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March 7, 2016 - Rush Limbaugh Program
36:14
March 7, 2016, Monday, Hour #2
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Yes, America's anchorman is away and this is your EIB anchor baby.
Honoured to be with you on this first day of another week of excellence in broadcasting.
Rush was on Fox News Sunday yesterday.
He has an annual charity commitment that he is fiercely loyal to today, but he will return for authentic all-American excellence in broadcasting to take you through the end of the week tomorrow.
And it's been fascinating just in the first hour looking at the bombardment of emails I've been getting to understand what Russia's been going through.
I mentioned the other day, I mentioned in the first hour, people reading Rush out of the conservative movement because he's insufficiently hostile to Trump.
And I've been bombarded with these emails saying, oh, well, Rush isn't a conservative anymore.
You're not a conservative.
He's not a conservative.
You're a conservative.
Look, here's the thing.
Whether you support whoever you support in this race, if you are going to drive, it doesn't matter whether you to eke out the narrowest of victories in November, you're going to need Trump supporters in the tent, Cruz supporters in the tent, Rubio supporters in the tent, and Kasich supporters in the tent.
And even then, you're going to have to figure out some way to get other people in the tent just to eke out the bare minimum 270 electoral votes.
That's the reality.
A Republican presidential candidate has not won big since 1988 with the Reagan third term under the first George Bush.
I've got a picture of that map up at my website at a piece called The Math and the Map.
And it is a spectacular thing.
The map is red.
California is red.
Two-thirds of New England is red.
Barack Obama's Illinois is red.
All won by the first George Bush.
This century, in 2000, his son lost the popular vote but eked out the bare 270 with that L-shape down through the Rockies and then through the Old South over to the Atlantic.
And that's basically been nibbled away at in the years since.
Even then, by the way, with that L shape, he had my state, four votes from New Hampshire, which put him over the top to those 270 electoral votes.
So if Cruz fans say we don't want Trump fans in the tent, and if Trump fans say we don't want Rubio fans in the tent, and you're not going to even get near, you're just going to be annihilated this November.
So everybody, in the words of Ted Cruz to Donald Trump at that debate, take a deep breath and don't do this thing where if you say something mean about Rubio, it means you're in the bag for Cruz.
If you say something mean about Cruz, it means you're in the bag for Trump.
For God's sake, get over yourselves.
Get over yourselves.
This is a very difficult time.
And it's pathetic to see people just defining a once great political movement by whom they exclude.
Rush talked about this, how difficult this was for him a couple of weeks ago, because he said a lot of these people are friends of his.
He's known the Bush family for years.
He knows Marco Rubio.
He knows Donald Trump.
He knows Ted Cruz.
I don't have that.
I don't have that problem.
You know, these guys aren't all friends of mine.
In fact, it's quite the opposite.
Trump screwed me over.
I'm not in the bag for Trump.
He screwed me over.
There's a fascinating story here the other day.
Where's this Bo Bergdahl story about how Bo Bergdahl's lawyers are demanding a meeting with Trump over his statements, which they say could affect their clients' rights to a fair trial.
You know, Bo Bergdahl, the traitor that Obama traded five top Taliban guys for.
And Trump has weighed in on this, right?
He's weighed in on what is likely to be a big trial that will put Bo Bergdahl away for the rest of his life.
And Trump has weighed in on this.
And they're now, the Bergdahl defense team is now demanding a meeting with Trump to clarify this because they think it's made it impossible for their client to get a fair trial anyway.
Trump did exactly the same thing to me.
I'm being sued by this Bozo hockey stick inventor, the guy who invented the global warming hockey stick.
And Trump approvingly tweeted to a piece taking Michael E. Mann.
That's the name of the guy.
He invented the global warming hockey stick.
I got a book about it.
Trump approvingly tweeted to a piece taking Michael Mann's side in the trial against me.
So if Trump wins, I'm not only going to be out a sum in the high seven figures, I'm going to be in the same situation Beau Bergdall is.
