Now let me make one other thing clear based on a previous caller.
When I am pointing out, when I point out that Ted Cruz would have to win 80% of the remaining delegates in order to win this outright, I'm just telling you what is.
I'm not suggesting anything.
When I suggest to you what the Republican grand pubas are trying, I'm trying to warn you.
I'm not advocating it.
I'm just trying to tell you what's going on.
They're trying to arrange for a convention where neither Trump nor Cruz get 1237 so they can choose whoever they want.
Let me cut to the chase.
They want to choose Jeb.
They want to choose Paul Ryan, maybe Romney.
They want to choose one of their own.
They don't care.
I mean, they'd love to win, don't misunderstand.
But if they lose to Hillary with one of their own, that's better than winning with Trump, as far as they're concerned.
This is who these people are.
Do not doubt me, I know.
Preservation of themselves.
Preservation of that which defines them.
Preservation of the Republican establishment is paramount.
Just like, I mean, anybody would want to preserve what is theirs that they're a member of.
You want to preserve your church.
You want to preserve your uh your country club.
I don't know.
Whatever you're a member of.
Well, that's their club.
That's that's their deal.
It just happens to be one of the most powerful clubs in the in the world, working in the most powerful city in the world, and they're just not going to sit idly by and let either an outsider or a genuine conservative come in and take it from them.
Pure and simple.
So they're hoping that neither Trump nor Cruz get to 1237.
Because then they're going to write rules and say, well, those two guys are disqualified.
They ran and they've both been rejected by the people since neither of them got the nomination.
That means our convention's open.
That means it's up to us to choose somebody because the people failed to do so.
That's what they're going to do, folks.
That's they're planning it now.
But they're they're going deeper than that.
They're going to start playing games with who the delegates are.
Delegates, not all the delegates have been chosen.
Who runs this?
The Republican Party.
State organizations.
They're going to choose delegates that will follow orders.
They're going to choose delegates that'll do what leaders want them to do.
They're going to choose delegates who may not have to be told.
If they want a bunch of anti-Trump delegates in there, they'll do so.
Remember, the second ballot is what counts.
If neither buddy, nobody gets 1237.
That's why the Trump people had better be in there working on fighting all this and making sure that they get their own share of delegates.
I mean, it's up to candidates, organizations.
You have to fight for all this stuff.
Nothing's given.
Cruz has to be doing the same thing.
You've got to run the campaign, and you also have to be working hard to state organizations to be in the mix when it comes to selecting and choosing a delegate.
Some of them are elected during primaries, some of them are elected during little party meetings and whatever.
Some of them are appointed.
It's a big honor.
Then you got superdelegates.
Republicans have them too.
They're called something else, but they've got them.
And they vote the way the leadership wants.
Not as prominent as they are in the uh in the Democrat Party, but they're there.
But none of this should be surprising.
It's not even conspiratorial.
It's all happening right out in the open.
This is this is what the people who run the show want to happen.
Now, when I say Cruz needs 83%, 80% of the deluxe he does, but let's let's jump forward a week here, and let's say that the Wisconsin primaries today.
Now, a point that I made way back before the Hawkeye Cockyeye and before the New Hampshire primary.
Remember all that period of time where all we had was polling data?
And the campaign was in full swing, but we didn't know anything.
We just had polls.
We had analysis.
We had uh pundits, and everybody was telling us what they thought it all meant as each day went by.
And I told everybody this stuff, all of it's gonna be out the window the first day we have results.
I warned you, I told you, let's let's jump forward to Iowa.
Somebody's gonna win Iowa.
That's gonna change everything.
We actually have hard votes leading to a hard result.
And in a week later, we're gonna have New Hampshire, it's gonna change again.
Well, we're in another lull.
There's a 10-day, 15-day lull here between the last primaries and Wisconsin.
And we've learned something.
And by the way, when Cruz won Iowa, what did not throw, did that not throw a bunch of things out of cart?
I mean, Cruz wasn't supposed to win Iowa.
