Yes, it's Walter E. Williams sitting in for the vacationing Rush Limbaugh, who will be back with us on Monday.
And you can be on the show by calling 800-282-2882.
And by the way, before I get to my good friend and colleague, I just like to alert I'd like to alert the uh audience to um the very fact that um if you go to rush limbaugh.com, you will see that they're in the process of putting up a page to celebrate me.
And what are they celebrating, ladies and gentlemen?
This year marks the twentieth year that I've been uh sitting in and hosting the show for uh for Rush Limbaugh.
Twenty years.
It's amazing a time has gone by that fast.
And uh and Snerdley's been here for what is it, twenty-five years?
Yeah, and uh and Mike's been here for twenty-five or so.
Uh that's right.
Yeah, the senior guest hosts.
That's right.
Yes, yes, yes, yes, yes.
Anyway, well look, uh ladies and gentlemen, we have uh Dr. Thomas Sowell on the phone with us uh from uh Stanford, and he's at the uh at the Hoover Institution at Stanford.
He's the uh Rose and uh and Milton Friedman uh uh fellow.
Welcome to the show, Tom.
Uh good being here.
Hey, hey, that's that was really a great piece that you wrote uh in your syndicated column uh judicial uh betrayal.
And uh and one why don't you just uh you you give s you give so many very uh very very important points, but uh one of the things you point out dur in the column that uh well in the legisl well right now they're calling it a tax.
That's what uh uh Justice Roberts said.
Uh but in the legislation that made no mention of it.
I know.
Uh he he he he reached out uh uh w what do you what he did by by calling it a tax was uh give the administration some uh uh semblance of an excuse for for exercising this power other than the Commerce Clause.
Uh since that there's been some uh uh r holding back on the on the vast scope of the Commerce Clause in recent Supreme Court decisions.
But in and re in reality the question is does the government, even whether they call it a tax, a penalty or the commerce clause, where do they get these power in the Constitution to tell individuals what to do uh in matters that are uh not uh specifically enumerated there as the powers of the federal government.
Uh yeah, that's absolutely right.
And and and I think one of the uh the um I guess tragedies, Tom, is that it's it's laying the uh is it's laying the groundwork for m what's what uh what else can they tell us to do.
Uh pretty much anything they feel like telling us to do as long as uh uh Chief Justice Roberts is on the court, or worse yet, uh uh if Obama gets it re-elected and starts appointing his own uh uh Supreme Court justices uh who will then uh rubber stamp virtually anything he wants to do.
Yeah, and and and uh I I think that i i it seems to me, and I I don't know this I don't know all the ins and outs of it, but the uh the United States Congress uh has the uh has the spending power.
It can appropriate and and and authorize spending.
Now why wouldn't well can I get your guess why the Republican Republican controlled Congress just will not say to HSS we will not authorize any funding for any part of the program.
Wow, that's a great question.
I I I don't have uh equally great answer.
Uh th I I suppose uh they they could do that uh if they had the guts.
Yeah, yeah.
Which is a very big if in the case of Congressional Republicans.
Uh or or uh uh whether it's uh uh whether it's a uh Republican president or or Congressman or Senator.
They just uh lack the will.
But I yeah, and sometimes I f I feel kind of uh uh some sympathy for their lack of will because uh i i it's my it would be my impression that that any congressman who would follow the Constitution, the strict interpretation of the Constitution, he m he would be run out of his uh run run out of town by his constituents.
Maybe so, but there's no empirical test of that since none of us have tried it.
That's absolutely right.
But ladies and gentlemen, this was really a great column that Tom Soule wrote.
And I want to switch a little bit, unless you have something to add about the judicial betrayal, but I'd like to switch focus a little bit.
And you've put out an expanded version of your very, very excellent book, Intellectuals and Society.
And we talked about, when we had it on the show some time back, about the intellectuals and society.
What was the expanded part?
Oh, my heavens.
I must confess it expanded far beyond what I thought I was doing.
It's pretty difficult to hold the book in one hand.
Listen, go to e-books so you can avoid getting turned here.
But I added four new chapters, a whole section titled Intellectuals and Race.
And my assistant urged me to publish that as a separate book, which I, in retrospect, wish I had done but yet I I wanted this uh book to really cover the major areas of uh controversy uh uh intellectual and political and so I put this in the in the book and and I and I advanced various theses in these chapters that have I've not advanced before and that I haven't seen anywhere else.
