Telephone number 800-282-2882 and the email address lrushbo at EIBnet.us.
Now, let's go back to something I mentioned yesterday because this is an important point to remember.
I think that Pat Cadell made.
He was Jimmy Carter's pollster, 1980.
That was the year that Carter was expected.
The last poll showed Carter winning by nine.
And the election was over by 8 o'clock Eastern Time.
They had called it for Reagan even before California closed, even before Midwestern states had closed, some cases.
And Reagan went on to win a huge 49-state landslide.
Nobody saw it.
The polls did not project it.
And Cadell, and even Doug Schoen, who's a lifetime Democrat pollster and strategist, worked for Hillary in the 90s, Bill and Hillary in the 90s.
He and Cadela both said this has a 1980s feel, this election, because there are a lot of similarities.
Reagan was an outsider in Governor, California, but he was not taken seriously by either party establishment.
The Democrats thought Reagan was just a buffoon, much like they think Trump is.
They didn't think Reagan was vulgar or any of that.
They just thought he was lightweight, embarrassing no-nothing.
They thought conservatism was this kooky, oddball way of looking at things that nobody could understand and nobody would ever support.
They thought everybody loved Jimmy Carter.
They were willing to think that Carter would be continued to support because the people loved him from Georgia, loved his southern accent, loved that he was trying hard.
Never mind, the economy was in a disaster, a much more admitted disaster than what we have.
We have an economic malaise today.
The economy of 1979, 1980 was an admitted disaster no matter who you talk to.
The Democrats immediately was a disaster.
We had unemployment double digits.
We had interest rate double digits.
It was just absolutely horrible.
Even created this term malaise, the misery index to describe it.
Well, to many people, the economy today is close to that, but it's different.
Even back then, we didn't have nearly the safety net we had today.
We've got 94 million Americans not working, but they're all eating.
And that fact alone means that they're not automatically going to vote against the people who've made the economy a derelict.
If you're unemployed and you've got a phone, you've got a big screen, you got a car, and you're eating, then what really is there to be mad about?
Versus 1980, you're out of work, you had your unemployment check for a couple weeks, and that was it.
It was bad.
But the big difference between 1980 and today is early voting.
There wasn't any early voting in 1980, and therefore the late minute, this out-of-nowhere surge for Reagan came as a total shock and a surprise.
Both Cadell and Doug Schoen say that such a repeat, even though we have a similar feel in that we've got an outsider who could come from nowhere and shock everybody, the odds of it being a shock and a surprise are way, way down because of early voting.
The early voting these guys say represents what was the late-breaking, overwhelming support for Ronaldus Magnus back in 1980.
But even at that, I know that there are many of you who are thinking that no, the early voting still hasn't captured the people we're talking about.
The people we're talking about, the people who haven't registered to vote either their whole lives or in a long time, and they're out there and the pollsters haven't really found them and they're showing up in droves today.
That's who they are.
They're not early voters.
They're showing up today and they're going to shock the world.
There are a lot of people.
So if that were to happen, let's take the hypothetical.
What could drive it?
What would be the driving factor?
The obvious answer, insider versus outsider, elites, ruling class versus country class.
The people you're talking about that you expect to show up or hope you expected to show up in droves are people that don't think their vote counts, don't think the political system is real, think it's all rigged by the people that run it.
That no matter who they elect and no matter what they support, the elites that run the show are never going to suffer.
They're never going to lose.
They're always going to arrange things so that no matter what the election results are, their way of life never changes and their degree of power never changes.
And you can't blame them.
That's a cynical view that a lot of people have, but you can't blame them because in many cases it's right.
The ruling class is the ruling class.
The elites are the elites.
Who are the elites of the ruling class?
Let's name them.
We're talking about Wall Street investment firms, banks, big wealth.
We're talking about subdivisions of big wealth, such as big oil, big Hollywood, big pharmaceutical, big crony corporate interests that have sidled up to government as a partner because they find it easier to compete with their competitors when their competitors are not partnering with government and they are.
That would be examples would be GE, Walmart, Goldman Sachs, Hillary Clinton.
The Democrats campaign as though they represent the little guy, the downtrodden middle class, lower middle class, but they've forgotten them.
