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Feb. 25, 2016 - Rush Limbaugh Program
36:44
February 25, 2016, Thursday, Hour #2
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Greetings, welcome back, folks.
Great to have you.
Rush Limbo here behind the golden EIB microphone, executing a signed host duties flawlessly.
Zero mistakes because I do the assigning.
Telephone number, if you want to be on the program is 800 282882, the email address.com.
Now back to this Washington Post editorial.
I think there's a little more going on here than, and I'm not denying that this is a factor.
I mean, I we had a caller who claims that what the Washington Post is doing here, they're scared to death of average Americans choosing somebody not from the ruling class to be president.
They're paranoid, they're scared to death of it, they don't want anybody getting in that club that they don't let in, and they don't want anybody from outside that club being elected president or having any official position of power anywhere else.
And therefore it's up to the Republican Party to stop this guy.
The Washington Post editorial admits that they know this editorial is probably going to help Trump.
But they had to say it anyway.
Now there's more going on here than what meets the eye.
There always is.
The easy answer is, well, they're scared to death the average American, they're scared to death that ruling uh class is going to be uh aced out.
They're losing that's easy to assume.
Um as well as this the thing that really makes this curious, folks, really don't do not overlook this.
The Washington Post wants Hillary Clinton to be president.
More than anything.
The Democrat Party has been invested in this since the 90s when Bill Clinton left, making Hillary the president after Bill Clinton has always been at the top of the agenda of many of the power brokers in the Democrat Party, their media uh allies and everywhere.
And they were foiled in 2008, and it was okay.
They got an historical sub-replacement and so forth, but they have been committed to Hillary Clinton.
Now, given that, all of the polling data, I think it's just a USA-to-day poll.
I'm not I again I'm having a metal block group.
There's just one poll that shows every Republican beating Hillary.
Every other poll shows her wiping the floor with every one of them, but especially Trump.
I would say 95% of the general election polling data shows Hillary Clinton beating Trump easily because his negatives are off the chart high.
Overwhelmingly high, unfavorables, negatives that are not a factor in the in the primaries.
But once we get to the general, the polling data says all this stuff's gonna come home to roost, and Trump is going to be beaten in a humiliating, embarrassing landslide.
About 95% of the polling says that, which is exactly what the Washington Post and everybody else in the Democrat Party wants.
So the real question here is if Trump being nominated, guarantees them as close as you can get a guarantee in politics, what they want.
Why are they so afraid of it?
Now the obvious answer we've discussed, but there's more to it.
There has to be more to it, because this they ought to be encouraging Republicans to vote for Trump.
They ought to be doing editorials talking about how revolutionary is one of the reasons they probably don't, you know what I really think they're afraid of.
I think they're afraid of states they own in the Electoral College, all of a sudden becoming toss-ups.
I think that's what they're afraid of with Trump.
Whether they're right or wrong, I'm not commenting on it, but I think these people are in many ways, they're they're creatures of conventional wisdom.
There's not a whole lot of unique independent thought.
I mean, prove that to yourself.
Virtually the New York Times and Washington Post, same stories with the same tilt, you know, different writers, but same importance.
What's on the front page of one is generally on the front page of the other.
Uh LA Times, USA Today, uh, CBS, ABC, NBC, CNN, MS. They're all the same.
They end up even using the same words to describe people like Gravitas and Cheney.
We've illustrated all this with our montages.
So if one of them gets the idea, just one of them, and writes about it that Trump could upend the electoral college by actually putting in play states the Democrats own, then it blows that polling data all out of the water.
And that may be that they're afraid of their own polling data that shows Hillary mops the floor with Trump because they also have to know what a bad candidate she is.
They have to know how inept and incompetent she is.
They're also worried these coughing spasms that she has.
And she's out there barking like a dog now and then, and she's now starting to imitate dialects where she goes.
I'm I am here to tell you that in the Democrat Party salons and in the deep dark crevices of their secret headquarters, there is genuine fear that something's not all there with Hillary.
And they've got no backstop.
They've got no bench.
Bernie Sanders isn't it.
Hillary has to be able to take this all away.
And what they have been able to rely on is that she's got a capital D next to her name.
That guarantees them New York, it guarantees them Pennsylvania, guarantees them California, guarantees them Michigan and Wisconsin.
