Rush Limbaugh Program - August 31, 2015, Monday, Hour #2

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Aug. 31, 2015 - Rush Limbaugh Program

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August 31, 2015, Monday, Hour #2

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	Back we are, folks.
	Great to have you here, Rush Limbaugh, the Excellence and Broadcasting Network and the distinguished and prestigious Limbaugh Institute for Advanced Conservative Studies.
	As I mentioned frequently in the previous hour, we are happy to have with us.
	In fact, it's an honor.
	It is always an honor to have with us the former vice president of the United States, Dick Chaney, and his daughter Liz with us today.
	Welcome to both of you.
	It's uh it really is.
	I I can't say it enough.
	It's a great honor to have you both here.
	Well, it's good to be with you, Rush.
	They have a new book, folks, that is entitled Exceptional, Why the World Needs a More Powerful America.
	Mr. Vice President, uh, I've tried to imagine what it's like to be you the past seven years, especially with your career prior to these past seven years.
	You have been, particularly in your eight years as vice president, you were devoted to national security.
	You you were devoted to defending and protecting the Constitution, the American people.
	You worked hard and sacrificed a lot to achieve victory over terrorist enemies and and all other enemies.
	And I can't imagine these past seven years you have seen a lot of it, a lot of your work squandered, a lot of the success, maybe even unraveled.
	And I wonder how difficult has that been to watch this, particularly because of decorum, you know, uh former presidents and vice presidents are not supposed to speak out.
	Uh when a new president is sworn in and begins his work and his administration, that professional courtesy is extended to uh all current presidents by former presidents and vice presidents.
	How frustrating has this been?
	I imagine it's one things that led to the book.
	Well, it it is Rush, and and the fact is um I uh for a few months uh didn't speak out back in 01.
	But uh we reached the point, as I recall, it was along about April or May of that year when Barack Obama um seemed to get serious about prosecuting the career professionals in the CIA who carried out our counter counterterrorism policies that had been authorized by the President of the United States, okay by the Justice Department and so forth.
	And since that time, it's um been a increasingly as you look at uh the track record of this administration.
	It it's not just that it differed from or was contrary to the policies we put in place during the Bush Cheney administration.
	It's that it was a decided break with 70 or 75 years of American history.
	Um people like Democrats like Eric Truman and FDR and John F. Kennedy will never recognize the policies that Obama has pursued from the standpoint of national security.
	They believed in the strong national facts.
	They took us through World War II and the end of the Cold War.
	And and um politically we might have uh not agreed with them from a partisan standpoint, they were very effective in using and maintaining U.S. military force.
	This president doesn't recognize or seem to be part of that tradition at all.
	By the way, uh Liz, both of you, uh any time I address a question without a name, feel free, but you both are authors of the books.
	Whichever one feels more comfortable answering a question, jump in.
	Don't wait for me to address uh either one of you specifically.
	Um we will, thanks, Russ.
	All right.
	Now uh we have I know a lot of your book, which I'll I'm gonna get to in greater detail in a minute specifically, is is written for uh Americans of a certain age who have not really been educated about America's role in the world, leadership role in the world, and as such, it's all a foreign concept to them, and I know that you're you're trying to reach them here with this book.
	Could you just give me a couple of examples of what you mean when the title, Why the World Needs a Powerful America?
	Because today, a lot of people are hearing from this administration and the media from a lot of people that we really have no business being in the world, and we never did.
	We have stolen everything we've got, they say, from other nations around the world, and our superpower status is really not legitimate.
	This country is deeply flawed, and it's about time we had a president like Obama who came along and realized there's nothing special about us.
	We have no business telling other people how to live, what they should or should not do.
	It's none of our business.
	But that's clearly not the way this country existed from its founding.
	No, you've got it exactly right, Russ.
	And you know, one of the things that um you know you have spoken out about and done such great work on with your own books and uh that we've clearly have been very concerned about.
	I mean it's just a tragedy that this progressive idea that somehow America's footprint has been too large in the world and that the role that we've played has been you know a a negative or a malign role um is is just uh really devastating.