Uh for example I have a long discussion of the whole question of disparities between groups.
Well groups had disparities as long as there have been groups.
That's right and uh uh and and and the disparities don't necessarily mean that there's any kind of injustice or discrimination.
No and more more important and the other thing that that that's that's in the in the first of these uh chapters on uh on on on uh intellectuals and race i is about the role of intellectuals in promoting racism.
I mean the intellectuals today are ready to cry racism at the drop of a hat.
Uh but if you go back a hundred years ago uh nineteen twelve for example uh you will find that nobody was pushing uh the idea that some races were uh uh capable only of being hewers of wood and drawers of water like the intellectuals I mean Keynes uh uh fo helped found the uh eugenic society at Cambridge University.
And Woodrow Wilson.
Oh Woodrow Wilson, yeah oh my gosh yes.
Uh Woodrow Wilson was showing the uh movie uh Birth of a nation which glorifies the Ku Klux Klan in the White House to various leaders that he called in to view it with him.
And and these and and he uh Woodrow Wilson and and people aro around that time they were called progressives weren't they?
Well the whole well well th this was this was one of the hallmarks of progressivism.
People don't understand that the progressives were pushing the idea that not only were there inferior races and they went beyond blacks and uh uh and and uh Native Americans they went they w they they didn't include the the Jews they included the Italians uh they included the peoples of Eastern and Southern Europe in general.
Uh and then it was they who pushed for uh uh laws outlawing intermarriage uh and restrictions on uh immigration based upon uh the race of the people coming in and so on.
So it's ironic because, of course, by the last decades of the 20th century, the intellectuals were on the other side.
But in both eras, they did not take any criticism seriously.
They dismissed all attempts to say that there were other things to consider.
And so that dogmatism was there in both times, even though they were saying the opposite things in one period compared to what they said.
And it was, Bo Snurdy asked, was Margaret Sanger part of that group?
Oh, absolutely.
Margaret Sanger took her message to the Ku Klux Klan.
which was a very appropriate place for it.
But there were lots of very pe people who are respect respectable uh you you know you may be familiar with the uh what is what is the uh I've I've forgotten the name of the lecture now the the American Economic Association Oh yeah yeah right yes I think I forget the uh and and he was the president of the American economy he was yes and uh the any number of heads of any number of international scholarly organizations.
These these were not the village uh idiots, these were not a bunch of ignorant rednecks.
These were people with PhDs from the leading universities in the country and who ta were professors at the leading universities in the country.
And you know something interesting that you said in in in your book that well the the term progressives fell out of favor and the people who were called progressives who were calling it self progressives soon call themselves liberals.
Yes it's it's just like bankruptcy.
That is when when you when you built up a whole b whole body of uh a whole record that uh as looking bad uh then you simply change your name and escape the the record it was what with I believe FDR was the first one to start calling himself liberal he'd been part of the progressives part of the progressive uh Woodrow Wilson administration.
That's right.
And and then actually liberals uh a little bit later on started uh falling out of favor and and now they're back to progressives.
For the same reasons that uh now now that liberals had disgraced themselves, they produced so many disastrous programs, uh they now started uh calling themselves progressives and they started demonizing anyone who who c who call them liberals saying we shouldn't have we shouldn't have uh labels are very wonderful.
It's like it's like brand names with commodities, you know, that the the those brand names force you to live with the consequences of what you've done in the past.
Yeah.
And and and in terms of of uh of the some of the impact of uh of some of these ideas it turns out that uh black Americans have suffered the most as as a group for some of these half baked ideas of of the uh the progressives oh uh absolutely and and and uh I would include in that the uh the Great Society under Lyndon Johnson that uh when I think about it that the black family you know survived through centuries of slavery,
generations of Jim Crow, and then began to fall apart under the liberal welfare state.
That's right.
And a lot of people don't know the statistics, and you've pointed them out, and I've pointed out in my book, Race and Economics, that in the 1800s, 1880s, that 75% of black kids lived in two-parent families, where it's hard put to find 30% now.
And in places like this Herbert Gutmann, I believe.
Oh, yes.
And he points out in Harlem in 1925, 85% of black kids lived in two-parent families, and he he also said that it was rare, very rare to see a black single woman, a teenager or young woman raising a child by herself.
That's right that that uh that uh at one period mo most of the uh black uh female headed households were headed by widows who were all m older than teenagers.
Yeah.
Oh sure.