The President of the United States will wade in on my trial, and it's going to be pretty hard, particularly in the District of Columbia, to get a jury that's not going to be weighed by that.
So I'm going to be on the lamb.
I'm going to be gone.
I'm going to be, I'm going to be sewing the fake passport into the lining of my coat, and I'm going to be on the run.
So I don't.
Yeah, I am going to be El Chapo, although I think his network works better than mine.
So I'm going to be El Steino.
I'm going to be out there in a tunnel under the Canadian border somewhere because Trump took the other guy's side.
In my case, I'm getting all these, I'm getting all these emails from people saying, oh, you're just in the bag for Trump.
No, I'm not.
Trump's costing me $9 million.
That's how much I got to be thankful for Trump.
Now, Ted Cruz, he screwed me over too.
He invited me up to it.
It's at every candidate must go sale.
It's a grand Mark Stein closing down sale.
He screwed me over too.
I went to the United States Senate to take part in a hearing with three very distinguished climate scientists.
And Ted Cruz did not tell me that he is so loathed in the Senate that not a single, one, just one other, it's a Republican majority Senate, remember?
So it's a Republican majority on this committee.
But instead, because all the other Republicans loathed Ted Cruz, they didn't show up.
And so it was just being hammered by Democrats.
It was basically agreeing to submit to a phony Democrat photo op.
And Ted Cruz didn't tell me and the other climate scientists that.
So I'm anti-Marco Rubio because he's one of the guys who so hates Ted Cruz that he didn't even show up at that hearing.
Just another no-show from the backbencher, as Jeb Bush used to call him.
So Marco Rubio hasn't done me any favors.
Who's the other guy in the race?
Kasich.
Kasich, okay, this is the big one.
John Kasich was condescending to me at a country inn in New Hampshire in the year 2000.
I'm bitter like that.
He was condescending to me, Mr. Snurdley.
So I don't have a dog in this fight.
I'd like it if Calvin Coolidge were running.
But Calvin Coolidge could have Calvin Coolidge.
Nobody remembers anything.
Kasich ran for president in 2000.
And no one remembers about that campaign except the lady who was holding a coffee morning for him got so panicked and excited about not having enough chocolate chip cookies or whatever that she jumped in her car to go to the store and accidentally ran over her dog.
So John Kasich spent the entire New Hampshire meet the people coffee thing burying this lady's dog.
It was very sad, very sad business.
But anyway, I got nothing against.
Rush's thing was it's all very difficult because he's pals with all these people.
I'm the opposite.
Trump screwed me over in a huge lawsuit.
And Ted Cruz and Marco Rubio staged, participated in this weird.
Rubio sat it out and Ted Cruz staged this freaky, misshapen Urzat Senate hearing that he suckered me and three other people into.
So I've got no time for, I've got problems with all these people.
The thing is, though, one of them is going to be the only alternative to Hillary Clinton.
And this whole business now of disqualifying people, saying Jeff Sessions has no place in the conservative movement.
Russia's no place in the conservative movement.
This is ridiculous.
This is the system.
It's a fixed two-party system.
In other countries, parties come and go.
There's only two here.
So in November, there's going to be a Democrat candidate and there's going to be a Republican candidate.
And one of them's going to be the winner and one of them's going to be the loser.
And the person who is a loser ought to be Hillary Rodham Clinton.
There's a story, there's been all these email stories.
One of the interesting ones was that she revealed on her insecure server the whereabouts of Chris Stevens, her so-called friend, the ambassador to Libya, who died on the night of Benghazi.
His whereabouts, particularly in that part of the world, were supposed to be closely held because it's a very dangerous part of the world.
If you go and see that film, magnificent film, gripping film, 13 Hours about the night of Benghazi, the overwhelming sense you have in that movie is that everybody in town knows exactly where the ambassador is, where he's being taken, what's going on.
And one of the reasons for that is that Hillary Clinton leaked to details of the ambassador's movements on the emails on her insecure server.