	And when you think about what our children are taught, you know, that the truth, the fundamental truth that you absolutely it's it's unarguable, is that the United States of America has been a greater force for good than any other nation uh you know in in the history of mankind and that we've been responsible for the liberation of more people for protecting freedom, protecting peace uh around the globe, uh in a way that no other nation ever has and and no other nation can.
	And so you've got a progressive agenda, a liberal agenda out there that basically says America is bad, that America's at fault, uh that you've got to limit America, that you've got to diminish the nation, you've got to weaken us and it's an agenda that we have seen for a long time uh on college campuses.
	We've seen it for a long time now in our schools sadly.
	And President Obama represents that agenda in the White House more directly than any president before him has.
	And so we we we start this book in December of nineteen forty with Franklin Roosevelt's fireside chat where he declared us the arsenal of democracy and he explained to the American people why it was up to us to provide the weapons and material that the British needed in order to stand up against the Nazis.
	And and we really describe um in great detail and and tell the the amazing story of what our nation has done, what we did to win World War II and you know what we did to prevail in the Cold War, of course with allies, no question,
	but it was with our leadership um that made the you know survival of freedom possible and you've got to start from that basis uh as we do in the book to understand why what's happened during the Obama years has been so devastating and then what it's going to take to bring us out of it because we really believe we can with the next president begin to dig out but the task is a big one and it's going to take somebody who shares these ideas of American exceptionalism and shares a commitment to it.
	We're speaking with the former Vice President Dick Cheney and his daughter Liz about their new book Exceptional why the world needs a powerful America for either or both of you where does the moral authority originate the FDR says we're going to do this.
	We're going to protect the Brits uh we're we're going to spread freedom a number of presidents have said we're going to spread freedom.
	We're not going to impose it we're going to spread for we're going to liberate all over the world.
	Where does the moral authority or responsibility for that come?
	When did we first assume that, and how was it legitimate to do so?
	Well, I think that one of the points we try to make in the book, obviously, is from the founders, in terms of having established the republic from what went into the revolution and into our time in terms of the Constitution and so forth.
	You've written about some of that yourself, Rush, but...
	then you s bring that forward and if you go through the twentieth century clearly the United States began the twentieth century is you know as a as a new dynamic nation but not sort of the dominant nation in the world but by the time we get to World War II there's no question but what if anybody's wanting to stop Hitler in in Germany and and the Japanese um at Pearl Harbor to the United States of America were the the only ones who could do it.
	And we did it.
	And uh and when the war was over with uh we brought the boys home.
	We didn't seek personal gain for the United States.
	We uh defended freedom we did it uh in a manner that liberated millions from the terrible um oppression imposed by um Nazi Germany.
	Uh the result of it, I think, was that when when that was over with, as well as uh when the Cold War ended, there wasn't anybody else in the United States.
	Uh uh nobody else in the world except the United States.
	That's really it, isn't it?
	There isn't anybody else.
	That's that's when you get down to it, that's really what it is, isn't it?
	And if we're not going to defend freedom for others around the world, maybe our own could be in the balance.
	Well, and and imagine, you know, what the world would look like if sort of the the terms and and the rules that that we have to follow were set by Iran or by Putin's Russia, uh, or you know, by the Chinese.
	I mean, I think, or by ISIS, you know, God forbid.
	I mean, I think you have a situation where you can imagine as the United States um under Barack Obama retreats from the world and uh the massive cuts that he's made to our defense uh system, um, that you have these other nations that certainly and powers that have interests that are completely at odds with our own,
	um that that will step into the vacuum and and you don't have to, you know, think too long to to recognize the danger if the United States decides it's gonna stop playing the role that's played in the world.
	And um, you know, I think that's that's very much where we are today because what's happening across the Middle East, for example.
	You you mentioned Iran.
	Can and either of you honestly, seriously explain our policy towards Iran and nuclear weapons with this so-called agreement that they won't even call it treaty.
