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July 22, 2013 - Rush Limbaugh Program
36:27
July 22, 2013, Monday, Hour #2
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Time Text
Well, the Royal Baby is still on the way.
Oh, no, it may it.
There's been a birth?
Oh, it's still on the way, then.
Still on the way, as they say at CNN.
Anyway, greetings.
Welcome back, ladies and gentlemen.
Great to have you.
Rush Limbaugh, the EIB Network, and the Limbaugh Institute for Advanced Conservative Studies.
And we welcome now to the EIB network, Liz Cheney.
is, I don't know, second, third time you've been with us, but this is momentous.
Liz, your life is good.
Hey, Reg, how are you?
I'm I'm fine.
Your life is going to change dramatically.
You are running for the United States Senate.
Now, I hate to do this.
It's hardly ever that I admit ignorance, but I have been really off the grid this weekend.
And so some of my questions you may have answered countless times.
I apologize.
Well, good for you for being off the grid.
I always advise you.
You know, it is kind of sweet.
It is kind of refreshing.
And I didn't get back in touch with anything until Sunday afternoon.
What is the primary reason you're doing this?
I mean, this is not something you have to do.
It's obviously a passion.
What do you hope to accomplish if you win?
You know, I'm in the race rush because I am very concerned, deeply concerned, about what's happening in Washington and what it means for the state of Wyoming.
You know, when you look across the board at the encroachment of the federal government into every aspect of our lives, whether it is, you know, the massive debt, $17 trillion and growing, whether it's the Environmental Protection Agency and the complete war on coal, war on fossil fuels, the EPA's attack on our ag industries.
This president, I believe, is the most radical man who's ever inhabited the Oval Office.
And I think that we've gotten to a point in the country where it's just at the moment where we all have to decide.
Are we going to continue business as usual in Washington?
Are we going to go along to get along here?
Or are we going to stand and fight?
Are we going to say no more?
Are we going to say it's not obstructionism in this president's policies?
It's patriotism.
When you say go along to get along, are you talking about the Republicans in Washington?
The Republicans.
I think that, you know, you have had some in Washington who have not taken the approach that we've got to stand and fight.
They've sort of taken the approach of business as usual.
You know, let's continue to work through kind of the seniority system and let's continue to look for ways that we can compromise.
And I put compromise in quotes because everybody believes in compromise for the good of the nation.
But you come to a point where compromise is capitulation.
And, you know, here in Wyoming, one of the things that people feel very proud of is the Code of the West.
And the very last line of the Code of the West is know when to draw the line.
And I think we've gotten to the point where we've got to draw the line.
We've got to say, look, compromising with this president's radical agenda is only going to result in a loss of the freedoms and the values and the very nature of the nation that we all love so much.
When you look at Washington and look at the current crop, let's keep it to the Senate since that's where your hopeful next stop is.
There's a lot of that.
There are a lot of Republicans, at least it appears, who have chosen the route of compromising with the Democrats or with the President because it's the path of least resistance or because they think that's what the American people really want.
You can go issue by issue by issue, health care, immigration, and a number of things to illustrate this.
And it's really frustrating.
And I heard you say before I went off the grid, one of the things that you are going to bring to Washington is this is the end of dealmaking.
No more deals.
What did you mean?
You know, I think the problem is when you're dealing with opponents like those we have today, this president, his liberal allies in Congress, that, you know, compromise for the sake of compromise with them leads us to the place we find ourselves today, where we've got Obamacare, where the president is really trying to kill the coal industry, where the president's trying to raise taxes.
He is raising taxes on everybody, where he's trying to nationalize a sixth of the economy with Obamacare.
And, you know, you have to be able to say, all right, look, I'll go this far and no farther.
And as a conservative, as a Republican, I mean, you know, you know better than most, Rush, that when you stand up and you take a stand and you take the fight to the president, you're going to get attacked and criticized.
And most people, I suppose, you know, don't like that.
It's not pleasant.
But, you know, I believe strongly that you've got to have the courage of your convictions and you've got to be able to lead.
You know, it's not enough just to say, I'm going to put my head down and vote.
You've got to be able to bring other people around to see our way of thinking, to see our vision for the future, because we're not going to win against this president if we say, oh, let's, you know, let's depend on the media to show the American people all the negative things about him.