It guarantees them 200 electoral votes.
But if anything happens to blow that up, Hillary Clinton, on her own, as a candidate, does not have the connection with people.
She does not have the gravitas.
She doesn't have the talent, the skill, she's not good at this.
They have seen, she can't draw a crowd even to staged book signings.
So I think they write a they write an editorial here all worried, trying to make it look like Trump is going to do great damage to the great old GOP.
The GOP can't permit this to happen.
They've got to move and they've got to stop this guy because he's just, my God, look at what he stands for.
He stands for torture, he stands, he's profane all this stuff.
But they are never able to escape self-interest.
They're writing an editorial here to make it look like they have all of this concern for things that are not them.
That's how big they are.
They're such wonderful people that they are concerned not just for self-interest and selfish things, but they're very, very concerned about institutions that maybe they're not part of that they know must be maintained and blah, blah, blah, blah, blah.
And it's they're not.
They're not that.
They are totally absorbed in self-interest.
So whatever this is about, it's about them and winning or losing.
They don't care about the Republican Party.
It's no different than when you have people like Harry Reid or Schumer running around saying, well, you know, we're really worried about the Republicans.
If they ever want to win the White House again, they're going to have to join us in comprehensive immigration reform.
And I said, You telling me you really want them to win the White House again, Chuck?
You really, really so respect the Republican Party, you really worried they're never going to win the White House again, and you're here to help them.
What a crock.
I don't believe that.
And I don't believe the Washington Post is trying to save the Republican Party from itself with this.
People on the left are totally absorbed by their own self-interest.
And that's what this is about.
And it's not just about the self-interest of preserving the ruling class or the elites.
They've got a very Democrats have a really, really great rigged game going on here, folks.
They could nominate Wile E. Coyote, and he would get 200 electoral votes.
If there's a D next to his name, there needs to be a Republican on the ballot.
If there's not a Republican on the ballot, then there's a problem.
There has to be a Republican.
There has to be a villain.
There has to be a racist.
There has to be a sexist.
There has to be a homophobe.
There has to be somebody who opposes civil rights, human rights, equality.
There has to be somebody who's a racist and bigot.
That's why they need the Republican Party.
They need a Republican Party that is all of that evil that they can continue to point to and suggest that anything's okay in destroying them.
Anything they do, anything they say.
And therefore any candidate they put up is much preferable to any of those Republican reprobates.
Well, you're saying, but yeah, but they would say Trump's the biggest reprobate of all.
They can't, they haven't been able to sell Trump as a racist.
They haven't been able to sell Trump as a bigot.
They haven't been able to, they haven't been able to con uh uh uh convince people that Trump is your average Republican in that regard.
They haven't been able to convince people.
Look at how easily they were able to destroy Sarah Palin.
You remember that dinner party at my own house I walked out of?
Let me refresh your memory on this.
I had a couple guys in there who were guests of guests.
Who were telling me we had to throw Sarah Palin over to get rid of her.
The media destroyed her.
She had no chance of ever winning anything, and I got mad.
I said, You guys, you let the media choose our candidates.
Well, I don't care whether she's destroyed Russia.
She can't rehab her.
They haven't been able to do that.
They have not been able to turn Trump into Sarah Palin.
They have not been able to make Trump into the average, ordinary, everyday Republican that they have convinced everybody we are.
That's what I think they're really worried about.
And that throws open their rigged game of the electoral college and so forth.
But I would also say this.
I don't think it's just Trump that does this.
You know, this uh back to our caller, uh what was his name?
Doesn't matter.
The first and the only caller that we had makes it made it sound like the only candidate here that has supporters from outside the ruling class and outside the club is Trump.
And that Trump's the only guy that's got the guts to take him on.
That isn't true.
Ted Cruz has been taking them on longer than Trump has.
And Ted Cruz has been taking them on face to face on the floor of the Senate.
Ted Cruz has been fighting these guys.
Some of these guys in the establishment, Donald Trump actually donated to over the course of his life.
Ted Cruz has fought these guys every day that he's been in Washington.
And for a lot of reasons, some of that doesn't register.
When we start talking about outsiders, people not in a club, people are going to come in and destroy the club, and Cruz gets left out of that.
But he and Trump both own titles to that characteristic.
They're both outsiders.
