Feb. 1, 2016 - Rush Limbaugh Program
37:46
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| Welcome to today's edition of the Rush 24-7 podcast. | |
| And here we are the day that everybody has been waiting for for months. | |
| Today it's the Iowa Caucasians, ladies and gentlemen. | |
| Everybody been waiting for this to have wait till the Black Lives Matter crowd. | |
| Here's about what really is going on here. | |
| Yes, yes, yes, and I know. | |
| Here is the telephone number if you want to be on the program in way in today. | |
| Telephone numbers 800 282-2882 and the email address.com. | |
| This really has the potential to be a momentous there, at least the beginning of a momentous year. | |
| Because so much is at stake here, and I want to remind you of something that I've uh repeatedly said over the course of many months. | |
| The media has 24 hours a day, seven days a week to fill. | |
| And as such, what has uh always been thought of as news has become hype and agenda and any number of things. | |
| There's really not enough interesting news to fill it up 24-7, and particularly when you get to politics. | |
| So we've had a buildup here to primarily this event today, and we've had polling data, and the polling data has told us any number of things, and I could review it for you if you want. | |
| I mean, depending on the Republican side, depending on on which poll and which day, it's nip and tuck, uh Trump and Cruz. | |
| One poll today has Cruz maintaining the lead, some other polls have uh Trump overtaking the lead, uh Rubio in third place. | |
| But all of this is just polling. | |
| The dean of the polls, the supposed most respected poll, the poll that everybody eagle-eyes is the Des Moines Register poll, which happens the final weekend, the prior to the caucus. | |
| And that poll came out and it had uh what did it say? | |
| Was it Trump Trump wins this thing by three or four over Cruz and then Rubio? | |
| If I have that right. | |
| The problem with the Des Moines Register poll is that it really has it's projecting a record turnout on the Republican side, but there hasn't been enough new Republican registration to indicate this massive record-setting Republican turnout. | |
| But I'm when I say it establishes a record turnout in the polling sample, the way that they decided to uh put together the sample, the pollster is anticipating a uh uh a massive turnout, projected turnout, and and some experts say it's it's way too high, which means that the poll that everybody looks at could be a little bit out of kilter. | |
| The point is they all could be out of kilter. | |
| I'll run a couple theories by you. | |
| But one thing before the before I get to that. | |
| Up to now, all we've had is polls and theories. | |
| If Rubio wins and comes out of nowhere, what does that mean for New Hampshire? | |
| And here come the theories. | |
| If Trump wins Iowa, which a few weeks ago was not supposed to happen, then what does that mean for New Hampshire on down the road? | |
| If Cruz wins Iowa, well, what does that mean if there is a a shocker and somebody like Jeb finishes in second or third place or Kasich or what have you, what does that do to shake everything up? | |
| And everybody's had an answer for every one of these scenarios. | |
| But the point is it's meaningless. | |
| All it is is projection and poll, with some people doing the best they can. | |
| I mean, I'm not suggesting there's been chicanery here, although there may have been. | |
| My point is that once this night is over and there are actual votes that have been cast or selections made in caucuses, to be precise, then it changes everything. | |
| There isn't any theory anymore. | |
| So you take... | |
| you go through the list. | |
| If Trump wins this tonight, then that's gonna shape The coverage and the projections for the rest of the primaries in ways that way it may not have been touted upon. | |
| Likewise, if Cruz wins, likewise, if if somebody comes out of nowhere and wins, Bernie Sanders wins, even though the polling data and any numbers of people analyzing it have theorized all these things, it's going to change dramatically when there's actually a hard result. | |
| And look, this is nothing you don't know, and I'm I'm not I'm not trying to suggest this is earth shattering. | |
| I'm saying the whole dynamic is going to change from polling data to reality. | |
| Because right now all we've got, you know, polling, depending on how you want to look at it is uh is an expert analysis or a wild guess, depending on how you look at it, and with as many people now who may not be as upfront and honest with polsters. | |
| For example, I saw over the weekend that uh Trump does much better when being polled by a computer than by a human being. | |
| I think that's what it may it might have been cruz. | |