It's just not going to work.
We have to mobilize others on our side and stand up for what we believe in.
Who in the world in the Republican Party is saying, well, let's let the media show the way about Obama.
Who in the world thinks the media is Obama, and Obama is the media?
You know, Liz, you come from Republican Party royalty, if I can use that phrase.
I mean, your family, your dad, your mom, I mean, you're you, yourself.
You're from Republican family royalty.
The Republican Party today, I look at certain elements of its leadership, and I'm at a loss to understand it.
I see, and a lot of civilians see, just the greatest opportunity we've ever had to contrast what we think and who we are with what is, not what theoretically might be if they win.
They did win five years ago, and this is what they are, and this is what we're going to get.
And too many Republicans seem, at least on the onside, just simply caved to this, to have decided there's no point and nothing to be gained in opposing any of it.
And I just can't understand it.
I look at Washington today and feel as distant from it as I ever have.
Yeah.
No, listen, I mean, I would say, first of all, I'm a proud constitutional conservative.
And I, too, am very worried.
I share your concerns, Rush, about our party.
I share your concerns.
You know, when I hear leaders of the Republican Party saying we need to move to the left, we need to moderate, you know, that is a recipe for disaster.
What we need are people who can stand up and explain why we believe what we believe, why we believe in a limited government and low taxes and a strong national defense, and why, you know, we believe in the free enterprise system because it's raised more people out of poverty than any system that's ever existed.
It's the only system that's going to create opportunity for all.
You know, we believe fundamentally in the Constitution and its inviolability, and we'll fight to defend Second Amendment rights and freedom of speech and freedom of religion and all of those things that are under assault from this president.
So I think the Republican Party today has got a lot of very big problems.
And I think you've got a lot of people out there who completely understandably are more willing to identify themselves as conservatives than as Republicans.
And, you know, it just seems to me that the path forward here is electing strong constitutional conservatives who are going to be faithful to the Constitution and who are going to remember every single day that they work for the people who elected them, not people who are going to go back to Washington and try to figure out how they can make the leadership in Washington happy with their votes and how they can sort of not make waves and not rock the boat.
The situation is simply too grave for us not to stand and fight this fight.
If we care about the future, if we care about our kids, if we care about our freedom, we will fight the fight.
We'll fight it here and now.
How did it happen?
I must be honest and say I'm shocked, particularly at the Senate, since that's where you're headed.
I'm shocked at much of what I hear from not just the Senate leadership, but from many Republicans in the Senate.
I don't understand what's happened in five years.
I don't, and maybe it's been happening slowly and surely and in ways that we haven't seen, but I literally, I know what has happened.
I mean, I know that, as you say, there might be fear of being called out.
There might be fear of being called a racist, sexist bigot.
There might be fear of the White House coming after you, fear of being primary, fear of whatever.
But I have never seen the Republican Party this informed by it, this inspired and motivated by fear.
I'm searching, as people ask me, what has happened?
I don't know if it's the consultants advising candidates that are telling them this is what you have to do to win the independence.
I don't know if it's consultants telling candidates, look, I know that there's a war on conservatives in Washington everywhere, Republican Party, Democrat Party, and you're up against that, by the way, doing what you're doing.
But it is a mind-boggling thing when you stop and think of all Democrat administrations to compromise with and agree with this one, this is the least likely for any of this to happen.
So people are scratching their heads.
It doesn't make sense to them.
And this gives birth and gives rise to all these mindless conspiracy theories when there doesn't appear to be a rational explanation why the president has no opposition, essentially, in Washington.
You know, I think there's a couple things going on, Rush.
I think, first of all, it just happens way too often that when people get back to Washington, you know, they want to be liked by everybody else in Washington.
They want to be praised by people in Washington.
You know, it becomes sort of a club, and you want to be in the club.
You know, that certainly isn't something that compels me or drives me at all.
And I think, secondly, the President is a formidable communicator.
And too many Republicans look at his skills and his talent, and they say, we just simply can't compete.
And so they seed the playing field.
Or they tell themselves, we're going to compete in another way.
We're just going to work really hard in another way, but we're not going to fight the fight with him because, my gosh, we might get bloodied.
And I think that the future of the nation, the future of the state of Wyoming is simply too important for that.