White working class voters have been totally thrown overboard by the Democrat Party.
That's who Hillary Clinton calls deplorables, undesirables, and other negative terms.
The people that used to vote Democrat loyally, non-college-educated white working-class people have abandoned them.
Well, actually, Democrats have abandoned them.
The Democrat Party is now the party of the rich.
The Democrat Party is the party that wealth supports.
From Bill Gates and Warren Buffett, George Soros, to everybody in Hollywood, to everybody in Silicon Valley, to everybody on Wall Street.
They are the party of the rich.
It's those people that paid Hillary Clinton $20 million over two years to deliver speeches.
Stop and think of that.
Hillary did a number of speeches at anywhere from $250,000 to $350,000 for 20 or 30-minute speeches, and she did enough of them over a two-year period to be paid $21 million.
Those are the people donating to her foundation, the Clinton Global Initiative, to her campaign.
These are the people around the world that are buying influence by donating to Hillary.
That's the group of people that the undesirables and the deplorables look at and say, we can't beat them.
We're never going to vote them out of power.
So they don't vote.
They don't register.
They grumble, but they try to live their lives as untouched and as unaffected by what happens in Washington and New York as they can.
But it's become increasingly difficult because Washington is controlling more and more.
Now, you can't get your health care without going through something to do with Washington or Obama.
And when you do that, you may have to take out a second mortgage on your house to afford it.
It's that bad for a lot of people.
If you're a farmer, if you're in any number of other businesses, you simply can't ignore Washington today.
You have to go through some agency, federal, state, and local, just to live your life.
The people, look at, they're fed up with it.
They don't want any part of it, and they haven't participated in a long time.
Here comes Trump.
And Trump saying what they think.
Trump represents what they wish they had enough power to go into battle with the establishment and wage a war.
They don't like the direction of the country, and that is the key.
There are any number of questions that pollsters ask voters aside from their choices in candidate to try to gauge public opinion.
We've already had some exit poll data released today.
It's from the morning consult/slash politico.
If there's been more, I haven't seen it.
And apparently the numbers of people, it's a huge number of people who have voted today, have told exit pollers that what they're looking for in a president is a strong leader.
And by the way, Morning Consult is presenting this.
They don't think these voters voted for Hillary.
I'm not happy about this.
There's another question such as cares about people like me that exit pollers ask.
And in each of the last two, Obama has creamed both McCain and Romney.
In Romney's case, it was 81 to 19.
Obama won that question, cares about people like me.
Another question, and I'm told that this question, if you look at polling data historically, which we can trace back to the old Harris group back in World War I, that the most reliable indicator, generic question indicator for how people are going to vote is the right track, wrong track question and the results to it.
Now, we're not hearing much.
We're hearing some.
We've heard during this campaign a few references to people who think the country's on the wrong track, but they don't focus on that much.
And the reason is because it's not good for Democrats right now because the Democrats are in power.
And if the country's headed in the wrong direction, in the minds of a lot of people, then that's always a bad result for incumbents.
Well, the right track, wrong track question, the most recent data we have.
You ready for this?
Let me double check this just to make sure we 70% think the country is on the wrong track.
30% don't.
30% say we're okay.
We're either okay or we're headed in the right direction.
70%, wrong direction.
That question alone could be responsible for the turnout being bigger than usual, if it is.
But many people are hoping that it is in that question, that answer, that a Trump victory resides.
Right track, wrong track, coupled with voters who haven't voted before or in a long time, who may show up today, who have not been accurately polled.
And again, I remind you that Pat Caddell and Doug Shun said, no, no, no, no, that can't happen.
Early voting takes away any element of such surprise.
With the combination of early voting and election day voting, we're going to know.
There isn't any late-minute surprise like we had in 1980.
They say it isn't possible because of early voting.
Okay, so you look at early voting.
Well, there are a few stories to see here.
In both North Carolina and Florida, conventional wisdom is being stood on its head.
In North Carolina, early voting among ages 22 to 29, the beloved millennial generation, is down 66% since 2012.
It is thought that it's considered automatic, axiomatic, that millennials vote Democrat.