	I for the life of me, I I'm being serious.
	I I I can't think of I can't explain this.
	It doesn't make any sense given American history.
	I I I do can either of you explain what in the world this is, what it's about, what the objective is.
	Well, that's I um okay, thanks, Liz.
	Um one of the things that that strikes me about it is it should be a treaty.
	Anything this important, if you look at historical precedent, uh any agreement that this important should be a treaty.
	But of course, if it were a treaty, then it would require the support of two-thirds of the United States Senate to ratify it.
	I think he knew he didn't have the votes for the kind of uh of uh program he was putting forward here.
	And so they went out of their way to create a uh process, a political process, where he doesn't need a two-thirds vote of the Senate to have it going to effect.
	He just needs one third um to be able to uh um um fight off an attempt to override his veto.
	Um it's a screwy legislative process, if you will, it is put in place here.
	But uh if in fact it were treated as a as a treaty, which it should be treated as, there's no way that Congress would approve this agreement.
	Thankfully.
	Well, and the other the other thing that that you've got going on here is, you know, you go back and look at the Cairo speech, you know, we we write in the book about this sentence out of the Cairo speech that few people have really paid much attention to.
	So this is back in June of 2009, President Obama said no nation has the right to decide which other nations have nuclear weapons.
	And he seems to, I think at least part of this is he he seems not to recognize the difference between a nuclear weapon in the hands of the United States, for example, and a nuclear weapon in the hands of the Iran.
	And so he has proceeded here both with a determination that his legacy, as he said, you know, depends upon having this agreement, um, coupled with completely dangerously incompetent negotiations where we conceded upfront, you know, basically gave away the store before the negotiations even started.
	Um then we're willing to accept everything the Iranians insisted on, even at the last minute, when it didn't have anything to do with the nuclear program.
	So I uh I think that you you've we've got this approach that's based on a really dangerous mix of of ideology and incompetence and putting his own political agenda and his own legacy above the national security of the nation that that left us where we are today.
	Well, if I could just be very common about this, that you what you referred to a moment ago was uh you're saying that Obama does not recognize us as the good guys if we don't have the right or the role of determining which kind of people acquire the most deadly weapons in the world and they must not have a concept of us as the good guys.
	There must not I don't know if we're bad guys in the way he looks at the world, but we must not be the good guys.
	And isn't that really when you get down to it one of the big fundamental differences in America before Obama and America since we all of what you've written about in this book, America's greatness, America's exceptionalism, America's role in the world was predicated on the fact that we're the good guys.
	We're here to help, we're here to save, we're here to liberate, and that seems to have gone out the window with this administration.
	No, I think you're absolutely right.
	Um and uh he has this this ideology that doesn't fit with with the reality of of the world.
	Um he's never I mean part of we haven't even touched on this yet but part of the damage he's done is to dramatically reduce our capacity to respond to the threats out there that that are increasingly obvious.
	And what he's done to the defense to budget uh through um sequestration as well as cuts that he has imposed that he dramatically dramatically reduced our capability to deal with with defending threats.
	Uh one of the important things with respect to uh diplomacy is if you say all options are on the table, i.e.
	We're prepared to use military force if necessary.
	That gives real substance and meaning to your diplomacy.
	He never believed that.
	He claimed for a while that all options were on the table, but the Iranians watched him operate, and I think they figured out very quickly that this guy isn't for real, that there's just rhetoric for him, and he doesn't really mean it, and therefore they didn't have to make concessions that would have achieved an agreement.
	They could expect him to give away the score, and part of that, I think, is out of this proposition that Liz mentions, that he really believes that Northern Asian, uh should be in a position of telling a particular nation in this case around whether they should or shouldn't have nuclear weapons that's just crazy.
	Vice President Dick Cheney is with us his daughter Liz as well their new book is exceptional why the world needs a powerful America and we've got more when we get back.
	So stay with us folks.
	And we're back folks great to have you here as once again we are honored to share some time here with Vice President Cheney and his wife or his daughter Liz and their new book which is really I mean it's in the title but it is exceptional, folks, why the world needs a powerful America let me read from the prologue and have you expand on this because this is great.