And I certainly came to the conclusion that I could not sit by the sidelines any longer in the face of the threats to the very principles on which our nation was founded.
By the way, Mike Enzi, current seat holder, is, I think, a friend of your father's.
They fished together.
How's that going down between your family and the Enzies?
You know, I have a lot of respect for Mike.
I'm not sure.
I think they may have fished together once.
I think that I can tell you that I respect his 18 years of service to the state.
And it's not personal.
This is very much about policy and substance in the future.
And I believe it's time for a new generation.
It's time for somebody who will be a strong voice in Washington for Wyoming.
So it's certainly not personal.
It's about the future and about not having the luxury to sit by and wait.
Well, Liz, if I may editorialize here, I don't want to embarrass you, but I want to tell the audience here that I've known you for many, many years.
And throughout the entire time I've known you, you haven't changed.
Your conservatism has been consistent and solid.
And in fact, it may have even gotten, if I can use the term, stronger, your commitment to it may have even increased.
And not that it was ever in doubt, but I mean, I can cite numerous times you've been on television as a guest, and you have shown everybody how to do it.
For example, one of the favorite things that you, techniques that you perfected was simply refusing to accept the premise of a typical question a Republican would get.
You showed the way.
And if you do seek this office and if you succeed in getting it, everybody's going to have their eyes on you and hoping and praying that whatever happens to Republicans in that town does not happen to you.
Because people like you are needed there.
Well, thank you, Rush.
I appreciate that.
And I have to say that, you know, the admiration that I have for you and for what you've done and for the strength that you've had under a pretty intense barrage at times, you know, not to wither and to stand up for your principles is very, very high.
And I appreciate that a lot.
And you can count on the fact that I'm not going to get back there and forget who sent me and forget who I work for and the principles on which the nation was founded and that we've got to fight for.
Well, I appreciate your call.
I appreciate the time that you've given us here today.
And, you know, we need, let's see, we've got Ted Cruz and a couple of, need about 95 more of you.
And we might, at least 51 of you, at least 51 of you, and then we'd be talking.
Well, we've got a lot of good young people coming up in the party.
And I think we're going to give President Obama a fight here and not let him take this country away from the principles on which we were founded.
You've mentioned Wyoming.
I don't know how many times in our chat here.
And I did.
I think one of the problems have is that people get elected, they go to Washington, and they want to be liked by the culture there rather than remaining liked and appreciated in their home states or districts.
Don't forget that.
You seem to have that nailed down.
That's crucial.
I mean, your state is heavily involved in fracking and coal and energy, and the president's targeted everything that keeps that state viable.
Well, you know, we could have an economic renaissance in this country if the president were willing to allow people in states like Wyoming to be able to get access to the resources that we have here.
Really, we could be energy independent.
We could have an economic renaissance.
But instead, leases for drilling on federal lands in the Rocky Mountains have reduced 70% in the last couple of years.
And he's declared a war across the board on fossil fuels.
It makes no sense for the nation, for our energy needs.
Certainly, it kills thousands of jobs here in Wyoming.
And, you know, it's just time for it to end.
It's time for people to stand up and back him off of these policies and get people across the nation mobilized in order to back him off these policies.
Well, good luck, Liz, and thanks again very much.
Liz Cheney seeking the Senate seat from Wyoming, currently held by Mike Enzi.
And we will be back.
We'll get to your phone calls, maybe.
Depends on how I feel at the end of the obscene profit timeout.
After all the great things that Dick Cheney has done for our country over his long, brilliant career, Liz Cheney might turn out to be one of his biggest contributions of all.
We'll find out.
We go back to the phones.
No, we go to the phones.
We start Wichita.
This is Tom.
Thank you for waiting, sir.
As always, great to have you on the program.
Good morning.
Hi.
You stole some of my thunder this morning.
I was going to talk about how he walked to the podium without a teleprompter and showed us his true feelings again and who he represents.
Obama, you mean on Friday?
That is correct.
Yeah.
He had everything to say about Trayvon, but he had nothing to say to his parents, to George Zimmerman, or George Zimmerman's family or anybody else.
It was.
Well, it could have been him 35 years ago, some such bunk.
Well, problem is it wasn't him 35 years ago.
It didn't happen to him 35 years ago.
Where was he 35 years ago?
In Burma?
No.
Indonesia.
In Hawaii.