Well, if that's true, and if millennial turnout's way down, it means there isn't any millennial enthusiasm or turnout for Hillary Clinton.
In Florida, we have two different elements that are standing things upside down.
It's just these two states so far could be happening elsewhere.
We don't know.
It could not be happening either.
In Florida, the African-American vote, and this is true in North Carolina, too.
The African-American vote is way, early vote, way below what it was in 2012 for Barack Hussein.
Oh, same circumstance in Florida, African-American early voting down.
Now you're saying, but wait, Rush, I heard earlier this week that early voting's way up in Florida for Hillary.
I know you've heard that.
I'm just telling you what I'm seeing today.
That early voting in Florida, African-American and Hispanic, Hispanic is what's way up.
Hispanic early voting is what's way up.
Do you know what also is included in Hispanic turnout in Florida?
It's Cuban.
They are considered part of the Hispanic population for purposes such as this.
And traditionally, Cuban-American votes have gone Republican.
But people say that's changing too because we have the passing of generations, a new generation of younger Cuban Americans who do not see things the way their parents and grandparents did.
Over in Tampa, Pinellas County, it's a reliable blue county, reliable Democrat county.
There's already a 9,000 Republican vote edge.
9,000, it was 8,000 we took the air at noon today.
Now it's up to 9,000 more Republican votes, early votes than in 2012.
And with party affiliation, you would assume the bulk of those are going for Donald Trump.
And with numbers like that, if you've got in both North Carolina and Florida, if you have Republican turnout much higher than it was in 2012, that's where people are going to focus.
Say, see, there is a surprise turnout for Trump that nobody factored or polled or what have you.
This election is so important to so many people because of the future kind of country we're going to have for their kids and their grandkids.
What kind of opportunity is there going to be?
The bigger government gets, the less liberty and freedom there is for citizens.
That's just the way it is.
I mean, government can't get big without taking bites of the economy.
Government can't get big without chipping away at liberty and freedom.
And government is getting bigger.
I mean, with Obamacare, the government just bought, just chewed up one-sixth of the economy, one-sixth of the private sector economy was just taken over by the federal government.
And there's no end in sight to this if Hillary Clinton wins.
And as the government gets bigger, private sector, quote unquote, the economy gets smaller, the economy is where opportunity for American citizens is.
And if the pie is getting smaller, that would be historic.
The great thing about America is that the economy has always grown.
It's always expanding.
And therefore, getting a piece of that pie has been not easy.
I mean, you've had to work for it.
But as the pie gets smaller, then fewer people get a bite of it.
And the size they end up getting could be smaller.
And this is what people are worried about, not to mention the encroaching liberty and freedom that's taking place and the cultural rot that is sweeping over the country now being called normal.
This is why people are hoping that there's a giant protest against all this with turnout today for Trump.
Back in just a second.
Actually, audio soundbite number one first.
You know why there's so much hostility at the press, folks?
You know why so many people don't like the media?
It has nothing to do with them.
It's because of me.
And it's because of me that Trump is comfortable criticizing the media.
Here is Brian Stelter, little Brian, over on CNN.
Trump was tapping into something that already existed.
Distrust of the media, particularly on the right, but among many Americans who, for various reasons, distrust the media, partly because they're told to by conservative talk radio hosts like Rush Slimbaugh.
But Trump exploited that mistrust and deepened it.
Even up until tonight, at his final rally of the campaign, criticizing the press wrongly, criticizing the press, saying they never turned the cameras around to show the crowd.
Trump tapped into that anger toward the media and then made it much, much worse.
And I do think he shares partial responsibility for the hostility that we've seen at these rallies.
Right.
So it's all traced back to me.
Everything is.
We had a caller who didn't hang on.
And I really wanted to talk to this guy.
The guy wanted to know what I'm doing to prepare for various outcomes.
What am I doing to prepare for Hillary Wynn?
Meaning on the program.
What am I doing to prepare for Trump win?
What am I doing to prepare for this or that?
And I was looking forward to exploring that with the caller.
Because this answer is, I'm responsible for all of this, you see.
Yeah, I'm the one that got people to distrust the media.
It's not anything the media is doing.