They're both taking on the establishment, and Cruz, as I say, actually has done so.
But then again, if you look at the primary results, uh Trump's won everything except one, and Cruz won that one.
Now we've got this debate tonight.
It's in Houston, and here's more conventional wisdom.
On March 1st, we have Super Tuesday, and part of Super Tuesday is Texas.
And if if Cruz doesn't win that, it's over.
If he can't win his home state, and then on March 15th is Florida in the SEC primary, and that's Rubio.
And Rubio's got to win that, or he's out.
Except, you know what?
Rubio is setting up that he doesn't have to win that.
He's trying to foil that conventional wisdom.
But Lou Cannon, remember Lou Cannon, the biographer of uh of Ronald Reagan.
I'll get to this in a minute.
Lou Cannon has a piece today, essentially saying, hey, wait a minute, it's way, way, way too soon for everybody on the Republican side to think this is over.
And he reminds Ronald Reagan lost the first six primaries when he ended up winning.
He said, if you look at the delegate count right now, and I'll get into detail as we get to the piece.
You look at the delegate count and the delegates that are at stake coming up.
And if you look at at some of the states beyond where the conventional wisdom is likely wrong, it's he says that there are two caveats.
Both Cruz and Rubio have to win their home states.
But Lou Cannon's point is if they do, this is by no means over, not even close to being over.
And people who think that it is are making grave mistakes.
So let me take a break.
We'll come back and I'll get to that.
I'll show you the details of that after this obscene profit timeout.
Hang on, folks, don't go away.
Now there's one really important difference between today and 1976 when uh Luke Cannon's writing about his Reagan's first attempt to win the nomination.
He lost to uh General Ford, but but uh other than that, Lewis Lucannan, who was a Washington Post writer then became a Reagan biographer, and is generally accepted as a good guy.
But the difference here is that in 1976, you know when Super Tuesday was in 1976?
Take a guess.
June.
It was in June.
I mean, everything's front loaded today.
It was not as front loaded back then.
And back then, you know, 76, they still decided things at the convention.
Nelson Rockefeller was in ten.
He was going to the museums all day getting drunk and then showing up at the floor of the convention and doing whatever and trying to get out in time to hit Plaza three for dinner.
Nelson Rock, great Rocki.
But they had uh in the convention, things happened there.
Uh I was in Kansas City at the time, and it was it was Camper Arena where they held the thing.
Anyway, it's a little different.
But here's what Lou Cannon's uh writes today.
It real clear politics, why Trump isn't the inevitable nominee.
After months of dismissing Donald Trump, many pundits are now anointing him with the Republican nomination.
I find this premature, writes Mr. Cannon.
With Tuesday night's win in Nevada, Trump has only 79 of the 1,237 delegates needed.
He is stuck in the mid-30s of support, poll after poll after poll.
That's enough to win primaries where you have a whole bunch of candidates, but that's nothing in a head-to-head race.
The mid-30s is nothing.
Dan Balls of the Washington Post points to vulnerabilities.
Trump had the lowest percentage of any South Carolina primary winner in the last 10 contests.
Late deciding voters broke against Trump, giving him a victory margin less than his lead in pre-primary polls.
And that's true.
And by the way, another thing to add here, Trump's victories from one state that have not provided the usual bounce.
His numbers are staying steady.
Jeb Bush's withdrawal helps Trump's opponents.
Although Trump claims that some of Bush's support will go to him, it's hard to actually see that happening.
Bush was the most outspoken Trump critic of any Republican candidate.
A vote for him, not that there were many of them, was a vote against Trump.
They're not going to join Trump.
Trump has a solid and seemingly unshakable populist base among working class voters who do not have a college education, but he also has sky-high unfavorable numbers, 28% of Republicans saying they would never vote for him.
And indeed, Gallup surveys show that Trump has the highest unfavorables of any presidential candidate in modern history.
A net minus 70 among Democrats and a net minus 27 among independents.
He's now seen in some quarters as a lock for the nomination because his opponents are more intent on advancing their own candidacies than stopping him, and will likely split the anti-Trump vote.
But GOP nominating rules, which, with a few exceptions, require proportional representation in the primaries before March 15th and winner take all from then on, give Trump's rivals time to maneuver.
The Republican candidates will split 595 delegates on Super Tuesday, March 1st.