Hawaii.
With his grandparents, having a very good time.
So that was.
Well, I'll tell you what, I didn't mean to steal your venom.
I usually call it thunder.
But if you want to characterize it as venom.
He was stirred up.
I mean, he stomped in there and kind of danced.
And it's like, you know, when he was speaking very candidly with Joe the Plumber, the same thing came out.
You know, his true colors come out.
I'm with you, groups, your elite groups, and I'm a member of you guys, and everybody else can just fly it.
Let's go, Mike.
Audio soundbite number six, media montage.
I spoke of it earlier, how excited the media was over this.
It was an Oval Office address looking into the camera reading from the teleprompter.
Not using a teleprompter like we very often see this president.
No teleprompter, few notes.
Not using a teleprompter.
There was not a teleprompter.
There was no teleprompter.
Without a teleprompter, by the way.
Unscripted.
No teleprompter.
He spoke without notes or a teleprompter.
Very few notes, no teleprompter.
It was extemporaneous, no teleprompter.
He did it without a teleprompter.
He did so in a 17-minute speech, and he did it without a teleprompter.
Wow!
Bow!
They are shocked.
Five and a half years into his presidency, Obama gave his first speech without a teleprompter, and they were so impressed.
And we all know why.
You see, he didn't need the prompter for this because he was going to be entirely, totally open.
Every other speech is scripted so that Obama doesn't reveal who he really is.
That's the reason for the prompter, is to keep the mask and camouflage on.
Back to the phones, Dallas, Texas.
David, glad you called.
Welcome to the program, sir.
It is an honor to speak with you, Rush.
I appreciate that.
Listening from many years back into the days of TV, I was calling in regard to the slavery issue that you were talking about earlier, and my great-great-grandmother, back in 1843, when she was about 18, was captured by the Comanche Indians.
And her and another girl at that time.
The other girl eventually, of course, didn't survive, but obviously my great-great-grandmother did.
Her name was Juana.
And she was later rescued and traded for by two brothers who had moved to Texas from Connecticut area that had set up a trading post and traded for her.
So the point is that the Indians had slaves and they went to war over them.
That is correct.
And nobody would believe that.
You tell them nobody would believe that because of the history revisionism that has taken place about how Native Americans were exploited by the evil white Europeans who came here, took everything they had, and then did unspeakable things.
I think of all the races, Caucasians have the less, the least to feel guilty about in the context of truth, in the context of what's real in the world.
We are the only race that has gone to war to eliminate slavery to boot.
And so now some of these slave-holding Indians are running casinos.
Where's the justice?
That is the justice.
I know.
You know, if you stop and think of everything that's out of whack here, it challenges your sanity.
I mean, for example, here's Obama.
He bops out there Friday.
He doesn't even need his teleprompter.
And he starts talking about, yeah, 35 years ago, that could have been him.
And if he'd had a son, it would look like Trayvon.
But when you get down to it, Obama doesn't have any in common with Trayvon Martin other than the color of his skin.
And that's it.
35 years ago, O'Barry was in Hawaii being raised by two rich white people.
And he went to one of the most exclusive prep schools out there.
Punaho.
He did.
What are you laughing about?
What in the world is funny about that?
It's the absolute truth.
Wait, but he didn't.
You know, all this coulda, woulda, as if the fact is that Barack Obama has more in common with George Zimmerman than he does with Trayvon Martin.
George Zimmerman is a mixed race man.
His mother is a black Hispanic, and his father is white.
How come Obama doesn't identify with Zimmerman?
Obama is a mixed race man.
His mother was white.
His mother was racist.
The grandmother, the grandmother, typical white woman, the grandmother, her mother, his white mother's mother, the grandmother was a typical white woman, racist.
And his father, Barack Obama, I forget, senior, he's junior of the third.
Anyway, his father was African American.
His mother was white.
There's more in common there with Zimmerman.
What?
He's less in common with Trayvon Martin.
Snerdley says, you like being the frying fan, huh?
No, I don't like being in a frying pan, but I'm not afraid of being in a frying pan.
But I'll tell you, what I'm really not afraid of is truth.
I am not afraid of it, and I don't have any guilt.
So, I know, I don't, I don't, I don't fit the current mold, but I just, I think if we're going to get real here, Zimmerman's mixed race and Obama's mixed race, Obama, nothing like the life Trayvon Martin had, well, but you think, do you think, well, no, wait, I take it back.