Okay, we'll be back with your calls after this we're back uh ladies and gentlemen.
There's Walter Williams singing in sitting in for Rush who will be in on Monday.
And I I have uh my good friend and colleague uh Dr. Thomas Sowell uh he is uh a scholar at the uh Hoover Institution in California and we're talking about intellectuals and society his expanded book and uh and one of the um uh chapters uh expanded chapters is uh intellectuals and race.
Tom c th your book can be purchased as uh just about everywhere can't it?
Oh yeah yeah Amazon dot com and oh oh yeah yeah and it's there's not just a chapter there's there's a whole section consisting of four long chapters.
Oh yeah which which would have which would which could have been published as a book but which is in included in the revised and expanded edition of uh intellectuals and race uh I I think one of the one of the one of the rather tragic things for uh for young people whether they're black or white but particularly for black youngsters is the is the teaching of of uh victimhood.
Oh god yes.
And and that uh that they're victims and and they can't do anything about it no matter how hard they try.
And and you kind of think back, well heck back in the forties and the thirties if if young blacks were taught that same lesson back then, well hell the civil rights uh movement would have never started.
And of course there were far more restrictions on blacks then than than today but I I never had this sense of uh of uh of of futility.
I I remember uh um giving a talk at uh Marquette University and w some uh black young man uh got up in the audience he said I you know I'm about to buy to uh uh graduate from Marquette, but what what what hope is there for me?
And I said, you know, t twice the hope that was for your parents and four times the hope there was for your grandparents.
Yeah.
But but but but they're the the the grievances and navel gazing and and uh uh all kinds of mm stuff.
Unfortunately, th this is all although this uh blacks are the biggest uh uh victims of this in the United States, the very same thing goes on in England among whites.
Yes.
And uh I people who haven't read uh Theodore Dahlrymble's book, uh Life at the Bottom, you can see he says, you know, there there are there are teenagers from this uh housing project near where he works as a doctor that come to see him and he finds you know the they can't they can't multiply si uh six times nine.
Yeah, I I wrote about this my this week's column, uh we don't want no education.
Oh, yes, yes.
And you realize that this is this is a race of people that produce Newton and Shakespeare and so forth, and now they're turning out a whole generation, they can't do simple arithmetic and have no conception of reading or even spelling.
Uh-huh.
And so so it's not a racial thing, it's the underclass and what has been done by the education establishment and the welfare state.
Uh absolutely.
And the tr and and the two things go together, that is, in order to have the welfare state, you have to promote a welfare state ideology that will justify it in in in a democracy.
And so therefore you get all these people thinking they can't do anything, and what's the point of learning because the the system is against you anyhow.
And uh it's a deadly uh it's a de uh uh de a deadly uh uh ideology.
You're absolutely right.
We have a uh we have uh let's see, is it Kevin?
Kevin from Rockford, Illinois, uh he's he's read uh uh a lot of your books, Tom, and uh welcome the show.
Thank you very much.
Um Dr. Soule, this is a great honor.
I've read your books and and they're fabulous.
Um I was raised poor, single parent, south side of Chicago, went to all public schools and I did very well.
I have four well educated kids from good schools, and I and I'm a retired school teacher.
And I'd like to ask the question of how can we have an honest and open discussion and conversation about race when the elite within the civil rights community and the organization silence us by labing labeling us like they have done to you and to Dr. Williams.
Well you the answer is you can't.
Uh the only unl unless you're prepared to say I don't care what labels these people throw around, it's more important if the truth be told.
And and you and Tom, you don't care about being invited to parties too, do you?
No, because uh uh uh uh if they invite me I only have to have to have the problem of declining.
But yeah, yeah, yeah, you know, th this is um it's very it's it's very it's very hard to uh to take sometimes, but it has to be done.
You see n wherever blacks or anybody else wants to go in life, they can only get there from where they are, which means they have to know where they are.
Not where they wish they were, not where they want other people to think they are, but where they are in fact.
And so the truth is absolutely the key to any hope of advancement.
Yeah.
And and you know, I I and I think I've I've always said uh Tom that if I were the grand dragon of the Klu Klux Klan and I wanted to sabotage any opportunity for black academic excellence, I could not think of a better means for doing so than the public education establishment in most of our cities.
Absolutely true.
I mean we don't we've reached a point where people groups like the Klu Klux Klan can't do very much to stop us, but our friends can do a lot to stop us.
That's right.