	This is and I hope you succeed beyond your wildest dreams with this.
	As citizens, we have another obligation.
	We have a duty to protect our ideals and our freedoms by safeguarding our history.
	We must ensure that our children know the truth about who we are, what we've done, and why it is uniquely America's duty to be freedom's defender.
	That's what you set out to do in this book.
	That's exactly right, Rash.
	I mean I think that's you know Ronald Reagan said if we forget what we did, we won't know who we are.
	And as we're we're now in the middle of this presidential campaign and and making decisions about who the next president's going to be and who our nominee is going to be, um, you know, it's really important for people to keep these national security issues at the forefront and having this historical context and telling the truth about what we've done we felt helps to explain um you know why this isn't a situation where gosh if America retreats from the world somebody else will pick up the pieces um what we've seen happened
	is the people that that step in are those you know like ISIS, like Iran, like Russia, um, you know, who who clearly will never play the role that we've played and who don't share our values.
	And uh you know combined with the frustration of hearing what kids learn in school about America um I think we we really felt very strongly that uh this was a moment to say wait a minute here's the truth about the last half of the 20th century in the beginning of the 21st and here's the truth about what America's done and here's what it's going to take in order, you know, to reverse the damage that's been done in the last seven years by this president.
	Well, I really hope that you succeed in this because I can't tell you the number of, don't encounter people personally, but I read so much and I come across so much where it's obvious that certain young people, and particularly on campuses across the country, being taught that America is guilty, that some of the decline that's happening to us, both economically and foreign policy, is deserved because we have so violated.
	violated other nations human rights and so on.
	It's just infuriating, and that's why your book is just so timely.
	I've only got 30 seconds in this segment here for you to react to that, but I'm really excited that you have done this because it's going to take a number of voices and a lot of effort to reach people whose minds have been closed to the greatness of the country, and that's a shame.
	Well, it is, and I'm going to let my dad talk here in the next segment.
	I feel tremendously blessed because when we were growing up, both of our parents, both my mom and my dad, they are students of history, my mom obviously is an historian herself and you know we were privileged to have parents who you know took us to see uh Gettysburg and and and told us the importance of these great leaders and and not everybody does today so we hope we can we can help change some of the perceptions out there that our kids are getting about the nation.
	We'll get into some specifics here in the book as to how you're going about this right after this hang tough folks sit tight welcome back folks a rare guest on the Excellence and Broadcasting Network two of them today former Vice President Dick Cheney daughter Liz co-authors of Exceptional why the world needs a powerful America.
	Mr. Vice President Barack Obama claims to believe in American exceptionalism.
	How does his definition of it differ from yours?
	Well, I think at the time he went to, I think he was at the United Nations, and this was part of his apology tour back in 2009.
	And he said, he was asked about at a press conference whether or not he thought America was exceptional.
	And he said, well, yes, he said, like the British think they're exceptional, and the Greeks think they're exceptional.
	that that that basic fundamental belief that uh most of our presidents uh all of them to my knowledge have uh held uh isn't shared by Barack Obama um he just simply doesn't look at the world that way um I think we see him as as wanting significantly diminished U.S.'s military power he wants to withdraw from important parts of the world which he has from what's with respect to uh the Middle East et cetera uh that he simply doesn't believe that it that we ought to be uh sort
	of determining or playing the kind of leadership role we have in the past I always thought part of it was captured uh Russian back in the very early days of his administration when you may remember he one of the first things he did when he went into the Oval Office was to take the bust of Winston Churchill and our great World War II ally and return it to the British Embassy.
	And I always thought that was more of a sort of a colonialist view of the world, that he looked at Churchill as the former or last prime minister of the British Empire, rather than he did as a great World War II ally and helped us in defeating the Nazis.
	It's that mindset, I think, that sets him apart.