| But the point is when a computer calls you and asks you what you're gonna do, you're more honest than if you're talking to a human being, the theory being psychologically uh you don't want to say anything the pollster might cause you to think cause the pollster to think that you're an idiot. | |
| So you give the answer that you think the pollster is expecting, what whatever it happened would happen to be. | |
| And we've had instances of this in the past with the wilder effect uh and and other examples of that. | |
| But I'm it it's it's just gonna change everything. | |
| And it's look at the number of months that we have had that have been based on the result analysis have been based largely on pure speculation, based on polling data. | |
| And even though people have extrapolated in their theories what each result would mean, it's gonna change everything once you have a winner. | |
| And who shows up in second and third place in both parties. | |
| Each party has its own uh unique storyline or set of sorry lines on the on the Democrat side, the the secret storyline is the near panic from everything I can gather, the near panic in the Democrat Party over Hillary and this email story. | |
| And the reason for the near panic is that there's nobody to go to. | |
| If if if something happens to Hillary, they've got no Bernie, Crazy Bernie. | |
| Even though Crazy Bernie's drawing all the crowds, and even though Crazy Bernie is energizing the anti-Washington crowd on the Democrat side, they still can't see him being the nominee, although I uh don't know what else they would do. | |
| But there's this real worry about this email thing uh with Hillary, much more than any Democrat would admit to the media. | |
| Uh in fact, some of them have admitted to the media, the media just writing hurt on it, not telling the whole story about that. | |
| And that story, by the way, Hillary's email story continues to get worse and worse and worse as the days go by. | |
| And now the latest is that the FBI and the justice, if we're to believe this, are livid that Obama has inserted himself in this story by claiming Hillary didn't do anything and that uh he only found out about this on the news when it's now clearly been established, that he knew about it long ago because he was exchanging emails with and so were the other intelligence agencies. | |
| Every one of them knew that Hillary was doing things off the books. | |
| Why didn't they say they? | |
| We're talking 16 different intelligence agencies. | |
| CIA, DIA, NSA, they were all emailing things back and forth to Hillary, and they all had to know what she was doing. | |
| Why didn't one of them say anything at some would at some point in all this? | |
| So there's a lot effervescing beneath the surface here. | |
| On the on the Republican side, I have encountered a couple of hopeful theories from anti Trump people writing on the internet. | |
| Not necessary to mention any names, not the point. | |
| But one of the prevalent theories that I have read from people who are hopeful that Trump does not win the Hawkeye Cockai, and hopeful that Trump does not win the Republican nomination. | |
| Theory goes like this. | |
| You have a bunch of angry people on the Republican side, and they're fed, and it's legitimate. | |
| They're fed up with Washington, they're fed up with the establishment. | |
| The establishment has been given two landslide victories in 2010, 2014. | |
| You know the drill. | |
| All the promises to stop Obamacare, all the promises to stop Obama, period. | |
| None of it's happened. | |
| And the anger is profound. | |
| The rage is profound. | |
| And so people, in order to demonstrate their anger in the best way they know how, have flocked to Donald Trump. | |
| Because that, as far as they're concerned, is the single best way to show the establishment what you think of them is to go out and support somebody who has nothing to do with them. | |
| That would throw them all out if he wins. | |
| The theory goes that those people, when it comes time to actually caucus, are not going to select Trump. | |
| The theory says that they're going to be gripped by a moment of seriousness, and that they will realize that they have demonstrated their rage, sufficiently so that everybody knows. | |
| And when it comes down to the nitty-gritty, many in the Trump camp will vote for Cruz or Rubio or somebody else because this time it matters. | |
| It's not a poll, it's not a pollster calling, it's not a computer for a polling company calling, it's not a focus group, it's the real thing. | |
| And they will get in there and they will caucus and they will figure out, okay, we've sent our message. | |
| Now, this theory, for this theory to have any weight or validity, this theory requires that Trump's support is soft. | |