And but however they and in terms of education, you've done marvelous work pointing out at a time black education was not what it is today.
Oh, absolutely, and and uh that was in my lifetime that uh uh people say, isn't it wonderful that I can I came through the Harlem schools and went on to these big universities.
Well, the Harlem schools in those days were different from the Holler School today.
Uh yeah, if you if you wanted an education, you could get it in the middle of Harlem.
That is not true today when we have so much utter nonsense taking up time and we have so many judicial rulings making it impossible to maintain discipline.
That's right.
And and you you you've published uh many uh uh many very you know good works on the on black education, how it was excellent at one time and the big problems that we have today.
But Tom, look, thanks a lot for being on the show with us today and discussing your column and discussing the the uh expanded version of intellectuals and society that's available anywhere in our country.
Well, thank you very much for having me.
Okay, Tom.
That was ladies and gentlemen, that was uh Dr. Thomas Sowell, and he was uh talking about intellectuals and society, and you definitely ought to pick up the book.
I th it's it's a long read.
It will keep you busy all summer, but it's uh it's just uh it's exciting just to go from page page to page.
Pick it up.
We'll be back.
We're back, uh ladies and gentlemen, Walter Williams sitting in for Russia, and that was just Dr. Thomas Sowell we had on uh talking about his uh expanded version uh of um intellectuals and society.
But I'd like to bring your attention to the the ladies and gentlemen in the audience that the EIB people have just put up a banner celebrating my twentieth.
Actually, it says celebrating two go to rush limbaug.com.
Okay, celebrating two decades of pushing back the frontiers of ignorance on EIB.
Now, what's remarkable about this banner is that I'm looking at it very, very carefully, and I'm gonna concentrate on it more when I get home, uh, is that the the uh they show a photo of me in nineteen ninety-two and a photo of me in nineteen in twenty twelve.
And the only difference I can see is that I have a brown tie on in nineteen ninety-two.
Uh uh uh Mike, can you see any difference there?
Okay, uh, yes, I still I still have that tie.
But anyway, just check it out, uh ladies and gentlemen, the very, very uh uh nice uh uh banner that they put uh put on there.
Anyway, before we got to uh Dr. Thomas Sowell, I might have made an error, uh which is uh I guess maybe one the one or two errors I've made since 1965.
But I I I failed to mention that I think it was thirty percent of the land mass in the United States is owned by government, and in some states, uh like Nevada, I think the government owns something like ninety percent of the land in Nevada, fifty percent in California, and fifty percent in roughly fifty percent in Alaska.
And so the significance of this is that these are wasting assets.
They're not being used for anything.
And so uh in terms of being able to take care of some of our problems, uh financial problems, or let's say with Social Security, is that tell the people, look, uh if you will say forget about my Social Security uh payments, and and the government will just give them 40, 50 acres of land.
And then I would bet if the gu if we got the land out of the government hands, uh people would uh find some very good use for it.
Now, kind of going back to the uh uh some of my other statements on Social Security.
Now uh um this I I thought about this on the on the uh train up today to the uh the the Northern Command of EIB.
And I was getting re I was purchasing a ticket on the local train that I use.
And the person asked me, do I want a senior citizen uh fair or a regular fair?
And so I said a regular fair.
And what bothers you, I d I do not do any senior citizen discounts, even though I I'm eligible for them.
And the reason why, and I used to argue with Mrs. Williams when she uh who's now departed, but she used to go down and see my daughter and uh in Richmond, and she used to take a train and and was and she got senior citizen uh discount.
And I said to her, I said to Ms. Williams, here you are in the top two or three percent of income earners in the country, and you're taking a reduced fare, and when somebody is twenty-five years old or thirty years Old, they're paying full fare.
What's the justice in that?
Where's the justice?
I don't see any w whatsoever.
And then also, the very fact that we have uh close to 50% of the federal budget is spent on people 65 years old and older.
What's the justice in that?
You might say, well, Williams, what are you talking about?
Well, it turns out that more than 80% of those persons that are 65 years old and older are homeowners.
Sixty-six percent have no mortgage, that is their house is free and clear.
The average uh the homeownership for somebody who's younger than 35 is only 40 percent.
And only 12 percent own their homes free and clear of a mortgage.
The average net worth of people older than 65 is about 230,000, much of it consisting of a home that's paid off.
Whereas the net worth of people younger than 35 is $10,000.