This is a woman who should not still be in public life, never mind cruising towards becoming president.
Her husband was a credibly accused rapist.
And yet, suddenly, now the Republican Party and Mitt Romney and all these other people are discovering persons that they couldn't possibly associate with, wouldn't want to be associated with.
If Hillary Rodham Clinton is elected in November, she is not an ideologue to the same degree that Barack Obama is, but she is going to complete the Obama project, which will be to turn America into a land that is unrecognizable from the republic that the founders had in mind.
So you can go around saying, I'm not listening to Rush anymore.
He's not a conservative, and you're not a conservative, and that guy's not a conservative, and I'm the only real conservative here.
You can do that, but you need Trump supporters, you need Kasich supporters, you need Rubio supporters, you need crew supporters, and you need millions more inside the tent, or you're going to get clobbered in November.
That's the reality.
Mark Stein for Rush.
We'll take your call straight ahead.
Hey, Mark Stein, in for Rush on the EIB network.
I mentioned earlier that I wasn't sure whether that Mitt Romney thing wasn't on the whole a net advantage to the Trump campaign.
And Theo's restaurant and lounge in Manchester, New Hampshire is running a big billboard in Manchester tradition since 1978.
They've got a big billboard outside Theo's restaurant and lounge saying Romney is a loser.
They're pretty confident that pizza lovers in southern New Hampshire will be on board with that.
Let's go back to how this thing got to be the way it is.
As I said, there's a two-party system in America.
That's unique.
Two frozen parties for 160 years.
That's unique anywhere on the planet.
So you've got to be with party A or party B. You've got to be a Democrat, you've got to be a Republican, otherwise you're nowhere.
Not going to get anywhere.
And that's very different from if you take even like Northern Ireland, which is about a million and a half people, on the unionist loyalist side, there's something like 11 political parties just for 1 million people.
And most of them are represented at the legislative level.
So this is very unusual here.
And what that means is that when people say, oh, he's not a real conservative, he's not a real, you know, the Liberals never, in case you haven't noticed, the Liberals don't care about that.
The Democrats will take anybody under their umbrella and then work with it.
And that's the logic of a two-party system.
Because let's say you're some squishy centrist type.
You're like 51% Republican, 49% Democrat.
You know, in most systems, there'd be like some centrist party for you to join.
But here you've got to join one party or the other.
So in a fixed two-party system, you're going to have people with differing views, differing views on a lot of things.
Now, there's a particular problem on the Republican side in that the Republicans, whatever your bag is, have not been able to deliver.
You know, it's a two-party system.
One party is supposed to be fiscally conservative.
One party is supposed to be fiscally liberal.
Nevertheless, regardless of who's in power, the debt balloons, balloons, balloons to its $19 trillion.
No party, neither party, actually pays down the debt.
There's a two-party system.
One party is supposed to be socially liberal.
The other party is supposed to be socially conservative.
Yet, regardless of who's in power, the culture gets more and more liberal.
There's on foreign policy, one party is supposed to be foreign policy hawks, one party is supposed to be foreign policy doves.
Yet, regardless of who's in power, America doesn't win wars against pipsqueak goatherds with string and fertilizer.
So regardless of whether you're a fiscal conservative, a social conservative, or a foreign policy hawk, this party isn't working for you.
The Republican Party isn't working for you.
That's where Trump came in.
Trump was talking about immigration, immigration.
And that's again, that's an important thing because before you can decide what kind of country you want to be, you've got to be a country.
And you can't be a country without borders.
So if you have open borders, then eventually that will determine the kind of country you are.
That's not a liberal point or a conservative point.
Sweden is a very liberal Scandinavian social democracy, and they've been overwhelmed by butch young Muslim men who are going to kill that liberal Scandinavian social democracy.
So if you don't have a border, you don't have a country.
So discussions on what kind of country you want to be become pointless.
That's where Trump came in.
Now, that was an issue.
Without that issue, he wouldn't be where he is.
And he used, if you remember the way he used to talk, he used to talk about that issue.