| Now you have to be the judge of whether or not you think Trump's support is soft. | |
| Trump's unfavorables are for the roof. | |
| Trump's unfavorables are up at 50, they're north of 50% nationwide. | |
| And so the people that have these theories that say, people are going to realize they nominate Trump, there's no way he can win the country, over half the country doesn't like the guy. | |
| There's no way they're not that stupid. | |
| Others, oh yes, it's not that they're stupid, it's they're that mad, and that they will gladly take the Republican Party down for the count if that's what it takes to express their anger. | |
| And if voting for Trump is what it takes to send that message, they'll do it, that they will not stop at just at this point. | |
| So it's it's all over the place. | |
| People have a lot of hope invested in the outcome here. | |
| People have a lot of uh, some cases, their careers are invested in the outcome here. | |
| For the rest of us, it's all about the country and the future of the country, and many people believing that this is it, that if the Democrats win the White House in this upcoming election, that we've lost the nation for a generation at least. | |
| The next president's a Democrat, bare minimum four Supreme Court nominations, because the aging leftists on the court, many of whom want to retire now, are not doing so until they are sure there is going to be a Democrat president next time around. | |
| And even if they're not eager to retire, their age is such that in the next four years they will. | |
| Point is whoever the next president is going to have a large number of Supreme Court vacancies to fill. | |
| And if the Democrats own those four, coupled with everything else they've enabled at jury rig in the judicial system nationwide at all the various different levels, federal and district courts and so forth, that it's it's it's a nightmare scenario. | |
| If a Democrat's elected to continue the transformation of this country begun by Barack Obama, that we're in deep doo-doo, And it is. | |
| I agree with people who think that it's that serious. | |
| That is what we are up against. | |
| At same token, if you know, I hear all these Republicans, and you know who they are, you've heard them themselves yourself, run around talking about the era of Reagan is over, and we need to get past this Reagan fetish that we all have. | |
| You take a look at the Republican nominees here, and even some who haven't made it this far. | |
| But they're all I can give you crew as I give you Rubio, Bobby Gindle, uh Scott Walker before he got out. | |
| Those are all people in their forties to early 50s who are Reaganites. | |
| They all came of age and were influenced by Reagan. | |
| The future of the Republican Party as represented by candidates in the primary are all Reaganites. | |
| To one degree or another. | |
| Meaning there's no way the era of Reagan is over. | |
| It's an opportunity to continue it. | |
| It's an opportunity to build on it. | |
| It's an opportunity to actually elect a Republican president who is a Reaganite. | |
| Now there are Republicans running who aren't Reaganites either. | |
| They are more establishment type, but the point is the era of Reagan being over is a wish that is held on to tightly by many in the Republican establishment. | |
| So there's a tremendous opportunity that awaits everybody, and it all starts today and tonight in the uh in the Iowa caucus. | |
| Donald Trump is not predicting a win in Iowa. | |
| A lot of people looking at it, whoa, wait a minute. | |
| I mean, if he's not, there must be some doubt in the Trump camp. | |
| As for Trump, um, I have to, I was well, I wasn't surprised. | |
| I just a little a little stunned when Trump starts speaking positively of he didn't come out for single-payer health care, but he but he made it clear that when it comes to health care, he's closer to the Obama approach than to the traditional Republican. | |
| I was stunned, I was stunned when I when I saw what Trump had said on TV, literally taken aback by it. | |
| Anyway, we'll get into all this in in uh details of the program unfolds today. | |
| And again, uh your host, your beloved host, is uh in a lion's share of the audio soundbites today. | |
| And these are somewhat interesting, actually, somewhat relevant. | |
| So I'm gonna lead off with them rather than relegate them to the third hour as I've been doing recent days. | |
| You sit tight, be patient, we'll be back and continue with all the rest of it right after this. | |
| Look, here's a good way to illustrate the point. | |
| And when I say I was surprised, but I surprised that it was admitted to. | |
| Not that Trump would think what he thinks. | |
| I'm not surprised by any of that. | |
