?
I keep thinking, what if you were an engineer and you're building a huge skyscraper and you weren't allowed to have a measuring rod?
What kind of a building would you have?
So we're building an economy on a unit of account which unbelievably has been tolerated by the market and the people to finance our empire.
And our empire exists on the falsehood that the dollar is a strong enough currency to withhold and take care of everybody.
And yet a lot of people do dumb things when there's easy credit.
Sometimes they build too many houses or too much of other things.
That's the bubble.
And then the bubble has to correct.
The market does that.
But if they do this, There's another system that happens when the inflation comes.
People make mistakes with the false knowledge about the interest rate, but then there's the malinvestment.
The people spend the money the wrong way.
And that could participate.
And there's a lot of that.
They don't talk about that as much as inflation.
I would have people come to my office, Ryan, there's too much inflation.
You need to do something about it.
What do you think we should do?
He says, send me more money.
I can't pay my bills.
I say, I don't think that's going to solve the problem.
You have money printed fast to get a better printing machine.
That is why you have to have definitions.
And money needs a definition.
You have to.
I think Aristotle knew what money was supposed to be.
He said it is a means of exchange.
It's a place where you can preserve wealth.
And it also has to have a unit of account.
It's no more complicated than that.
And guess what?
Natural law told us what it was a long time ago.
And for some weird reason, it's still here.
But they're still thinking about inventing new money.
And I'm all for it.
I'm a strong supporter of competing currencies just so you don't turn it over to the government, just so you don't tax it, and don't do any other thing.
But there are some proposals now that are alternatives, but they want the government involved, the SEC, the FBI, the CIA, and transparency disappears, and it's not anonymous.
And they call that, that's not the alternative in a free market.
The market would decide.
But the history has shown that the people in the markets have spoken, and so far, precious metals are still on top of the list.
But that doesn't mean that we should give that up.
I mean, we live in a modern age, but I just think that we have to follow the rules of no lie, cheating, and stealing, no counterfeit.
Those aren't very nice things to do.
And besides, they cause such great harm.
But the biggest problem with all this is what it has done to our society.
You know, I have talked about so often over the years about financial bankruptcy and moral bankruptcy.
And it was always, I'd start with financial bankruptcy and say that involves morality because, you know, it's lying and cheating and this sort of thing.
But I think the basic flaw in it, in our whole system, is a moral problem, you know, and knowing what is right and wrong.
And that's what people have been willing to overlook.
And I think we have it in our society as well as any place else.
You know, we talk about, well, who should do these things?
Who should set the price of money and interest rate?
Well, we heard this week that the president met with Powell, and they had a conference, and they were making plans for what interest rates should be next year.
Wow, I didn't know they knew.
They knew what the interest rates are going to be next week, next month, and next year.
So they've already decided.
So I like what's going on.
I like all the information we're getting.
I think our side is gaining knowledge and they're recognizing.
But I really want people to get back to the basics.
What basic principles being violated, and not just the end point.
You can't, you know, I would always argue that, let's say you want to get rid of food stamps for the rich, and you say, well, they're getting $10 million or $10 billion.
Okay, we're going to cut out 10%.
We're going to really crack down on them.
Or they'll whittle these things down, but they'll leave a core of it.
But they'll leave in the presence.
Even if you leave 1%, it's like 1% income tax.
That's not so bad.
But 1% might be 3% or 50%.
So it's the principle of them stealing the money from us that has to be dealt with and not just tinkering on the edges.
And right now we have a long way to prove that the suggestions by New Doge that these spending cuts proposals will be carried through.
This recent budget deal, just read Thomas Massey.
He'll tell you what's really going on.
Or even I have a son that's well informed too on that issue.
They don't do what would change the principle of the thing.
You don't deal with the principle and just the politics.
All you do is you channel the money into more of the special interest group.
But we need one more, one super growth in a special group that I'm most interested in.
Thank You for Joining Us 00:02:01
And that is a special group that you belong to.
And it's the special group of people who have finally decided that we will assume all the responsibility of living in a free society.
College kids would come up to me and say, we like your program, but I always concluded my speeches with no taxes, no regulations.
They're not going to tell you what to eat, drink, or smoke, or whatever, just so you don't hurt people.
You can't hurt people.
But if you have freedom in economics and you don't do well, you can't go to the government crying for a bailout.
It won't work.
And they would applaud equally as loud with that assumption of responsibility.
So liberty does require responsibility.
And I think the spreading of the message is most important.
That's why I'm delighted that we have groups of people coming together, trying to learn the best way to spread the message, because everybody can spread the message.
Everybody might have a different technique on doing it.
So all I come here to say is thank you very much for joining the group of those individuals who love liberty and will do whatever they can to spread the message.
Thank you very much. Thank you.
Very good, Dr. Paul.
You want some water?
I think I have one down there.
Okay.
Okay, everyone.
Thank you very much for joining us.
We hope you enjoyed all our speakers.
Again, we really appreciate all of your support and for joining us.
Hope again to see you soon, perhaps in Virginia.
And thank you very much.
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