	A lot of Americans, not all, but a lot of Americans are really scared.
	uh Mr. Vice President they're scared about the future economically they are because of some examples you've given today they're frightened about the future of the sovereignty and and the defense uh of the country uh people do not understand uh there's nothing that's gonna make them understand the advantages of allowing the world's sponsor of terrorism to eventually produce nuclear weapons now your your attempt to reach people
	on this has been to write this book and I know that you focus a lot on history like like Liz said The first three chapters cover World War II, the Cold War, and then the dawn of the age of terror, and the last half of the book is about the Obama administration.
	But you do some great things here.
	You you write about some of the greatness of American military history, Puan De Ho, Doolittle's Raiders, the Battles of Midway and Ewo Jima, uh Battle of the Bulge, Nazis.
	And in fact, something you even write that people need to know that there once was an evil empire so bereft of truth that it had to build a wall to keep its citizens in.
	That was just thirty years ago, and it needs to be taught.
	You're talking about the Soviet Union, correct?
	Exactly.
	Exactly.
	And look at how many people today, young people today, may not even be aware to them, Russia is Putin, and he's kind of cool.
	He works out, he uh runs around with bears, totally devoid of any historical knowledge of the truth of that regime.
	Well, and and totally devoid of any moral judgment uh on the differences between um uh democracy, a republic like uh we're blessed to live in and uh the way people live in the in the whole Soviet Union, now Russia.
	The effort that um uh Putin's making, for example, to try, I think, to reassemble parts of the old Soviet Empire that collapsed at the end of 1991, at the end of the Cold War, he stated that's been uh one of the great disasters of the 20th century.
	Most uh Americans uh I would hope would believe that that in fact was a a great success story, but uh, I think too many of our of our kids in that generation that weren't even alive in that tail end of the uh Cold War back in uh in 91, which uh 25 years ago.
	Um they simply don't know that history.
	They don't know all that went on in the period uh of the Cold War, the terrible oppression, um the uh uh enormously uh dictatorial style uh style of government that in fact uh tried to uh expand its power and its reach uh to large parts of of Europe and did.
	Um termination with our friends and allies that ended uh the Cold War and saw the collapse of the Soviet Union and liberation of millions of people in Europe.
	You know, I saw something that you show you what you're up against.
	There was a story I saw last week, these uh the new owners of the new republic, liberal journal of opinion, uh a couple of these uh uh young guys, co-founders of Facebook, and they wrote a cover story longing for the return of Stalin if he only had computers.
	If Stalin had computers and data collection like we have today, why he could have made it work.
	I mean, that's the kind of thing your book uh is is up against it is gonna be a great counter, but it's it's stunning uh to see even that kind of thinking survive and alive today.
	I mean, if he had computers, he'd be able to track people, put them in jail sooner.
	Yeah, ship them off to the gulags even sooner.
	And and you know, the other piece of all of this um is the lessons that history teaches us if we are learning the truth about the history.
	And you know, right now today, for example, uh, you know, you're talking about the agreement with Iran, um, the really dangerous piece of business that the Obama administration is trying to get the Congress to accept.
	You know, if if people would look back at how Ronald Reagan handled uh the Soviets at Reykjavik and look back at what real negotiation looks like and look back at, you know, when when the Soviets basically, you know, had had put a tremendously uh interesting and important uh set of uh proposals on the table, um, and Reagan could have agreed to them, but then the Soviet said, except you've also got to give up Star Wars missile defense, you know, to be the SDI initiative.
	And Reagan knew that was a red line for him.
	And he was willing to walk away, and he was willing to to see the Soviets walk away.
	He wasn't so desperate to get a deal at any price that he um risked the security of the nation.
	And you know, that's what we are seeing today with this president, and and you know, it's why sort of at the at in the second half of the book, as you pointed out, Rush, we go through really sort of chapter and verse of of the reality of Barack Obama's national security policy, which, by the way, is also Secretary Clinton's national security policy, and what the next president's gonna have to do to to to fix it.
	I I was gonna ask you you about that before we get out of here, and since you have swerved into it, here it is.