No, not the fact that Donna Brazil is sharing questions and CNN reporters are calling the DNC to ask them if this story is okay, giving them approval, right?
Not because the CNN reporters are calling a DNC and asking them for help and researching hit pieces on Trump or what.
No, no, no.
It's none of that.
It's because I am telling people to distrust the media.
The media is entirely objective and totally honest and trustworthy.
And it's people like me that inspired Trump to really turn up the animosity.
You see.
No, that point was made to me.
Jay Severin is who reminded me that right-track wrong crack question has been one of the historical indicators.
It's not, it doesn't always work.
Sometimes the party many people think is responsible for the wrong track wins.
There's all kinds of variables, but traditionally it's been a great indicator.
Just in this case, nobody knows.
Here's another thing.
You know, if you're looking for comparisons in 1980, and a lot of people are, and I made mention of the fact 1980, when you're unemployed, you were unemployed.
You didn't have a car.
You didn't have a cell phone.
Well, there weren't any.
You didn't have a big screen.
There weren't any.
You were able to eat whatever you were able to buy with your unemployment compensation that lasted for maybe six weeks or two months.
And even then, you had to go by and prove you were looking for work to get it.
There wasn't any 99 weeks.
There wasn't any year and a half, two and a half years of unemployment compensation and then social security disability and all that other stuff.
I mean, if there'd have been 94 million Americans not working in 1980, Jenny Carter wouldn't have gotten one vote.
But here's the difference today.
94 million Americans are not working, but they all are eating and they're getting unemployment checks for 99 weeks minimum.
And they're getting other benefits.
And they've got cell phones, the Obama phones, and they've maybe got their cell service that's being compensated in part.
And they've all got television sets.
Many of them have cars.
They have places to live.
Being unemployed today is nowhere near what it was in 1980.
And that we owe to the whole concept of big government and people there.
Both parties, it's viewed for what it is.
I mean, if you can be Santa Claus, if you can give people food and entertainment when they're not working, you own them.
But here's another little thing to add to it.
In the most recent jobs report, I think we lost total.
There were new jobs created like what was 116,000.
But there are always jobs lost in any unemployment reporting period.
The jobs lost, according to the Department of Labor, were 9,000.
But the story doesn't end there.
Yes, 9,000 people lost their jobs, but 19,000 people got jobs at the government.
Government jobs are expanding like the government is.
The government's going to grow like it is, like the Democrats want it to.
It's got to have people to run various things that the government's taking over and doing, like Obamacare.
They don't do it very well, but it doesn't matter.
They don't get fired.
Even when they do get fired, they get their Thanksgiving turkeys and they get their back pay and then they get their jobs back.
So it's vastly different.
Whatever the economy is now, and however it's perceived, it could be just as bad as it was in 1980, but you wouldn't have nearly as many people thinking so because they wouldn't be affected by it.
1980, as I say, you out of work, you were in trouble.
All you had was your unemployment company.
There might have been a couple of lad-ons, but it didn't last for 99 weeks.
And food stamp usage didn't come close then to what it is now.
And even back then, the Democrats were accusing Reagan of being heartless and going over to Lafayette Park at night and stealing cans of pork and beans from the homeless.
Even back then.
So nothing really, really changes.
And all of this is why there is Trump.
All of this is why the Trump candidacy survived all of the things that have usually killed previous candidates.
Because it's all bigger than Trump.
It's about much more than Trump.
So we'll find out how big it is.
It's always been my point.
We're just going to find out whether we're outnumbered or not.
And folks, it's really, really hard to compete against Santa Claus.
And that's how the government's viewed by a lot of people.
In fact, a lot of people, that's what the government's for, is to take care of people and feed people and provide for what government, and you can't blame them.
That's how they've been taught.
Here's Alex, Winston-Salem, North Carolina.
Hi, great to have you here.
Hey, thank you so much for having me, and thanks for help keeping me staying this election cycle.
Well, I appreciate it.
What about my sanity?
You know, I'm the one that has to do this every day, and I get out of there.
There's nobody like me talking to me.
Oh, you get paid a lot better for it.
All right.
I just wanted a couple comments for you.