If Trump were to continue at his present pace, he would win a little more than 200 of those 595.
But on March 15th, Florida and Ohio primaries alone will yield 165 delegates.
If Trump or anyone else wins both of those, he would likely jump to the top of the delegate count no matter what happens on Super Tuesday and become a prohibitive favorite for the nomination.
But how likely is that?
Trump's going to face his three principal opponents in their home state primaries in the next three weeks.
In Texas, Trump trails Cruz by 9.3 points in the real clear politics average of polls.
In Ohio, John Kasich leads Trump by five.
Kasich has a high approval rating.
It goes on, I have to take a brief time out, but don't lose your place there, folks.
We'll continue this right in a minute.
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I misspoke in my hurried status, trying to get as much of this in before the break.
I mistakenly said that Kasich leads Trump by five in Ohio.
It's the other way around.
Trump is ahead of Kasich by five in Ohio in the real clear politics rolling averages.
Just to review, because this is the meat of it.
Republican candidates, 595 delegates at stake on Super Tuesday, 12 primaries, 595 delegates.
If Trump were to continue at his present pace, he would win a little more than 200 of them.
And the others would be split among the other candidates.
But on March 15th, when you get to the SEC primary, you get Florida and Ohio, and you got 165 delegates there in those two.
And if Trump or anybody else wins both of those primaries, he would likely jump to the top of the delegate count no matter what happens on Super Tuesday.
In other words, what Lou Cannon is saying here, we get no matter what happens next Tuesday, if somebody wins both Florida and Ohio.
Say if Trump could win Florida or if Rubio could win Florida and Ohio, or Trump, obviously.
But whoever, if somebody could win both, they would end up at the top of the delegate count.
Given where everybody is now.
Now, I don't know what the likelihood of that is.
It's probably pretty slim.
The conventional wisdom, which I actually think the conventional what conventional wisdom is holding true in this campaign.
I think conventional wisdom is a bunch of crock anyway.
You know me, I always run the other way from it.
But there are people that swear by it, like David Rodham Gergen.
And we have some on our side who buy it hook, line and sinker.
But the conventional wisdom is Trump has to win, or sorry, Cruz has to win Texas or it's over.
Can't win his home state, a lot of delegates, can't win the home state, got I mean, finished.
Same thing, Rubio in Florida.
And Lou Cannon has said, this is that all of these things just don't add up.
You can't say that they're true right now.
There's too much to happen between now and then.
Like Florida's not until March 15th.
Texas is next Tuesday.
It's part of Super Tuesday.
So the question is how likely is it that one candidate is going to win both Florida and Ohio on March 15th?
Trump will face his three principal opponents in their home state primaries in the next three weeks.
Texas, part of Super Tuesday and Tuesday, and Trump trails Cruz by an average of 9.3 points in Texas polling.
In Ohio, Trump is ahead of Kasich by five points.
Kasich has a high approval rating in his home state, could win the primary if he's still part of the conversation, and he will be because he wants to be somebody's VEP.
Only in Florida, among these three states, does Trump have a solid lead in the real clear politics averages?
And that's by more than 20 points against Cruz and Rubio.
And that's why Rubio is out saying, that's a crock.
I don't have to win Florida to stay viable.
It's all about setting expectations and narratives.
Now, admittedly, and and and Lou Cannon admits this, it's hard to see how Cruz, Kasich, or Rubio could continue if they can't win their home states.
If Trump wins two of the three, the Republican race will become a two-man affair with more than a third of the delegates remaining to be chosen.
And it will be interesting to see if Trump would win a two-man race.
That's what everybody seems to want.
Whittling this down to a two-man race.
That's what the uh establishment thinks is their saving grace.
And then Cannon writes, I covered Ronald Reagan in 1976 for the Washington Post.
When challenging President Ford, he lost the first six primaries.
The situation was so bleak in the Reagan camp that some were privately looking for jobs in Gerald Ford's campaign.
But Reagan did not quit on Reagan.
He won a North Carolina primary, he'd been expected to lose, and battled Gerald Ford all the way to the Republican National Convention of Kansas City, which gave him a flying head start for 1980.
He says there's no Reagan in this campaign, although Kasich is similarly level headed.
That's the one thing in this column that blows it all up for me.