The polls all had Trump winning Iowa.
Then Trump didn't do the Fox debate.
Everybody said, well, that's why.
You know, he kind of thumbed his nose at the people of Iowa, so they voted for Cruz.
But whatever, we had a hard result, changed everything.
Same thing's going to happen with Wisconsin.
We are now in a lull, and people are forecasting what it all means, but we've got no hard results.
People have all this airtime to fill.
CNN still is doing Corey Lewandowski.
They've been for two straight hours now.
With a rotating bunch of guests, no less than four guests opining in every segment.
CNN is today trying to destroy the Trump campaign.
Fine and dandy.
They're the media.
It's what they want to do.
They're afraid of Trump.
They don't like Trump, whatever it is.
They're trying to use this Lewandowski thing to raise doubts, war on women.
I mean, I'm not listening to it, but I can see it happening here.
But April 5th is big.
It's big in any number of ways.
You want to play a little hypothetical here?
Let's play some hypotheticals.
I love playing hypotheticals.
April 5th, we know because of a story in the New York Times that Wisconsin, April 5th, begins a 100-day plan implemented by the Republican Party to stop Trump.
They don't think they have to stop Cruz because they don't think Cruz can get to 1237 now.
He would need to, as I say, win 80% of the delegates.
But wait.
The polling in Wisconsin up until this week had Trump winning in double digits.
But now it's virtually tied.
Trump 36, Cruz 35.
It may be the other way, but it's it's a one-point lead through ever has it.
It's certainly margin of error.
It's a massive switch from what it was a week, two weeks ago.
This Lewandowski thing is not insignificant.
Let's say that Cruz wins it.
If Cruz wins Wisconsin, it's not an isolated thing.
It doesn't just, okay, Cruz wins Wisconsin, what's next?
Because what's next opens all kinds of doors.
You're going to hear people, for example, oh my God, are the wheels coming off the Trump campaign?
You're going to hear, oh my God, is Trump really not prepared for the rest of this campaign?
Does Trump have an organization?
Is Trump's campaign imploding?
You're going to hear all of this if Cruz wins Wisconsin.
And I'll tell you who's going to be leading all that.
The Republican establishments are going to be leaking and planning stories in politico, their favorite go-to place.
The New York Times, they're all going to have in-depth stories on wow.
It looks like Trump is actually imploding.
And you'll hear stories.
He had 20-point lead, 25-point lead, 50-point lead nationally, 10-point lead here at 20.
Now he lost Wisconsin.
And they're going to run with that.
Now, at the same time, will that goose the Cruz campaign?
Remember, Cruz has a theory that in a one-on-one campaign with just him and Trump, that he'll win and win big.
The theory is that Trump's been getting maximum 37%, the primary vote.
The other 63%'s been divvied up by three, four, five candidates.
But now there aren't three, four, five.
It's just Cruz and Casick over there.
So the theory is with Trump at 37 as an average number, 63% of the vote potentially for Cruz to get.
What if he only gets 50% of it?
That's still a landslide win over Trump.
This is if something like that happens, Then whatever comes after Wisconsin, everything changes again.
The tone changes.
The narrative and templates will all change.
And then you'll start hearing Cruz only needs to win 70% of the remaining delegates, combined with is the Trump campaign imploding.
Now, if Trump wins Wisconsin, then you're going to have the Republican establishment in a giant panic.
Because Wisconsin is where they are investing everything to stop Trump.
The first of their hundred days.
If Trump wins Wisconsin, takes a majority of the delegates in Wisconsin, then the result for Cruz, not good.
So you're going to hear Cruz will not get out.
Cruz is going to stay in this, whatever, all the way through, whatever this contested, brokered, whatever you call it, convention is.
Cruz believes that it should be either him or Trump that gets a nomination.
It should not be somebody that has not run, or it should not be somebody who ran and only got a couple handful of delegates and then quit.
But that's what the establishment would like to do.
So my point is this is nowhere near over.
Anything can happen, and nobody knows what's going to happen yet.