I take it back because Trayvon smoked dope, right?
So'd Obama.
He was with Choomgang.
So there is some commonality there.
I just conveniently, inconveniently forgot that.
But in terms of what Obama's talking about, Obama's clearly talking about race.
He's far more in common with Zimmerman than he had with Trayvon Martin.
Let's go back to audio soundbites here.
This is Travis Smiley.
Tavis Smiley was on Meet the Depressed on Sunday during the roundtable and having a discussion about Obama's remarks about the Trayvon Martin case.
And David Gregory said, Tavis Smiley, you were critical of the president.
You said on Twitter his comments were as weak as pre-sweetened Kool-Aid.
He took too long to show up and express outrage.
This town has been spinning a story that's not altogether true.
He did not walk to the podium for an impromptu address to the nation.
He was pushed to that podium.
A week of protest outside the White House, pressure building on him inside the White House, pushed him to that podium.
The bottom line is, this is not Libya.
This is America.
On this issue, you cannot lead from behind.
What's lacking in this moment is moral leadership.
The country is begging for it.
They're craving it.
Now, I don't know.
Maybe Tavis here is critiquing the media.
And he may have a point there.
I mean, they went into immediate spin mode after that speech and started talking about, oh, this is the greatest speech Obama's ever given.
Why it was so good.
He even went out there and he gave it without the teleprompter.
Oh, man, oh, man, this guy is as good as we've always thought.
And Tavis would say, wait a minute, there were nothing genuine about this.
This town's spinning a story about Obama's speech that it doesn't deserve.
Now, here is David Brooks.
David Brooks of the New York Times was also on a roundtable to meet the depressed.
David Brooks once had dinner with Obama.
First time.
There have probably been many subsequent occasions, too.
But this is the man who thought because of the crease in Obama's slacks that he was destined to be president.
And we do not make that up.
David Brooks actually wrote that, as well as said it.
The crease in his slacks so impressed David Brooks.
What do you have to be looking at to see that, by the way?
When is the last time, Dawn, when's the last time you noticed the crease in a guy's slacks?
Brian, how about you?
Snerdley, me either.
The crease in somebody's slacks, the last time I cared about the crease in anything was Major League Baseball uniforms when I was a kid and wanted my little league uniform to look just like theirs.
And that's the last time I cared about it.
But Brooks couldn't help but notice it.
So on Meet the Press, David Gregory said, David Marinus, who wrote a biography of Obama, writes this morning that once the president had reached the White House, it appeared that his intense interest in the subject of race had diminished.
He would be judged by the content of his presidency, not the color of his skin.
Race seemingly became unimportant, if not irrelevant, to the first black president of the union.
This is, you know, this, I think, is an interesting point.
This is David Gregory quoting David Moranis in a piece that ran Sunday.
And I think this is how Obama had everybody fooled.
Remember, Obama was portrayed as this post-racial president, post-partisan president.
Everything was going to vanish.
There wasn't going to be any more racism.
There wasn't going to be any more partisanship.
There wasn't going to be any more bickering.
There's going to be total unity.
And I think these guys all swallowed that Kool-Aid, that pre-sweetened Kool-Aid.
They all swallowed it.
They all drank it.
They all had this image of what Obama was, and they made him fit into it, whatever the truth was.
And they really believed that Obama didn't care about race once he became president, when anybody paying attention would know that's the primary thing that animated him.
It's the primary thing that informed him, primary source of his grievance.
Obama is grievance politics.
And the primary reason for that grievance is race.
It's in everything that he's done.
It's in every policy.
It's almost in every speech.
That and unions.
Victimization, minorities, and how they've been screwed by the majority for time immemorial.
It's all there.
These guys, Obama, when he became president, why he just forgot all about that?
They wanted Brooks' opinion on that.
It's important to remember race is his first subject, as it would be if you had a black father and a white mother.
And all the mental habits he brings to all the other issues grow out of the way he framed race and the way he started thinking about race.
I thought this speech was one of the highlights of the presidency.
I thought it was a symphony of indignation, professionalism, executive responsibility, personal feeling.
It had all these different things woven together.
I thought beautifully.
But it's important to remember race is how he thinks.