I'm a 25 years old here in North Carolina registered Libertarian, and I went and early voted for Trump last week.
And then this morning, I took my elderly grandfather and a friend of ours, a neighbor.
It was the first time he voted in many elections.
And my elderly neighbor in her 70s is actually the first time she ever voted just to go out there to vote for Donald Trump.
So, you know, the polls aren't showing lots of these people that are coming out.
Wait, so you took two people to vote, do you say, and then neither of them voted before?
Well, my grandfather was registered Democrat years and years ago, but hasn't voted in a long time.
The other woman in her 70s has never voted.
And they both voted for Trump?
Oh, yes.
Yeah.
Oh, yeah.
Okay, cool.
Well, again, this is what a lot of people are hope, a lot of people hope is happening out there.
And the interesting, I haven't seen any more exit polling data, just that one release on Want a Strong Leader.
You know, it could be, look, we can sit here and dream.
It could be the exit poll data is so bad for Hillary, they're just sitting on it.
Well, they released one thing, and then there's no more.
The one thing they released is a majority of people want a strong leader as president.
That's the thing they wanted most in a leader, strong leader, what president?
We haven't gotten any more.
I'm just saying, I'm like everybody else in this.
I don't really know what's happening.
We all know what we want to happen.
As to what I'm doing to prepare for various outcomes, some preparation, but you know, folks, I'm a since I really can't predict the future, nobody can.
I'm better at it than most when it comes to things like this.
Take some givens, okay?
It's given that I'm going to be here.
I have made that decision.
I'm going to be here.
Not time to panic.
When it's time to panic, it means it's time to give up.
And I don't know about you, but I'm not prepared to give up.
So I'm going to be here.
So, given that I'm going to be here, what am I going to do with it?
Then you get into, okay, what am I going to do with it if Hillary wins?
Then what am I going to do with it if Trump wins?
If Hillary wins, what's going to happen, independent of what I'm going to do?
Country isn't going to unify.
The country's not going to come together.
The country's, it's going to be as royal as ever, if not worse.
There's so many aspects to this in terms of preparing for it.
And I haven't gone deep into this because I really don't do that either.
It's not that I'm a reactionary.
I'm just a literalist.
I am the mayor of Rioville, and I deal with things as they happen.
I don't live in a fantasy world where I get to pretend things happen as I want, and then I'm going to deal with them accordingly.
So in many ways, I'm just waiting to see like you are.
In the meantime, another obscene profit break.
We'll be right back.
Here's Nancy in Little Rock as we head back to the phones.
I'm glad you waited.
Hi.
Hi.
Thank you, Rush.
Thank you for taking my call.
I was supposed to get right to the point I will.
My daughter's 36.
She has not voted since 2004.
And she was very excited to vote for Trump, blah, blah, blah.
But what I don't know, what I want to ask is, how are voters like that that I've heard called into your show?
How are they polled?
Or are they polled?
Because they're not really Black Life voters that would be included, would they?
Well, basically, you think that your daughter represents a kind of voter polling is not catching, right?
Yes, that's what I'm asking.
Yeah.
Polling is like television audio.
If you're a Nielsen family, that means you're one of a thousand homes that has a box on your TV that records what you watch.
And now it records what you record on your DVD and watch later.
And from that, the success or failure of TV shows is determined.
A thousand people.
And because the system accepts it, everybody lives by it.
Same thing with polling.
They'll go out and they'll talk to a sample of 800 people and never talk to your daughter or me or you.
And another poll will talk to another 900 people, maybe 1,200.
And they'll tell us that that represents a projection of the voting population.
And since everybody accepts what they say, both parties accept it, the candidates accept it, then that's what we go by.
And then you compare what they project to the results.
And sometimes they're right on the money and sometimes they're not.
You just don't know until each election is over.
Cell phones versus landlines, how they come down catching people on cell phones.
They used to call people landlines only.
So it's constantly changing.
Anyway, I'm glad you called.
That question has been asked by a bunch of people ever since I've been doing this.
I appreciate the chance to answer it.
We'll be back.
Don't go away.
Of course, we're going to be here tomorrow.
Remember, Donald Trump from the get-go.
He's never wavered, always said he was going to win and win big.