But when it does, when we get the results next Tuesday night, I'll be flying home for my annual cigar dinner, watching these results come in.
We'll be here on Wednesday the 6th, analyzing it all, one week from tomorrow.
So, And there's going to be a hard result, and it's going to change everything.
Whatever it is, right now we're in the lull where all we can do is what I'm doing.
Play the hypothetical game, theorize, predict.
I'm not actually predicting.
I can tell you what one of many options of things will happen.
I'm laying out the possibilities here.
But I have no idea what it is going to be the end result.
And foolish to try to make it predict too much to happen between now and then.
We still have a week.
Well, would you you keep hammering this brokered convention that I want?
Who says you got a guy calls here and says, you you won a brokered convention.
You're acting like the guy has stumbled into some sort of truth here.
What I want's irrelevant.
I'm like everybody else.
I'm observing this.
I happen, you know, I probably happen to be the most objective guy analyzing all this.
I know nobody else in a drive-by media.
They're all they're they're all invested in one of many ways in the outcome of all this.
And I am too.
The outcome I'm invested in is Democrats lose.
However we get there, Democrats lose.
I do not want Republicans to lose.
Pure and simple.
I want the Democrats to get beat, and I want them to get beat soundly.
I better get started.
If I don't get started here on other elements, my other stack and the sound bites here, I won't.
So we uh will kick off here.
Last night on the Trump file on the Fox News Channel, fill-in host Martha McCallum.
What?
I didn't say that, did I?
I'm saying that Kelly Kelly Kells are Kelly File.
Kelly file.
Kelly File.
Kelly file.
She's on vacation.
Martha McCallum sitting in and was interviewing Kasich.
Poor Martha.
Anyway, she said, if Donald Trump gets to 1,237, will you back off?
Will you back off and say he's a nominee?
That's like saying, what if a spaceman lands tonight?
Not really.
I mean, he's not that far away when you look at the delegate map.
We know what your scenario is if he doesn't get there, but if he does get there, does it change?
But he's not.
No, he's not going to get there.
We're going to a convention.
No, no, he's not.
And look, if I had left the race, by the way, he would have won Ohio and he would have been guaranteed about getting there.
We're going to be competitive in the states going forward, and he's not going to have the delegates.
And you know what?
Of the ten times that Republicans had a convention, only three times did the leading delegate winner was able to win the convention.
What is he talking about?
Just because you don't have as many delegates as the leader doesn't mean you can't win.
In fact, seven out of ten means you do.
Of the ten times the Republicans had a convention.
Ten times that means 40 years.
We there have only been Republican conventions for the last 40 years.
Oh, he's talking about brokered conventions?
Well, why didn't he say that then?
Of the ten times a Republican had a brokered convention, only three times that a leading delegate winner was able to win it.
Okay, her question was very simple.
If there was an if in there, if Trump gets a 1237 when you back off.
That's like that's like asking me if a spaceman's gonna live.
No, it's not.
It's a legitimate question.
He's not that far away.
If you look at the delegate, if he gets, he's not gonna get there, he's not gonna get there.
He would have gotten there, but I stayed in Ohio.
The country owes me a great debt.
My story is remarkable.
It's remarkable.
Come from a son of a male man in a keeps, it's remarkable.
I'm gonna be the nominee.
Okay.
She tried.
She tried.
It's battle duty, I'm telling you.
Battle pay.
Um back.
I'm looking at the clock.
I'm looking at Yeah.
I don't want to have to hurry through these.
Quick timeout, my friends, obscene profit break.
Back with Hillary Clinton.
Don't want to miss this.
Okay, the woman that wrote the Trump story, this uh what is the name?
Stephanie Segilski.
Little research.
She never worked for the Trump campaign.
She worked for a distant pack.
She portrayed herself as well, she it's titled Open a Letter to Trump Voters from his top strategist turned defector.
She never was a top strategist.
She was never close to the campaign.
She was never part of it.
And even the leftist Snopes.com fact-checked it and came to that conclusion.