He used to talk about Kate Steinley, beautiful young American woman, murdered by a guy who should not have been in this country.
And he used to talk about her in his speeches.
He used to talk about this issue.
And lately, he's just like talking about himself, and that's why he's got problems.
He had an issue and he then got distracted to the point where last Thursday he suddenly even forgot that immigration was his big issue and he let Ted Cruz get to his right on that.
But on that issue, on that issue, he was right.
And the Republican Party, by taking that issue off the table, as it has taken so many other issues off the table, was wrong.
He's not a first principles guy.
You know, my two big issues, I would say, are mass immigration, which is going to destroy the Western world, and free speech, which is in trouble all over the Western world.
I've just been in Australia doing a big free speech tour.
I was speaking in Copenhagen on the 10th anniversary of the Mohammed cartoons.
I'm all about free speech.
Trump is horrible on free speech.
He says he wants to change the libel laws to make it easier for rich guys like him to silence their enemies, basically.
He doesn't think in first principles.
He has no feeling for the U.S. Constitution.
He wouldn't know the U.S. Constitution if it dropped off a tree onto his head.
He would not know what it was when he bent down to pick it up.
He has no feeling for the U.S. Constitution.
But in case you haven't noticed, neither does one of the two political parties and most of the judges in this country.
So it's easy.
Nobody gets the candidate a 100% candidate.
You weigh your issues.
What are important to you?
If immigration is your issue, Trump is the one who put it in there, put it in play.
If you like freedom of speech, as I do, Trump is terrible on freedom of speech.
But eventually, you're not going to get a 100% candidate.
You're not going to get a 100% candidate.
And I'll tell you the other thing Trump exposed.
A lot of the time, I was trying to see what was the big news on the Democrat side today.
And the big news is that it's an offense not to let a in New York, it's an offense now not to let a transgendered person use the bathroom of their choice.
Do you understand how weird it is for lower-middle-class Americans who used to have successful $25 an hour jobs and that world has died?
And every time they look to see what the political parties are talking about, the Democrats invest intention in identity groups in inverse proportion to the number of people there are.
So they're all about the transgender issues now.
And if you just happen to be a non-transgendered white guy who's mill closed, you're screwed.
That's why Trump came along.
Yes, Rush is away.
Don't forget, if you go to rushlimbo.com and become a subscriber to Rush 24-7, you need not be discombobulated by any sinister foreign guest host.
You know, I heard around about this time in the show, I always say you need not be discombobulated if you sign up to Rush 24-7.
I always like the word discombobulated.
Rush on Friday, I was driving along, I heard Rush say discombobulated.
He was talking about Trump or Cruz or something.
I nearly drove off the road.
I thought of it as my word.
I was kind of possessive when Rush suddenly started using it.
But if you go to rushlimbo.com and become a Rush 24-7 subscriber, and while you're there, pick up a subscription to the Limbaugh letter, which has great interviews with conservatives, the most eminent conservatives in America, and a few foreigners too, because I turned up in there a couple of years back.
You can subscribe to the Limbo letter and get a Rush 24-7 subscription if you go to RushLimbor.com.
CPAC has just ended, and it was a turbulent CPAC, at least from Donald Trump's point of view, because he decided at the last minute to pull out from appearing there.
The guy who runs CPAC and the American Conservative Union is Matt Schlapp, and he is live with us on the air right now.
Matt, welcome to the Rush Limbaugh Show.
Great to be with you, Mark.
Hey, you had a, you wrapped up a successful CPAC in which Ted Cruz was pretty much the meeting's choice.
That's what happened on the final day Saturday.
Yeah, that's right.
Ted Cruz won the straw poll.
Ted Cruz showed up at CPAC, as did Marco Rubio and John Casey, and Ben Carson.
Ben Carson talked to the crowd about the fact that he was suspending his campaign.
And, look, I think it matters to come to CPAC, and I think it affected the straw poll results, and I think it helped Ted Cruz get a big win.