Is Lou Cannon basically equating Kasich with Reagan?
That's the one thing here that blows this thing sky high.
But at least it's a it's an interesting treatment of the numbers, and the premise is that it's not over yet.
It's way too soon for and the conventional wisdom is it is over.
I mean, you go to Trump, nominee.
The word nominee under a picture of Trump.
Political science professor, here's a headline.
Political science professor, 97% chance Trump is general election winner.
Not nominee.
Ninety-seven percent chance some political scientists, probably using global warming models.
Who knows?
Anyway, back to the phones of Lavonia, Michigan.
Ken, glad you waived you next, and it's great to have you here, sir.
Hello.
Yeah, I had a call in uh Rush to uh comment on uh observation I'm making regarding uh what I'm seeing in the Republican primaries, and that is I see that uh GOP and their supporters, uh the establishment, uh they have a very a very bad memory, very short memory.
Um I'm one of those uh voters who voted for uh John McCain for president, and then uh because I became totally disgusted with the establishment, did not vote for Matt Romney.
And the reason why is because I see the establishment, unfortunately, uh, being the opposite side of the same coin with the Democrat Party.
They both believe in big bloated government.
So that's why I became disgusted with them.
And Rush, what I like to say to the establishment, the more you attack Donald Trump, even though I don't see him as being conservative like I am.
I like Donald Trump.
The more you endorse any other candidate, now it's uh Marco Rubio.
I can guarantee that any candidate that the establishment likes, I would never, even in in the general election, support.
And so obviously they haven't been paid attention, and they never will.
Well, now wait a minute.
Let me let me go at this a different way.
You are obviously referring to Romney all of a sudden throwing down on Trump on this income tax business.
That's one thing.
And then all the establishment guys coalescing behind Rubio.
What you're saying is that every time they make a move like that, all they do is expand and solidify Trump's support, right?
Yes, they do.
Do you think do you do you do you think that they don't know that?
I think They're blind to uh what's going on.
I mean the establishment clearly wants to stay at the driver's seat.
Uh it's like the Washington Post says in their editorial here begging the Republican Party to destroy Trump.
They admit they know their editorial is going to help Trump.
But they say that doesn't matter, we have to say it nevertheless.
These guys have to know that that I think what they're not trying to stop Trump with Romney and his tax business.
They're trying to stop endorsements of Trump.
They're trying to keep Republican establishment people from falling out and joining Trump.
Well, as I see it, Rush.
Those of us who have been paying really close attention see that the establishment doesn't want to give up their money.
They don't want to be taken away from the trap.
No question about that.
I don't just no on the same page with you.
There's no no question.
None whatsoever.
Trump, Trump is just scares the heck out of him.
Um I just it's so obvious that Romney now trying to stop Trump is not if they haven't learned that they can't talk people out of liking Trump.
They can't do that.
And conventional political attacks that work on other candidates don't work on Trump.
They ought to know that by now.
If they don't, if they're that dense or blind as you say, then it's entirely possible.
But it's also hard to believe that they're that disengaged.
I know they're disconnected, but I think there's always my point is there are things going on that we don't see.
They know things that we don't.
They talk about things with each other, but the establishment guys, they talk about whisper things to each other.
We don't know that they're saying.
And they are strategizing.
Don't, I mean, they're panicked, they're doing everything they can to hold on to what they've got.
And on the Republican side, we've seen evidence.
They're not the brightest bulbs, you know, in the sockets.
So they're doing something here that they think is going to work.
And in one sense, I'm fascinated by it.
I mean, just watching it, studying it, trying to figure it out and balance it against what appears to be so obvious and transparent that it won't work, and yet they do it anyway, meaning any conventional attack on Trump that they that they mount.
But look, all of this talk of Trump, there's a debate tonight.
And there are two guys in this debate, uh, Rubio and Cruz, who have no intention of ceding any of this to Trump, and they are devoted to winning this thing.
So there's a debate tonight.
They also know things.
They know that whatever has happened in debates prior to this one tonight.
Trump has not really hurt himself.
He may have stalled his growth, but he's not losing anybody.
He's not losing support significantly.
And by the same token, both Rubio and Cruz, I'm sure had figured that they would have each have won at least a couple of primaries by now.