Now there's nothing complicated about this, but just that older people have been around longer, so they accumulate more.
But the more important issue in my mind is by what standard of fairness justify taxing the earnings of workers who are less wealthy in order to pass them on to retirees who are far uh wealthier.
I can't find any justification.
I would like somebody to call up and tell me what is the justification.
Uh what and you know, what standard of fairness justify this.
Now, of course there's no justification, but there's an explanation that is those people who are older than 65 vote in very large numbers and have the ear of congressmen.
So but it but and congressmen love the idea that people think that Medicare, Social Security, and all these other current programs belong to them because they can use the people, they can use these people to gain greater control over our lives.
They can use the votes of these people, the political sport of these people to gain greater control over our lives.
Let's go to um let's go to let's go to Ron in Miri Loma, California.
Welcome to the show.
Good morning, Dr. Williams.
How are you today?
Okay.
Good.
I have an issue.
Uh it's a race issue.
I'd like to discuss with you, and I'm I'm amazed this happened.
Uh back in I guess it was the end of May, first part of June, I was looking at the local papers here in Southern California, and they were talking about the uh graduating class, I believe it was from San Bernardino, I might be wrong.
It was the UC system.
I think with San Bernal.
They were talking about, and a big article praising the fact that the school, not pub, not public people, not private people, but the school put on a separate graduating program for the black students only.
In this day and age of uh race relations, laws, uh feelings, pro and against, why would a public uh uh uh college put something like this for black students only?
Well, that that's paper.
Well, that's understand they've been doing it for ten years.
Well, that's how college presidents keep their jobs.
That is by promoting what they call diversity and celebrating differences and things.
No, I'm not you know they're not talking about unity.
They're talking about it, they keep their jobs by celebrating diversity.
And it's not only at uh at the colleges that you mentioned, it happens at UCLA, it happens uh it happens at and many, many colleges, and matter of fact, they have they have racially uh separated uh uh um uh I guess orientation uh sessions.
And uh and where people people just kind of accept this and and and people who are against it don't say much because they're afraid of being accused of racism.
And and this is one of the reasons why if you go to if you go to my website, Walter E. Williams.com, you'll see click all the way on the top right hand corner and you'll see gift.
And what I've done, it's been up there for years and years.
It's a gift.
It's a certificate of amnesty and pardon that I, Walter Williams, have granted to all Americans of European ancestry, both for their own grievances and those of their forebears against my people.
And the reason why I do this, why I grant this amnesty, is so that they stop feeling guilty and stop acting like damn fools.
By tolerating this kind of mess.
We'll be back with your calls after this.
We're pushing back the frontiers of ignorance, and you can be on to help us do it by calling 800-282-2882.
By the way, ladies and gentlemen, I'm getting – some people are looking at the RushLimbaugh.com, and they're sending me an email.
And one fellow just sent me an email.
He says, well, there's something else different from your tie or the same about the pictures.
And he's noticing that I'm carrying the uh same uh uh fountain pen.
But people can't tell any other difference between uh between those two photos.
Anyway, let's go to um you know these uh I'm getting all kinds of very, very um uh envious uh uh comments from these uh these people here.
Uh they're very just very jealous, because yeah uh.
And and and and uh Allie, how how do I look?
Yes, yes.
You say you see, uh Ali just said that I look like um eye candy.
That yeah, you know what I candy.
Uh anyway, let's let's get serious.
Let's get serious by pushing the uh back the frontiers of ignorance.
Let's go to uh Gail in uh in Texas, Porter Texas.
Welcome to the show, Gail.
Hi, uh she wanted me to get right to the point, so I will about social security.
Yes.
One, uh oh, and I'm I'm a tax preparer, so that's why I kinda know this.
Um one you'll never get it back what you paid into Social Security.
Never.
Oh well, no, no, no.
I th I I think you might be wrong, and I'll I'll let you uh respond.
That is the person who retired in nineteen eighty drew out all that he drew out all that he ever put into social security in two point eight years, and the person entering the la in for a labor force in nineteen eighty, as you suggesting, he will not he will break he'll have to live until he's ninety two years old to break even with what he put in.
Exactly.
That's why I was saying at at the way the system is set up now.
And second, those individuals, no matter how you make the money, it doesn't matter.
But um those individuals that make in excess of a hundred and six thousand a year, case in point our president.
Yeah, he pays no Social Security tax on two hundred and ninety-four thousand dollars.