The funny thing about this is that CPAC and Trump were on very friendly terms for most of the last half decade.
And a lot of these never Trump type people that are going around now think that, in fact, CPAC was partly responsible for making Trump respectable in political terms.
I mean, he's had a friendly hearing at CPAC in the last five years.
Definitely.
You know, he's appeared at CPAC, I think, since 2011, before I was the chairman, Mark.
And, you know, I think most of the people in the conservative movement who had their pop had it at CPAC.
Marco Rubio had that pop back in 2010.
Ted Cruz, so CPAC is the place where kind of our whole family comes together.
And yeah, I'd say that we have a good relationship with Mr. Trump.
And it was really, I just think, a mistake, a political mistake to not come.
I think he should have come.
And I think I'm glad he went to my home state of Kansas.
I love Kansas.
Wichita is my hometown, but I don't think his trip there did him much good.
No, he didn't spell it right.
He kept putting a T in Wichita, two T's in Wichita.
Wichita is about Indians.
It's not about witchcraft, okay?
We've got to get this straight.
Yeah, no, no, that's right.
That's Salem, Massachusetts, or somewhere.
Matt, Trump's, basically the argument of Trump supporters is that he was walking into a setup at CPAC.
You were planning to spring on him a Q ⁇ A with various set-up protests and all the rest of it.
What's the truth of that?
No, no truth of that.
Look, I am neutral in this race, as is the American Conservative Union.
We did that on purpose, Mark.
Even with Carly Fiorina, who was our foundation chair when she entered the race, we all love Carly, but we stayed neutral because we wanted to be fair with all the candidates and with all the campaigns.
And every candidate had the ability to address those assembled at CPAC.
But we also wanted to make sure that they answered questions.
We think the questions part of these presentations are critically important.
And Mr. Trump and his team were unwilling to do that.
And we were unwilling to bend our rules for him.
It's not because we don't think, it's not because we're part of the Never Trump movement, but it's because, you know, as my 12-year-old daughter told me, Mark, she said, hey, dad, rules are rules.
And that's just the way it is.
Doesn't that also apply to the Republican Party, which after a painstaking process of primaries and caucuses, is now looking at ways it can disqualify Trump, should he be the figure with the most delegates when the convention meets.
I mean, doesn't that, your daughter's Rules or Rules line, apply to the Republican Party, too?
Absolutely.
Look, there's this concept of a brokered convention where nobody has enough delegates getting into Cleveland, and maybe the party bigwigs get together and insert somebody like a Mitt Romney.
I think if there's even an attempt to do that, I think there'll be just a complete revolt.
And I don't know if our party will really be the same again.
We've really never done that.
1976, it was Reagan versus Ford.
Ford was leading in delegates heading into the convention, and he ended up getting enough delegates.
I'm okay with that process, Mark, because that follows the rules.
You'll have vote after vote, and delegates will be free to support who they want to support, and it'll come to a resolution.
So I'm okay with an open process.
A brokered process, that would be a disaster.
Anybody who thinks that's possible is someone who just has no idea what's really happening out there in the country.
Well, what, in that case, what was the mood like at CPAC?
I've been at CPAC, I think, a couple of times, and you can tell just when you're with the crowd and you're talking, not talking particularly to famous people, all the rest, but you can get a sense of when people feel they have the wind at the backs and when people are kind of finding it a tougher slog.
What would you say this ought to be?
In theory, this ought to be a year when the conservative movement has the wind at its back.
Is that how it felt at CPAC?
You know, Mark, I was a little troubled.
I even had to give my own remarks to the crowd.
And, you know, I look at the moment that we're in this political moment, and there's so much uncertainty.
I think there's more uncertainty than we've seen in decades.
Will we be able to unite?
Will the center-right be able to unite around a nominee?
Would they unite around Donald Trump if he's a nominee?
I think there's so many questions out there.
I think that we had, you know, the crowd was full.
The halls were full.
People were really engaged, but they weren't joyous.
They're concerned.
And I think that's what I felt.