Number two, these stories on I I was just telling you what's going to happen after the Wisconsin primary.
If Cruz wins, you're getting all these stories about Trump campaign imploding.
Those stories have been written since about August.
And they've been sitting on reporters' computers and iPads.
Just like obits of famous people are written way in advance, so that when the famous person dies, the obit can run immediately.
Reporters have been expecting Trump to implode and get out of the race since two weeks after he got in.
Those pieces have been written.
They're just waiting to run them.
I'm just telling you, that's what they're hoping.
Hillary Clinton.
One of the things that I have said over the years in talking about her trying to categorize her and let you know that she doesn't intimidate me.
I'm not I've never been paranoid or afraid of Hillary Clinton.
One thing's I've always said is that if she hadn't married Bill Clinton, nobody would know who she is.
Contrary to the PR on her, that she had her own great life, she had her own great future, she was gonna be a great lawyer, the smartest woman in the world, and she gave it all up.
Because she married Bill Clinton on that, and so she's owed everything because she gave up her own life to help support prop up Bill Clinton.
She would have been nobody would have known her if she hadn't married Clinton.
Sally Miller, a former concubine of Bill Clinton, former Miss Arkansas, former mistress of Bill Clinton, has been speaking.
She'd been doing interviews out there.
And to a website called the American Mirror.
We have a couple sound bites.
is the first.
Hillary could never have made it to Washington, D.C. without Bill.
Bill was the song and dance routine, you know?
He's the one that played the sax and...
He could laugh and joke and talk, and Hillary can't do that.
She's a former mistress of Bill Clinton.
There was pillow talk.
Everything she says here, she claims Bill told her.
Here is uh I guess why she's in the PS days, it's up to you whether you want to believe it.
The American Mirror is a website.
They found the woman, they record an interview, and here's the next bite things that she is saying about Hillary Clinton today.
She had several abortions before she had Chelsea, and it was only because Bill convinced her that if they were ever going to move up in politics that they had to have a child because that's what the political analyst had said.
She is a glorious statum kind of feminist.
If you ever seen pictures of her gloria statum, just a cold connoting bitch.
That's just it.
And they don't care about anyone but themselves.
That's what most feminists are all about.
It's about themselves.
Okay, so there's stuff out there about Trump, and there's stuff out there about Cruz, and everything's that's horrible.
It's just distasteful.
This stuff is we gotta clean this up.
How dare they put this stuff out and so forth.
Well, it's out there about Hillary too now.
Um I don't know who's gonna believe any of this.
I don't know how this is gonna be used, manifest itself, but I would be shirking my duty if I didn't acknowledge that it's there.
And Sally Miller is not an unknown popping up out of nowhere person.
She is an acknowledged concubine, mistress, phlandering partner, whatever, of Slick Willie.
And she claims that Clinton told her all this.
Uh and that Hillary didn't want kids and had abortions, and that Bill said, Now we gotta keep one there for politics.
You know, that's it.
Everybody demands it.
We're a family.
Gotta do it, Hillary.
Having more fun than a human being should be allowed to have.
Rush Limbo sternly behind the golden EIB microphone.
Sioux Falls, South Dakota.
Hey, Bill, you're next.
It's great to have you with us in the program.
Hello.
Hi, Rush, big fan of my listening for 14 years, and I just really appreciate your uh analysis.
Good stuff.
But uh my point real quick is earlier in the program you had a uh caller that felt like uh Scott Walker kind of flip-flopped.
And what I think he was referring to is the larger picture that um all these people who believe that we need to unite as a party and that a contested convention would be a bad thing, even Cruz has admitted that.
Um are jumping behind Cruz, uh, who essentially doesn't have a past the nomination.
I mean, I understand that it's not over till it's over, but um he's not gonna win eighty percent of the delegates coming home with all um, you know, with with what's going on.
I mean, Trump has started a movement.
You look at the thirty thousand people he's getting at all his events.
I mean, there's just no questioning the the energy that's behind what Trump's doing and how excited his supporters are.