Man, oh man, I just marvel at.
There are people inside Washington when Brooks said that, oh man, I wish I had the ability to write that way.
Oh, I wish I had the ability to speak that way.
Oh, wow, was that not good?
Never mind that it's full of it.
I thought the speech was one of the highlights of the presidency.
35 years ago, that could have been Trayvon Mark.
If I had a son, he'd look like Trayvon Mark.
Oh, that speech is one of the highlights of the presidency.
I thought it was a symphony of indignation, professionalism, executive responsibility, personal, a symphony.
Quick timeout, folks, as we.
Oh, look at that.
Dennis Farina, the actor, has died.
He was 69.
He was a Chicago cop who somehow was discovered and played really funny parts.
One of the funniest roles was in a John Travolta movie, Get Shorty.
He Played the mobster in Florida that Travolta was trying to run away from.
It was hilarious.
And practically all he ever uttered was the F-word.
But, oh, that's too bad.
And let's see, Royal Baby still on the way.
At least as reported by CNN.
Here's Rob in Charlotte, North Carolina.
Great to have you on the program.
Hello.
Hey, Russ.
I am very upset.
Well, I'm upset about a lot of things that Obama said on Friday, but in particular, it really upsets me when he said that had the races of the two participants been reversed, that is, that Martin been white and Zimmerman been black, that the outcome at every step along the way might have been different.
And I'm an attorney, and I've practiced criminal law for several years, and it is really upsetting.
I don't see anything like that in our criminal justice system, especially on a case like this where the evidence that the prosecution had was so sketchy.
I mean, I cannot imagine a jury convicting this guy.
The only thing that really might have been different is that Zimmerman never would have been charged had he been black.
But had he been charged and had he gone to trial with this kind of evidence, there is no doubt that the jury would not have convicted him.
Okay, I just want to make sure I understand what it is that you're upset about.
Obama said that if the circumstances are reversed, that means he's saying that our judicial system is inherently racist.
And for the president of the United States to come out and say that is, I mean, it's inflammatory.
It is, but why?
Okay, let's stick with that then.
Why?
I know it's frustrating and makes you angry, but does it surprise you?
It shouldn't.
My point, it shouldn't.
Obama is all about creating chaos and upsetting the order of things.
He's all about stirring the pot and generally involving things that have to do with race.
This is, I think, what Obama said is classic.
It was entirely unsurprising.
And furthermore, expected that he would go out and say something like this.
He's got to keep his constituency happy.
He's got to keep his base happy.
He's got Civil Rights Coalition breathing down his back because he hasn't acted mad enough about this.
So he goes out there and he reads the script.
He says something just like Jesse Jackson would say, or something just like Al Sharpton would say.
And who cares whether it is corrupting the judicial system?
Obama thinks it already is.
I'm not disagreeing with you.
Don't misinterpret the tone of my voice.
But your point is that, are you saying that in your experience, blacks do get a fair shake in the justice system?
Yes, absolutely.
I mean, there's always, individuals are always going to have their own prejudices.
But in general, generally speaking, when you have evidence, especially when you have evidence that's so one-sided, I just cannot imagine a circumstance under which race would have mattered.
The race of Zimmerman would have mattered.
Rob, that's another great point.
Here we had another circumstance where the nature of the evidence was irrelevant.
The nature of the evidence is not what mattered.
The charge was what mattered.
And in the world of liberals, the charge is reality.
The evidence is not reality.
The evidence, if it doesn't go your way, is what's supposed to be doctored, manipulated, lied about, shaped or formed so it means something other than what it really means.
The charge is what counts.
The charge is the truth.
It's like the presidential race in 2004, Rob.
The exit polls, the early, the first two waves of exit polls had John Kerry way, way ahead winning the presidency.
Then the real votes started being counted after the first two waves of exit polls, and it turned out the exit polls were wrong.
Liberals immediately said the exit polls are right and challenged the real vote on the basis that that's where the fraud had to be.
The real votes, the real votes didn't count.
The fake exit polling is what was real.
Same thing here.
The nature of the charge.
And the charge, racism.
And that's what they were upset about.
Pure and simple.
They didn't get their way.
We'll be back.
Folks, don't go away.
Sit-tight, my friends.
We got much more straight ahead.
Detroit and George Zimmerman is a hero.
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