| I just there's a um I've I've often thought that that Mr. Trump may not really know ideologically uh the composition of his support base, uh, except on the issue of immigration. | |
| And his his uh health care comments sort of indicated that to me. | |
| But anyway, more on that as the program unfolds. | |
| I want to tell me the Christian science monitor here. | |
| Why America might elect a president it doesn't like. | |
| As though that's going to happen. | |
| Here's what they say. | |
| Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton have among the highest unfavorability ratings of recent presidential candidates. | |
| And their success shows how U.S. politics is changing. | |
| The article says it is possible, perhaps even probable, that this falls election will be contested between two of three most disliked presidential candidates of at least the past 25 years, and it's possible, perhaps even probable, that this is not a coincidence. | |
| There was a Gallup survey released on Saturday shows that Donald Trump has the highest unfavorability rating, sixty percent of any presidential candidate since Gallup started tracking the number in 1992. | |
| That's how recent polling data has actually started tracking unfavorability. | |
| It's not something that's centuries old. | |
| It only dates back to 1992. | |
| And according to Gallup, Trump comes in with the highest unfavorable number they have ever seen since they began surveying that. | |
| For her part, Hillary Clinton ranks third in unfavorability at 52%. | |
| George H.W. Bush. | |
| Bush 41 is at number two. | |
| So the most unfavorable right now is Trump, then H. W. Bush is not running, obviously, and Hillary Clinton in third place. | |
| In other words, the 2016 presidential election could be decided between two people that a majority of Americans, according to Gallup, do not like politically. | |
| Now, does that, as you, as you hear that stated, does that make any sense to you? | |
| How is somebody like Hillary Clinton with 52% unfavorable? | |
| This is nationwide, this is not within parties, this is voting population at large. | |
| How does somebody win with those kinds of numbers? | |
| But the conventional wisdom is that, hey, not only is it possible, it looks like it's pretty likely. | |
| I've always been curious about unfavorable numbers like and dislike numbers, uh, much as I have been curious about most poll results anyway. | |
| But those those two numbers do stand out in a in a profound way. | |
| And we'll find out once we have actual votes tonight. | |
| I guarantee you everything changes, folks. | |
| They're guiding light through times of trouble and confusion. | |
| I couldn't... | |
| Rush Limbaugh sorting it all out, making the complex understandable. | |
| So a raft of email reactions during the break. | |
| Rush, Rush, you've often talked about favorable and unfavorable, even yourself, Rush. | |
| You've talked about how you couldn't survive without all the people listening to you who don't like you. | |
| Yes. | |
| And I've also, you may you may not believe this, folks, but over the course of the years, many have suggested I run for office. | |
| I know that may come as a shock. | |
| And what have I always said? | |
| There's no way I wouldn't stand a prayer at getting elected to anything. | |
| I'm the guy that invented the word feminazi. | |
| I mean, all the stuff that's been collected that I've said over the years, imagine the negative ads. | |
| And people say, Yeah, yeah, yeah, but Rush, you you admit you've got uh so many people in your audience they hate you and they tune every day to keep hating you and you gotta keep giving Yeah, but getting an audience is different than getting votes. | |
| Getting an audience to a program like this and holding an audience is much different than getting votes. | |
| And then on the other hand, high unfavorables are quite natural because everybody in politics is looked at as a suspect now, uh, just by virtue of the game. | |
| And one of the, you know, one of the reasons for it, and there are many valid reasons for it. | |
| Uh and Tucker Carson, Carlson writes about this today, and I'm I've I've got it somewhere in my stack here. | |
| Um, it's a point that I have made frequently in the last several months, specifically, but for for much longer than that. | |
| The notion of how to touch Washington is the disconnect between Washington, D.C. and the rest of the country, what I call the country, the people that make the country work. | |
| And it is this. | |
| Uh if if you if you're in Washington, everything in Washington's fine. | |
| The unemployment rate's 3%, the per capita income there is way above average. | |
| Construction's going on left and right. | |
| Nobody's in dire straits, not for very long. | |
| There's all kinds of money floating around Washington, D.C., everybody there knows everybody. | |