It was almost a tension in the air because people are really worried.
We can't have another eight years of the Obama torch being passed for eight more years of radical policies.
And I think that's what I sensed out of the crowd.
Well, Trump and Cruz are people who believe both Trump and Cruz, and it's basically a Trump crew, looks like being a Trump Cruz race, are people who believe in putting clear blue water between themselves and their opponents.
And in that sense, in the cheap rhetoric, they're so-called divisive figures.
And certainly on the internet, their supporters loathe each other and regard the other.
You know, the Trump supporters are fascists pining for the strong man on a horse.
And Cruz is ineligible to run.
He's not a natural-born citizen.
And even if he were, nobody likes him in Washington.
When these people get together by the concession stand at CPAC, in the bars after the sessions, after the speeches, are they speaking to each other?
Yeah, they're speaking to each other.
But like I said, it is not as, you know, it's just not as smooth as I've seen it in past years.
I think it's choppier.
I think, you know, Mark, I think we're just in a very raw political moment where people have strongly held beliefs.
And usually, you know, when we started off last year, we had 17 candidates, most of whom spoke at CPAC.
There was this feeling in the air like, you know what, of these 17, we're going to get one, and we're going to win this thing.
And this year, as it's narrowed down to four, there's an angst.
There's a concern because the choices we have to choose from, they're all really unconventional.
You know, maybe Kasich's the most conventional, but they're really unconventional.
Younger guys, in some cases, with very little experience, you know, this outsider, Donald Trump, who's not spent one day in elected office.
I'm not saying that that's bad because I actually think that matches the mood.
We need to think outside the box.
We need to have a different kind of candidate.
But it makes these activists more concerned because if we don't pick right and we don't win, you don't get a mulligan.
No, no.
Well, when you mentioned those 17 candidates, we go back a year.
The phrase they kept using was, Republicans have a strong bench.
We've got all these hotshot governors with terrific track records in their states, proven executive experience, and all we need is for the winnering to start, and one of these hotshot governors is going to emerge, and our strong bench will find the right guy.
And nobody, the four fellas, the final four guys, people seem to think that there's problems whichever way you go with those.
Was that the sense at CPAC too?
The strong bench talk is gone?
I think they realize that it's the, besides Kasich, like I said, it's just the non-conventional route, and it makes you a little bit more nervous, but it might be our only way to get there.
And I think on the governor front, Mark, you know, everyone expected that we would pick a governor, and it's important to say Governor Kasich is still out there scrapping away.
But, you know, the fact is, is this, governors usually win the nominations in these primaries because they are the outsider, the outsider to Washington, D.C. What we've done as a party and as a movement is we want to even go further outside than that.
And that's why Ben Carson and Carly Fiorina and Donald Trump have been the story of this campaign.
That matches the mood.
The people, even the senators we're looking at, haven't even spent a term in the Senate.
We want fresh blood.
Well, let me ask you, just finally, the question that Chris Wallace asked Rush as the final question on Fox News yesterday.
What's the happy ending here?
I think the happy ending is that I don't know who's going to get this nomine, who's going to win the nomination.
Obviously, I think Donald Trump has a very good chance to get it.
And I think the fact is, is this, Donald Trump has a decision before him.
I almost see two Donald Trumps.
I see the Donald Trump after a big day of victories who comes to the stage with his beautiful family, his handsome family, and he's kind to the people he's just vanquished on the field.
And he just seems, his tone is calmer.
And then there's the Donald Trump who's whipped up at the rally.
And I think if he continues to win in these states, and it looks like he's on his way to get the nomination, I think he has to be much more the former Donald Trump than the latter Donald Trump.
Because I think at the end of the day, the American people love this idea of an outsider, but they also want to see that outsider act in a presidential manner.
And I think he's got it in him.
And I think that's the challenge before him.
Okay, well, that's an interesting note on which to end, Matt.
Thanks very much for talking to us.
Matt Schlapp, who's the head honcho at CPAC, which has just wrapped up, and he's got a little bit of advice there.