So I just think he found that hypocritical, you know, that the guy is scared of a contested convention, but he's playing for a candidate who really can only win in a contested convention.
And then it's I feel like the other caller who was confused because he felt like um you're you're not being conservative or whatever, that was basically um you you said that if if you're a conservative, Cruz has to be your guy.
Those are your words.
And so, in my view, your whole show has been about what a conservative is and you defining conservatism, so if you make that statement, how is that not an endorsement?
Is that where this all led Because it's not an endorsement.
I it's not because I didn't endorse.
I was very, very specific in what I said.
I have had a career long policy, and I'm not going to violate.
I can't control people reading between the lines.
And by the way, a lot of people are.
I mean every day, every day.
I get it from both sides.
I get it.
The only people I don't hear from are pro-casing people.
But I hear from pro-prump people angry at me for being for Cruz.
I hear from Cruz people ticked off at me for not destroying Trump and not taking out Trump.
Pardon the uh pardon the sniffles.
I am not gonna condemn Cruz.
Uh I've just given you what I honestly think of him.
Look at I can't go back and repeat everything I've said over the course of six months, and I've said a lot.
We've talked about, you know, where conservatism is in the country versus populism.
There are there are a lot of people that feel burned on conservatism.
There are a lot of people right now.
You know, let me give you an example.
And this, by the way, I can trace this comment of mine back to last October or November.
When Trump fever was at an all-time high, there weren't any elections coming up.
We were just campaign appearances here and there, and then it was all we had was the uh outward the evidence each day of of physical support, large crowds, uh other signs of who people were supporting and why, and there were any number of ways that you could find out what people were thinking.
And it was at about that time that many in the conservative movement began to panic.
And I'm talking about the real conservative movement.
And let me tell you something else, folks.
I may have to explain this for the next six months.
See if Mr. Snerdley understands me on this.
I do not consider myself to be an official pro forma member of the conservative movement.
I am a conservative.
I can explain it as well as anybody.
I can push it, I can promote it, I can live it, I can be it, I can define it.
But I am not part of the conservative movement.
There is a conservative movement and it exists out there, but I am not an official member of it.
Do you understand what I mean, Mr. Snerdley?
And do you agree with me?
He certainly does agree with me.
But because I'm not a member of the conservative movement doesn't mean anything.
I'm just telling you, uh it is its own club, and I'm not a member.
And for a whole host of reasons, I'm not a welcome member.
By some people, I would be.
But I don't want to be either.
I don't want to get too in the weeds on this stuff.
But back in last October and November, when this Trump fever was reaching all-time highs, I started reading and seeing the panic in the conservative movement.
I never panicked.
But people in the conservative movement did.
There are lots of people in the conservative movement who depend on conservatism being thought of in a certain way, being relevant in a certain way.
And with Trump triumphing, they were threatened because Trump wasn't.
And yet here he is in the Republican Party, and there's all kinds of people running against him, and they are conservatives, and they're not even close.
I'm talking about in polling last fall.
they weren't even close.
I mean, Trump was running away So there was a lot of panic in the conservative movement.
And I sought to explain why.
And it's not hard.
Uh there are conservative think tanks.
There are conservative institutions, there are conservative media outlets, there are uh any number of different kinds of conservative organizations.
Many of them raise money by asking for donations.
And one of the ways they do it is by, and I do not, by the way, I do not ask for donations from anybody for anything other than our leukemia radio thon every year, which has nothing to do with conservatism.
But many in the conservative movement, that's their source of income.
And one of the ways they do it is to promise, to assure, to reassure, to uh comfort people into believing that donating to this conservative cause is going to make sure that conservatism is adequately represented in Congress,
in the Senate, in policy, it's going to have a well known place in the Republican Party, and people have donated to any number of honorable, good, great decent people in them, conservative organizations.
But here comes Trump, who's not ideological.
He's not conservative, he's not liberal.
But in this campaign, if you had to, if you had to categorize him that way, he is standing for more things that conservatives identify with than he's not.