| You go walking down the street, you don't worry about crime except in a very small specific area Of the uh actual city. | |
| Other than that, it's idyllic. | |
| And the people that live there absolutely love it, and more people are moving there constantly. | |
| If you look at the population of the Maryland and Virginia suburbs outside Washington are growing leaps and bounds, and corporations are putting satellite or even headquarters offices there. | |
| In other words, life in Washington has nothing in common with life in most of the rest of the country. | |
| Whatever the real estate prices are, you can afford them in Washington. | |
| You can either afford to rent, you can either afford to buy whatever. | |
| And it's a nice place for the most part. | |
| It's totally unlike the rest of the country. | |
| And then you add all of the social pressures that exist there and the desire to climb the social ladder as well as the professional ladder. | |
| And you have a bunch of people who have no idea. | |
| That's where, by the way, you find the most avid support for amnesty, correct? | |
| Right in Washington, D.C., people, both parties, uh donor class, elected officials, because it's not going to affect them. | |
| All of the illegal immigration that's happened up till now, they don't live near it. | |
| They're not impacted by it. | |
| They're not impacted by the unemployment circumstance. | |
| They're not impacted at all by the lack of career opportunities, because the people that end up in Washington happen to go through a training program that is nothing more than the Ivy League universities. | |
| And they get plucked and they are thrust into the system where they get their training and so forth, and they grow up, and everything's fine. | |
| It's as fine in Washington today as it was in your little town neighborhood city when you grew up 40, 50 years ago. | |
| But it's not like very much of the rest of the country. | |
| And so there's this huge disconnect. | |
| But the people in the rest of the country know full well that the people in Washington are out of touch, that there's this giant disconnect. | |
| So this idea that politicians, people that represent the political status quo would have high unfavorable numbers is totally understandable. | |
| And if you look at both parties, the Republican frontrunner right now, Donald Trump, also has the highest unfavorables. | |
| The Democrat frontrunner has the highest unfavorables. | |
| This is polling data. | |
| We haven't actually had a vote cast yet. | |
| That's why all of this stuff, I'm telling you, we s we we it's possible that the polling data is going to be right on the money and there aren't going to be very many surprises, but I doubt that. | |
| I think I think it's just the opposite. | |
| And even if the polling data ends up being pretty right on, the fact that there are hard results after tonight is going to change the dynamic of this in ways that months and months of polling cannot. | |
| Uh for it, and you instinctively know this yourself. | |
| But the class differences, the economic differences that exist in uh in Washington versus the rest of the country, are widely known, widely understood. | |
| My point is that this anger at Washington is entirely valid. | |
| And people have made jokes about Congress since Congress was formed, and will will Rogers made a career out of making fun of Congress and elected officials. | |
| But I in my lifetime I've never seen it as intense. | |
| I've never seen it as deep and as institutional as it is. | |
| The level of distrust, the number of people, the millions of people who are convinced the entire system is corrupt, that think their votes don't matter. | |
| That's always been always had people who think that. | |
| It's record numbers now. | |
| And I think you know, you get to this Detroit register, Des Moines Register poll. | |
| It's too many numbers here in this story. | |
| It's hard to follow numbers when you're listening to them. | |
| But the bottom line of one of the uh people are now analyzing the Des Moines Register poll is that the projected turnout here is just way, way, way too high. | |
| And one of the things uncovered in the analysis is that there hasn't been a massive increase in brand new party registration either side in this contest, despite all this intensity out there. | |
| The media, because of the the nature of their business and so forth, tends to make everything they're interested in the biggest and most important things in the country to everybody else. | |
| It's just it's part of the arrogance, and I think relative condescension that the people in Washington in the media, whatever they think is fascinating, they think everybody else is fascinated to the same degree, and whatever they think about things from issue to issue, they think a majority of Americans agrees. | |