	And this is not I don't intend this to be political.
	I'm I'm I'm asking this question within and underneath the umbrella that is your book.
	If we go back to between 2000 and 2008, Mr. Vice President, you're vice president, and you're doing exactly what you're doing, trying to defend this country against our enemies, and you find out that your Secretary of State is conducting business from a home email account and a home server located in the closet of a bathroom in Denver, Colorado.
	What are you going to do?
	What would be done, Dave?
	Well, I would have uh as vice president, I wouldn't have had any bombs about raising questions about it, obviously.
	One of the things that always struck me, Rush, uh, we were so concerned in our administration about the possibility of speech and about the possibility of our adversaries intercepting communications that before we went into a meeting of the National Security Council in the Situation Room in the basement of the West Wing, there was a basket there right outside the door.
	And everybody had a strip, all of their electronics, telephones, pagers, whatever they had, all went into that basket before they could go into the room where we were going to discuss classified matters.
	And with that kind of mindset, I don't see how anybody who'd been through that process, and I've got to assume they still had that same practice in the in uh the Obama administration that the Secretary could go through that, that Secretary Clinton could, and uh think somehow it was safe and secure to have her electronics all sort of based in in her home or in her garage up there in New York, and that it would be safe and secure from uh from uh adversaries and enemies.
	Um I I just find it you know unprofessional, um amazing that she would think she could operate that kind of system and maintain security.
	Vice President Cheney with us and his daughter Liz, we've got just a couple more things after the break.
	Uh back to the book with uh uh one of your focal points here that I want to make sure we touch on before we conclude.
	Take a brief time out, folks, and be right back after this.
	Back for our final moments here with the former Vice President of the United States, Richard Cheney, his daughter Liz, co-authors of Exceptional Why the World Needs a Powerful America.
	I I'm I'm so admiring of your purpose, uh your objective here.
	Um you you want particularly our children, but you want everybody to know that they are citizens of the most powerful, the most decent honorable nation in the history of mankind, and you're not afraid to say so, and you explain why in historical terms.
	I think it's a you know, the the word important is thrown around a lot about various kinds of work, uh Broadway plays or movies or books, but it really is applicable to your book here.
	And uh I I know that you you both wrote it, you both have this this process here, but um have you have you got book signings planned?
	How are you um planning on on besides this program, which is really all you need, uh get getting this book into as many hands as you can, because it's important, it really is.
	Well, first of all, thank you very much, Rush, for for saying that, and obviously we're huge fans and admirers of everything that you do, and um we we are gonna be spending the next uh four to six weeks really um out on the road, we'll be all over the country at events, you know, different presidential libraries and speaking um in uh a whole bunch of different places.
	Um you'll be able to see where we are.
	We've got a website which is Cheney Book.com, and so you'll be able to track sort of where we're gonna be, um, and then obviously doing as much as we can to talk to people about about these issues and and about the national security and the importance of national security, particularly in this upcoming election as well.
	Speaking of the upcoming election.
	Oh, go ahead, Mr. Vice President.
	Rush, I was just gonna say we want to thank you as well for making it possible today for us to have this conversation.
	The book comes out tomorrow.
	And uh I can't think of a better place for us to begin this process as promoting exceptional than um than on your show.
	It's a privilege to be uh be part of your process.
	Well, thank you.
	But it's it's it really is a fine, fine work.
	It's a it's a great, great documentation of of the uh of things that anybody will benefit from knowing, particularly if they've been a product of uh poor education for uh most of their lives.
	Mr. Vice President, you Liz just talked about the uh Republican primary upcoming presidential election.
	And this is a uh it's a different kind of primary.
	There's very many surprises here with Trump and so forth, and a lot of expectations have been turned upside down.
	Uh when this is all over, are are you uh are you all in with whoever wins this nomination fight?
	Well, I'm uh expect to support the Republican nominee.
	Um that's what I've traditionally done as a Republican, and I was the beneficiary of that process twice myself, obviously.