Well well, see, uh that that's okay with me.
And and w you know, what a lot of people want to say, look, um you you you you mess with me, you mess with me, also mess with him.
Well, see, I don't beg begrudge anybody being rich because I don't want your money.
If I can't if I can't work for it, I don't want your money.
That's right.
Yeah.
Uh you know, but but everybody talks about how social security and everything, well, you know, if you knew the big picture, if you knew everything, you can make a more informed we the people can make a more informed decision about who we put in office, but not the average lay person knows the tax laws because they don't want to go read them.
And I'm guilty of it too, because I do my I've done my own taxes for almost fifty years.
Yeah.
Well, I'm let's see, now almost thirty-four years, I'm sorry.
And I never read this until I decided to become a p taxpayer.
Tax preparer.
Well, see, it's I I think I think here's here's the problem is one of the big problems.
That is uh as as I was talking to my uh telling my uh c my colleague uh Tom Sowell, that is you politicians, as I suggesting to him, poliz politicians represent what the American people want.
And uh too often we blame politicians for our problem, but our problems lie with the American people because politicians are doing precisely what the American people want them to do.
And what do they want the politician to do?
They want them to take what belongs to one American and bring it back to them.
Whether you're going to call it Social Security, whether you're going to call it food stamps, whether they're going to farm subsidies, business bailouts, that's what they want.
And any politician not doing that, he's going to be run out of town on a rail.
I didn't you know the government didn't put me in debt.
I put myself.
Well you know and I'm getting out of it.
And I didn't get out and I didn't get out of and we didn't get out of it on government assistance.
Well good out of it through well we didn't you know through cutting back on expenses.
Yeah hard work and as and and that's that's the way to be successful as my stepfather used to always say you gotta come early and stay late.
Let's go to let's go to Ed in uh St. Charles, Illinois.
Welcome to show Hello Well my question is do we need to start pushing uh politicians for a constitutional amendment forbidding the government from requ requiring purchase of of any product be it health care or whatever since it seems that uh this recent decision has kind of put us in a bind constitutionally well I I think what we have to do we have to get the Congress to obey the United States Constitution.
That is uh we we shouldn't have something um written in the Constitution uh saying that they can't do what they're not supposed to be doing in the first place.
Well it it's I I kind of felt it was almost like uh the equal rights amendment where those those are those rights were already guaranteed but people were pushing for it and I was always critical of that but now I'm looking and seeing that um that people are uh on this side they're they're trying to take away they're they they have the uh full force of the United States Supreme Court well well I can see helping.
What they have to do, what we have to do is to keep Congress within the limited bounds that the founders envision.
Yeah the founders did not trust the United States Congress at all.
They were very distrustful and just read it read the language of the Constitution but well start off with the Bill of Rights.
What is the language of the Bill of Rights?
It says Congress shall not prohibit Congress shall not infringe Congress shall not disparage does that sound like they had much trust for Congress they had a great deep unb uh unabiding distrust abiding distrust for Congress.
And matter of fact I've suggested to people that when we die and at our next destination if we see anything like the Bill of Rights we know we're in hell because a bill of rights in heaven would be an insult to God that's saying God can't be trusted.
And so what what the founders did they recognize that Congress the essence of Congress the essence of government is evil and we have to somehow restrain it but what you people have done you say no let Congress do things that are good for us.
Forget this stuff get forget this distrust that our founders had for the the uh the uh uh the United States government and that's our big mistake we'll be back with your calls after this let's go back to the phones as I promised let's talk to uh Jim and George welcome the show Joe Hi Dr. Williams it's a pleasure to talk to you thank you well I was uh listening to the beginning of your show today and I heard you make the uh the
rationale for America being in a position to nullify the recent Supreme Court decision on Obamacare and you made a number of great points as to why we should maybe even do this and but you you used as one of your further points that um you did not believe that the military would respond with arms against the American people.
Now I agree with your rationale and I agree that even today the military which is comprised of our friends and neighbors would not turn on on on its own citizenry but I believe that the time for that being true is growing shorter because I believe that the military that's being crafted by this administration is not going to be comprised of our friends and neighbors, but it will be overrun with criminals and with the morally deviant.
I doubt I doubt whether you can find an active duty soldier or a captain that would say that I would lead my troops into let's say a city like New York to round up and if they resist uh shoot people who refuse to buy health care.
I don't belie I don't bl I don't believe that we've sunk that low in our country yet.