| And I'm telling you, the disconnect is such that that isn't the case. | |
| I just think there's a potential here for a few surprises here tonight, and not just here. | |
| You get into New Hampshire. | |
| We'll find out. | |
| It won't it won't be long now. | |
| Okay, audio sound bites are coming up. | |
| Gotta take a brief time out. | |
| We'll get to them because they're fascinating too. | |
| Right after this, we get started. | |
| Sit tight, folks, we'll be right back. | |
| If you are on hold, I want you to stay there. | |
| I want you to be patient. | |
| Got a good roster of people waiting. | |
| We'll get to you in mere moments. | |
| NPR on Friday, a program called On the Media, their host is Brooke Gladstone, and she's speaking with a political reporter from WNYC. | |
| That'd be the PBS station in New York. | |
| His name is Matt Katz about the presidential race. | |
| And they're talking about Trump and his decision to skip the debate. | |
| If the Beltway pundits were shocked at the audacity of Trump's debate snub, commentators outside the mainstream saw it coming a mile away. | |
| Talk radio guru Rush Limbaugh. | |
| He controls the media when he's not on it. | |
| He controls the media when he is on it. | |
| He controls the media when he's asleep. | |
| Nobody else has been able to do anything like this, short of the Kennedys. | |
| And they're pikers compared to the way Trump is doing this. | |
| To any of you who may have heard rumors of talk radio's decline, all I can say is not this primary season. | |
| This truly is conservative talk radio's election. | |
| That's NPR. | |
| On NPR. | |
| Same program, the same host, Brooke Gladstone, talking to Matt Katz, the reporter. | |
| After that soundbite, she turns to Kat, says, Hey Matt, political reporter for WNYC. | |
| Abbott listener to Conservative Talk Radio. | |
| Has uh has talk radio taken a side Trump or Cruz? | |
| They are mostly playing it coy, led by Rush Limbaugh, who will sometimes have mild critiques of one or the other, and his criticism is read very carefully, like tea leaves to see what he really means. | |
| It's very interesting to see that unlike previous elections, talk radio has two guys that are sort of personify their ideal Republican candidate. | |
| Trump is starting to supplant Cruz, and not because of ideological reasons. | |
| He has more pizzazz than Cruz. | |
| Trump has this cross-cultural appeal. | |
| It's not all angry old white men who like him, and that's what I'm told is consistent with the listenership of talk radio. | |
| It's a little bit more diverse than you might expect. | |
| So here's two sound bites here where it NPR to say, wait a minute, talk radio not in decline, and it's not just angry white guys. | |
| What has what did they put in the soup over there in the cafeteria at NPR? | |
| And here they are trying to read the tea leaves, trying to figure out what am I really saying? | |
| You don't have to read the tea leaves with me. | |
| I tell you, tell you what I think. | |
| You know, I I don't speak in code. | |
| Anyway, there's more here. | |
| So after these two bites, talk radio not in decline, and hey, you know what? | |
| It's not all angry old white guys. | |
| It's a little bit more diverse than you might expect. | |
| So then the hostette comes back and says, Cruz's campaign chairman said that uh the reach of talk radio is greater than every other medium. | |
| I guess that's possible. | |
| Radio signals blanket the country even more thoroughly than TV signals. | |
| But doesn't have greater influence than TV. | |
| Now, this is a this is a fascinating question. | |
| The whole notion of radio signals blanket more than TV. | |
| You ever heard of cable? | |
| It's in determining which medium is dominant, that's not a factor, is the coverage of the country by virtue of waves. | |
| It's content, content, content. | |
| It has always been content, content, content. | |
| And it's always going to be content content. | |
| My contention is that you people, if you had to, would go out and get a couple of tin cans and a piece of string to list this program if that's the only way you could, no matter what tech advances there are, because it's content content content. | |
| So is it possible that radio is having greater influence than television math? | |
| Is it is it possible? | |
| It's hard to get a sense of the numbers. | |
| The role of it in the larger communication apparatus of conservatives is really the way to evaluate its influence, I think. | |
| They represents the grassroots, whatever that might mean. | |
| Is that another way of saying the base, which is another way of saying the most extreme? | |
| Yeah. | |
| Yeah, that's totally fair. | |
| I mean, it's hard to understand until you listen how much these people can't stand their elected Republicans. | |