He seemed to think that if Trump does manage to get the nomination, he had a little bit of advice on the question of presidential demeanor.
We'll talk about that.
We'll take your calls, and we'll discuss much more in this turbulent presidential season on the Rush Limbaugh Show straight ahead.
Mark Stein in for Rush on the EIB network.
We haven't talked much about the Democrats today, but they also had some primaries over the weekend.
Bernie won two out of three, Bernie Sanders.
And he's toughening up on Hillary.
It was interesting to see the two of them on stage because there wasn't a lot of space between the two of them at their respective podiums.
And when Bernie starts waving his arms around, he comes mighty close to getting into Hillary Clinton's space, which will be interesting because that's what they're going to accuse whoever the Republican nominee is of doing this November, you know, disrespecting her, menacing her as a woman with his body language.
Bernie was doing a bit of that last night when he was saying, I've never taken $250,000 for a speech from Goldman Sachs and all the rest of it.
The other thing he said, which was striking to me, is when he said, white people don't know what it's, there's a difference between white people, only black people live in ghettos and all the rest of it.
But Bernie Sanders is the senator from Vermont.
And I live just across the river from Vermont in New Hampshire.
And if I ever have to go and do television or anything like that, I have to go to Burlington, Vermont, which means I have to drive straight across the entirety of northern Vermont.
And every town that isn't a ski resort is dead.
Deadsville.
Hollowed out by heroin, hollowed out by meth.
That's Bernie Sanders' constituency.
They're the people who've elected Bernie Sanders.
And in some respects, they're the people who are turning to Trump, too.
And I mentioned earlier, and I repeat it because I think it's a big point, that if you've got a two-party system and every time, you know, 50% of the people sit out the election here, 50% sit out presidential elections.
You know, it was 53% last time.
Obama, 2008, it was amazing because it was 58%.
Now, you're talking when you look at Ireland, Sweden, Germany, France, all these people, way, way higher, 60%, 70%, 80s%.
So not a lot of people extra have to show up for all the turnout models to go to hell.
And if you're one of these people, you know, you feel you don't actually need another 10 million unskilled Latin American immigrants across the border, that there's plenty of those, that the United States has all the unskilled immigrant labor it needs,
that you had a great solid job at $25 an hour, and now you basically got a choice between being unemployed or doing some minimum wage night shift at the quickie crap.
And you switch on, you think, well, there's two political parties.
What are they talking about?
When you switch on one of them, they're just talking about these boutique issues I mentioned earlier.
Like de Blasio is New York's passed some law that makes it a crime now to accidentally direct a transgendered person to the bathroom not of his or her or whatever pronoun is in vogue, not of his or her choice.
And you're watching your life die.
And they're talking about transgendered bathrooms.
Now you go to the other side, and for most of the New Hampshire primary season, until it all got dirty, they're all running these happy face ads.
Rubio's talking about a new American century.
These people aren't looking for another American century.
They'd like what's left of their life to be marginally less lousy.
That's all.
That's all.
Because there's no economic opportunity.
The mill closed.
There's a choice between working at Dunkin' Donuts or becoming a heroin dealer.
That's the way it is north, south, east, and west of where I am right now.
As I said, every town that isn't a ski resort is dead.
And you switch on the TV, and people are just talking about boutique issues to them.
Or they're doing the Morning in America Happy Talker, Marco Rubio.
And people will go to the candidate who emotionally connects with them and where they live their lives.
That emotional connection is the most important part of any winning candidate this November.
Mark, signing for us.
More your calls straight ahead.
Caitlin Jenner is being blasted on social media for her supportive remarks of Ted Cruz.
Did you know that?
Caitlin Jenner supports Ted Cruz.
That's what I call a big tent.
And she's now being expelled from the transgender movement.
The transgender movement is roiling like the American Conservative Movement is because of Caitlin Jenner's support for Ted Cruz.
Yeah, I don't know how it works, Mr. Snirdley, but I'll tell you something.
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