	The the main concern we have is with the book is to make certain that these issues, national security issues, the state of the republic, the need for us to rebuild our defenses and uh to to take on um the adversaries that uh are clearly out there is to make certain these issues are front and center in this campaign.
	We'd like to see it in the in the platform.
	We'd like to see that the debate uh focuses very much on what we think is the single most important set of issues that we're faced with in this uh election year of 2016 coming up, and uh that's our purpose.
	I'm not running for office.
	Liz isn't running for office.
	We don't have any axe to grind, but to make certain that the American people are focused on uh you you just said something that reminded me of you you just said something remind me of one more question that just popped into my mind.
	Um I promise it's the last one.
	I know you have to scoot.
	Um it used to be said that politics ended at the water's edge when when we started talking about foreign policy, war entanglement, that everybody came together.
	When did that what do you think caused the end of what is called bipartisan foreign policy?
	Well, I think recently, uh the most recent examples of it I can think of are Barack Obama's apology tour.
	One of the things we learned, for example, in this uh research that we did on the book was that in, I think it was 09 during the the apology tour year, uh he made a request, uh, which was denied uh of the Japanese that he be permitted to go to Hiroshima and publicly apologize for our use of uh the atom bomb to end World War II.
	I found that just absolutely appalling.
	Uh the Japanese rejected it.
	They didn't want him there to do that.
	But uh, he was doing everything he could once again to sort of apologize for the um basic activities of the United States that we'd done to protect our own freedom and that of millions of others.
	Um I sort of see that.
	Uh if we hadn't reached that turning point that you mentioned, that Clearly was was one of them.
	Well, I also think it happened when you were serving as vice president over the Iraq War.
	I think the uh the Democrats politicized the outcome of that war doing anything they could to secure, I'll say it, defeat, so they could hang it around uh President Bush's shoulders as a campaign advantage in 2008.
	There's some people still angry that they attempted to criminalize some of the work that was being done at Guantanamo to extract information from the prisoners there about 9-11 and so forth.
	So it's uh it's a it's a rough time that your book uh enters the public fray, and really all the best wishes for a great success with it uh in terms of opening minds and enlightening people as to the truth of the greatness of this country.
	Well, thank you very much, Russia.
	Really really appreciate it.
	And uh look forward to being with you again soon.
	See you soon.
	That's Vice President Cheney and his daughter Liz, and again, the title of the book Out Tomorrow, which means pre-orders are available now, is exceptional.
	Why the world needs a powerful America.
	Back with more after this.
	Don't go away.
	Okay, we have to um wrap up here with this now, or the one thing he said that I had not heard.
	Snerdley, have you heard that Obama wants to apologize to the Japanese for Hiroshima?
	How in the I know everything and I missed it.
	When did he say that?
	Is that ancient or is that recent?
	Two years.
	Well, that's right.
	Now I remember the Japanese put the kabosh on it.
	That's right.
	I had totally forgotten that.
	I had totally forgotten that.
	When he was talking about that, I did uh yeah.
	Now that you mentioned it, it was a Japanese.
	Yeah, Japanese didn't want any part of that.
	That would open up you know, the relationship sour all over again.
	And that would that would awaken the radical Japanese.
	They'd start rebuilding Japanese zeros at the Mitsubishi plant.
	If uh if we did that.
	Oh yeah, the Japanese, the the the Zero, the plane that attacked the hurl Pearl Harbor was the Mitsubishi AM6, I think is what the official designation.
	We called it the Zero.
	Yeah, it was made with Mitsubishi.
	Before they started making uh television sets and stereos and stuff and stuff that steals your identity from your phone.
	The A6M, that's what the A6M, that was the Japanese Zero.
	They did not have radios.
	People don't, they did not have radio communication.
	The Japanese, who were famous for transistor radios, their invention, the A6M, the Japanese Zero did not have radios in them.
	Anywho, uh, that's that.
	We've uh we got another hour left of our stint.
	No, we're through with the video music awards.
	We're gonna get back.
	There's a lot of stuff here, the Democrat side of things.

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