| They believe their elected officials have for too long neglected their voices. | |
| You know, uh there is a type, you know, in NPR. | |
| And I don't want to be too too too sarcastic here, because they're they're finally getting some things right. | |
| But it's hard to get a sense of the numbers. | |
| The role of it in the larger communication apparatus of uh conservatives is really the way to evaluate its influence. | |
| I think uh represents the grassroots, whatever that might mean, of course, grassroots. | |
| I mean is that another way of saying the base, which is another way of saying these people don't know what the grassroots is, like it's foreign language to them, and they may not know. | |
| The grassroots is as far away from Washington as you can get, as far as these people are concerned, the center of the universe is Washington. | |
| Grassroots, what are the what do we mean? | |
| Grassroots. | |
| But they're listening. | |
| They're trying to figure it out. | |
| Here's the final sound bite between this two. | |
| Absolutely. | |
| Russia's right when he says this. | |
| Talk radio, it's a euphemism. | |
| Talk radio means the base of the party. | |
| Talk radio means the grassroots. | |
| Talk radio means Tea Party, what have you. | |
| It is not just a medium. | |
| Talk radio represents a ideology. | |
| Polls indicate that Ted Cruz and Donald Trump will in Iowa finish in first or second place. | |
| And it is no surprise that they are the two most popular candidates on conservative talk. | |
| And if uh Donald Trump becomes the president, we will have a talk radio host as the president of the United States. | |
| So you realize what this guy is saying, whether whether he realizes it or not. | |
| What's he saying? | |
| What are you what's this guy saying? | |
| When he when he says that we're gonna have a talk radio host as president. | |
| Well, you know, he's saying he's no, no, no, no, no, he's not saying that. | |
| He's saying that Trump has adopted the characteristics of talk radio in order to succeed. | |
| That's what he's saying. | |
| You think he's saying that talk radio will have so much influence it will elect the next president. | |
| That's what you think he's saying. | |
| He might be saying that, I don't know. | |
| But but uh Donald Trump becomes the president will have a talk radio host. | |
| I think I think they look at Trump and they say it's bombast and all that. | |
| That's talk radio. | |
| But then these guys went out and actually started researching it and they find it's more than the bombast. | |
| It's more than anger, it's more than the white guy. | |
| Oh, gee, you know what? | |
| This is really big. | |
| It's much bigger than we thought. | |
| Oh, wow. | |
| This is NPR. | |
| Remember, without your pledge, we will not dust. | |
| Back after this. | |
| Okay, Mike in Franklin, Tennessee, grab a call here before the hour expires. | |
| How are you? | |
| Great to have you on the program, sir. | |
| Fine, I'm good. | |
| How are you? | |
| Good. | |
| Thank you. | |
| I was uh listening to your opening remark about Trump and uh your concerned about him appearing to gravitate closer to Obamacare than you would like. | |
| Yeah, I I hear Trump making specific comments about a uh small specific segment of society um and you know mainly the unfortunate who are having issues one way or another, not being able to, you know, get health care or take care of themselves. | |
| I don't hear him, you know, talking single payer or mandated health care like Obamacare. | |
| No, but see, my problem is that we're already doing that twice. | |
| Medicaid, Medicare, we're spending hundreds of billions. | |
| People are treated. | |
| They're not dying on the sidewalks. | |
| They can go to the emergency room anytime. | |
| But that is how Obama sold Obamacare. | |
| You go after emotion. | |
| The emotion's always gonna trump um thought, sadly. | |
| And we're gonna relive this after we've got Obamacare that was designed, and it's interesting how it's failing. | |
| It doesn't work. | |
| Government running things doesn't work. | |
| And now we hear that well, maybe the government making sure people on the side walk get to the hospital and don't die. | |
| We've been there done that. | |
| Um it was a red flag for me. | |
| I don't know what to tell you. | |
| It was it was a red flag because it it it said to me that the solution to this problem is Washington. | |
| And it's not. | |
| The solution to the problems that we have in this country is get Washington out of them. | |
| I mean, all these things that are wrong. | |
| That's why we're in this mess. | |
| So that's why it was a red flag. | |
| I appreciate your calling, giving me an opportunity to explain that. |
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