On the Cruz side, one of Cruz's main strategies has been to go out and mobilize the four to five million who didn't vote for Romney in 2012.
I happen to know that that is an active element.
It's not the only, but it's an active element of the Cruz strategy, identifying who those people are, and then appealing to them and getting them motivated to go out and become active again in politics, not just voting, but become advocates, you know, maybe contribute some money or man phone banks or what have you.
Because that's a huge block of voters, four to five million voters, if it could motivate them, particularly in the general, it's a huge block of voters.
There's always also been the uh conventional wisdom that Trump, I'm sorry, Cruz had an automatic in with the so-called evangelicals.
But here again, conventional wisdom is blown to smithereens.
The evangelicals, who is it that creates a conventional wisdom?
Who is it that tells us what the evangelicals are going to do?
Not them.
They're just going about living their lives.
It's all of these numbskulls in Washington who are telling us what the evangelicals think and what the evangelicals are going to do, and sometimes they rely on polling data.
But they believe, don't doubt me on the evangelicals are kooks.
They are Christian crazies.
And if they can identify a fellow Christian crazy that's running, they will glom onto that guy almost in unison.
And if there is a Christian crazy running, then all the evangelicals will vote for him.
Now, in their world, that's Cruz.
They can't believe the evangelicals are going to Trump.
That doesn't compute, it doesn't make any sense.
It goes against everything they've ever thought about evangelicals.
So they're they're busy scratching their heads, and so is everybody trying to figure this out.
A major uh wheel of the a major spoke of the wheel in the in the Cruz campaign hasn't manifested itself.
And and Rubio has his own things that have not panned out.
So they've my point is they've got to go into this debate with entirely different strategies and behaviors than anything we've seen before.
If this debate is like every other debate that's happened, there isn't going to be any change.
I gotta take a break.
We'll be back after this.
Well, now this is interesting.
The governor of Nevada, Ryan Sandoval's taking himself out of the running before he's even been named as a Supreme Court nominee by Obama, he said he's not interested.
Which kind of destroys whatever uh trick Obama had planned if he did, but it's all moot now because Sandoval says, I'm not interested in being on a Supreme Court, so McConnell and Grassley are safe for a while.
In the meantime, Jenny in Narrows, Virginia, great to have you with us on the EIB network.
Hello.
Hello, Rush.
Thank you.
You bet.
I'm calling today because today I'm 72 years old.
Yeah.
But today I'm ashamed to be a Republican.
Uh-oh.
Let me guess.
You're just livid at what Romney did.
Yes, and Lindsay Graham this morning.
Dear old Lindsey Graham.
What did he do?
I haven't seen what he did today.
What did he do?
He's doing the same thing, saying there's got to be something behind these taxes.
And just make you know, they're both doing Harry Reed type stuff.
And let me also guess that you think if they're gonna do this, it's a waste of time to do it on a Republican.
Do it on the Democrats.
Why don't they ever do this on the Democrats?
Why they always take their own people out, right?
They're eating their own, and Helen is sitting there with all her mess, and nobody's eating her up for it.
Yeah, well, it's not exactly appetizing, but I get you.
Well, yes.
But with all the problems she has, and we have Romney and that Lindsay Graham character out there just to trying their best.
And I'll tell you, I'm to the point, I don't know whether I'll vote Tuesday or not.
Oh, come on.
You can't, you can't be so who are you planning on voting for?
Cruz.
Well, then what this doesn't even affect this ought to double you down voting for Cruz on Tuesday.
Well, it does for that reason, but I'm just sick and tired of the Republican establishment and their behavior in this.
Well, I I look, I was able to hear it in your voice.
I knew what you were gonna say before you went there.
I could just tell.
This this Romney move, This has got so if they thought this was gonna hurt Trump.
Again, folks, I hate to be repetitive, but I really do think what they're trying to do, I think this is a totally defensive move.
I think they're trying to freeze any publicly expressed support for Trump.
Because they're about to lose control of this.
From their standpoint, you've got to see where these establishment guys are coming from.
They're about to lose control of the whole thing.
No, no, no, it's real simple.
If if Rubio and Cruz focus on each other tonight, it's just gonna be more the same, and nothing's gonna change.
They both gotta go after Trump.
You can't have this argument over who meant what on amnesty for the 95th time here.
That's what I mean.
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