His immigration position is strictly conservative.
His view on terrorism is strictly conservative.
But he's not a conservative, not a movement conservative.
As such, he posed a threat because the people that are out there seeking donations, fundraising, on the assurance they're the ones that can keep conservatism prominent.
Oh my God.
What their donors began to start saying to them, what where is this conservatism you guys have been prominent?
Where is it?
They haven't seen any in seven years in the Republican Party.
Republican Party has done one part of conservatism.
Now, if you talk to Jim Dement the Heritage Foundation in Washington, yeah, but you look at all the efforts conservatism made in the States, there's governors, conservative governors left and right out there.
There's evidence all over the country that conservatism is triumphing at the state level.
But none of it in Washington.
But then there's a conservative governor of Georgia, and he just caved on this religious freedom bill.
Nathan Deal.
So my my look, the point is that uh a lot of rank and file conservative voters began to ask, where is all this conservatism that we've been contributing to?
Which then caused there to be threat or panic, whatever, within certain elements of the quote-unquote conservative movement.
And they then began to say, well, see Trump is a as a threat.
That begot an argument of populism versus conservatism.
And people began to think, wait a minute, maybe conservatism isn't dominant.
Maybe populism is, maybe all kinds of self-doubt-related questions started being asked.
Now, I can't go back and remind everybody of all of these things that I have said to try to explain what's happening here.
Starting last June, when when Trump popped up, and I know it's a lot to remember, I don't mind repeating it now and then when necessary, uh in order to be clear.
I mean, I'm in the communications business.
It doesn't do me any good if people don't know what I mean when I say things.
So any opportunity I get to clarify or to maybe say something again a better way to actually get my point across.
I relish the opportunity.
So when people call here and don't quite remember what I've said, I don't mind having to repeat it.
I don't want to get so repetitive that you think that's all you hear on on the program.
But at the end of all this, my objective hasn't changed, and that is the Democrat Party, which is the home of liberalism, must lose.
At the end of all of this, that is my objective.
I don't feel duty-bound to maintain or protect or promote anything but the country, from what I believe is its greatest threat, internationally and domestically, and that is radical, left wing, whatever you want to call it, socialism, liberalism you name it.
If populism beats it, I'm gonna be fine and dandy with it.
I'm not gonna feel like a failure of conservatism is not what beats it.
Because at the end of the day, defeating liberalism is the key, and the only thing that's going to work when replacing it is conservatism.
I am confident conservatism is going to triumph and prosper, whether people know that it is or isn't, whether people know they're conservative or not, whether they think they're ideological or not.
It works every time that it is tried.
And it it in a in a in a well, not every obvious there are exceptions here.
But issue by issue, be it economics, morality, various social, it it triumphs.
It's rooted in decency, morality, all of the virtues.
I'm way long here again.
I have to take a brief time out, but we'll be back.
There's more, don't go away.
Janet in Charlotte, North Carolina.
I've got about a minute, but I wanted to get to you.
I know you can do it.
Hi.
Hey, thank you so much.
Longtime listener, big fan.
Great show today, Rush.
Thank you.
I want to comment on the Cruz versus Trump.
Um, agreed.
Cruz is conservative.
Trump's the outsider.
Cruz technically an outsider, but the very fact that the club wants to push him ahead of Trump makes me think, why didn't everybody say, okay, well then we've got to push Trump to get to the 1237.
I mean, just by virtue of the fact if the club thinks they can somehow contain or control Cruz, that makes me want Trump that much more.
Are you suggesting that because all these clubbers, the established people are endorsing Cruz, that that makes Cruz suspect?
No, I don't think it makes him suspect, but it it makes me think that they think somehow they can control him.
We gotta deal with this tomorrow.
I've got I'm out of time, but I will deal with this tomorrow.
Remind me, do not forget to remind me along with that extra commercial.
Okay, I made a note.
I made a reminder.
My phone's gonna remind me at 9 30 in the morning to complete my thought on our last caller.