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July 28, 2011 - Rush Limbaugh Program
36:48
July 28, 2011, Thursday, Hour #1
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Welcome to today's edition of the Rush 24-7 podcast.
Well, folks, I hate say it.
I really do hate to say it, but I think we've been played as a bunch of saps.
I think we've been.
I think we've been played for a bunch of saps.
I mean not us exclusively, I just mean the whole country, Republican Party ruling class.
I'll explain.
As uncomfortable as it is, it is grating as it is.
I'll explain here as the program unfolds.
Great to have you here.
As always, uh telephone number if you want to be on the program 800-282-2882, the email address El Rushbo at EIB net.com.
All right, where are we on the debt deal?
I suspect that most people, and this is what a lot of people are relying on.
Just finish it.
A lot of people are just sick and tired of hearing about it.
Let's move on to something else.
I'm tired of talking about it, I'm tired of hearing about it.
Uh, can we do something that's fun?
What the hell is going on?
And I understand the sentiment.
Yesterday or last night, uh, the Republican leadership succeeded in getting Alan West to flip and vote for the Boehner planner to commit to it.
Same thing with Paul Ryan.
Uh, and I've had a lot of emails.
What's Alan West doing?
I can't believe Alan West of all people.
He's folks, these Democrats, you you you you just have to understand who we're dealing with here.
This whole thing with Debbie Blabbermouth Schultz going on the Senate or the House floor and accusing West of wanting to cut Medicare and social security and all that in the South Florida district.
Uh and you remember the contre-tone that uh began with the West responding to it and so forth.
They have uh put his reelection into play.
And of course, they've got the media on their side down here in South Florida, and so all over the media is the allegation that Alan West wants to do all this damage to senior citizens so forth, so that's how his vote gets.
I mean, I'm guessing.
I haven't I haven't spoken to him, but I I think that's a large part of it.
Now, the as we all know, the Boehner bill is not ideal.
It's another one of these 800, 900, um, I don't even think it gets to a trillion, but let's say it does trillion dollars in cuts over ten years.
Uh the debt limit raised immediately, so the spending occurs immediately, but it uh it it it reinvites the debt limit debate all over again in a few short months.
And in fact, there is from the Daily Caller today a story that says the GOP is stealing Christmas.
Democrats are going back to the Gingrich that stole Christmas theme from the Clinton days.
And here's the story from the Daily Caller.
GOP aims to gut Christmas, the White House alleges.
House Speaker and National Grinch John Boehner planning to spoil Christmas.
White House officials are claiming as they're trying to head off passage of Boehner's two-stage debt ceiling bill.
They don't want to head off passage of the Boehner bill.
They want the Boehner bill to pass in the House.
That is, I think there's a uh there's a trap, essentially, it's being set.
And I noticed it here in um there's an AP story.
And way down in the in the AP story, in fact, Boehner's plan has enough in common with Harry Reed's, including the establishment of the special congressional panel to recommend additional spending cuts this fall, that Reed hinted a compromise could be easy to snap together between his nonexistent bill and the Boehner bill.
Now, what does that mean?
Well, what it means is that over in the Senate, Reed really doesn't have a bill.
I mean, he's got an idea, but he doesn't have a bill, and what he's put forth as an idea hasn't gotten all that much support.
But here comes, let's say the House, and Boehner doesn't have the votes in the House yet, according to Politico.
And this is key.
Now, I that that was as of 9 30 this morning, and they're gonna be working the Republican caucus all day long before the vote tonight.
But as of now, Boehner doesn't have the votes for his bill.
But let's assume he gets the votes.
The Boehner bill then goes to the Senate where it's dead on arrival.
They've already said it's done.
There are 58 senators who're going to vote against it by design.
However, they've got a bill over there now.
So Dingy Harry can take the Boehner bill and tweak it and rewrite it, make additions to it, take some things out of it, play with it however he wants, and get enough votes from Democrats since it becomes the Reed bill.
And then it gets sent back to Boehner in the House, looking nothing like his bill, but the rationale for passing the Boehner bill in the House is we've got to do this.
The time is up.
We're not going to get blamed.
So if if Reed monkeys around with the bill that he gets from Boehner, and it passes in the Senate with whatever changes that are not favorable to us, of course, they throw it back in Boehner's lap.
And then the pressure's going to be back on Boehner.
Okay, do you do you sign the Reed bill?
Do you pass it?
You get your guys to vote for it and then send it to Obama.
Basically a Democrat bill.
That is what a lot of people, and I sign on to the theory, too.
I think this is one of the traps that's being set.
Boehner bill essentially being used to be a foundation for a non-existent as of yet Reed bill.
And thereby the Reed bill, the Boehner bill becomes the Reed bill, therefore a Democrat bill, and that's all in the absence of an Obama plan.
No Obama plan at all in this.
There's no Obama bill.
There's no nothing set down on paper.
So the Reed bill will become the Obama bill.
That's essentially what is the Boehner plan will become the Obama plan.
I think that's the trap.
And of course, the establishment Republicans are all gung.
Ho, got to get this done.
It's the best we can get because they're telling themselves there aren't any tax increases in it.
And there aren't.
There aren't any tax increases in the Boehner bill.
And there are spending cuts and there are caps and there are all kinds of.
But what happens when that goes over to the Senate and Reed says, you know what, I like some of this and I don't like it, let's take this out, let's put some of this in and gets his votes for it, and the Boehner bill becomes something unrecognizable, then goes back to the to the House.
What are they going to do?
They've already passed the Boehner bill under the guise of the that we can't wait any longer, that it's triple ray credit rating is in jail.
All of this rot gut BS.
So that essentially is where things stand.
Now back to this daily caller story.
The one thing in the Boehner Bill, and this is this is uh the Democrats don't like this, is that the debt ceiling doesn't get raised enough to get us through the 2012 election.
In other words, the Boehner bill is not a full-fledged Obama re-election lifeline bill.
But that's what Reed wants to turn it into.
Now they're attacking that aspect of the Boehner bill by saying that the Republicans want to destroy Christmas.
House Speaker and National Grinch John Boehner.
Planning to spoil Christmas, White House officials are claiming as they try to head off passage of Boehner's two-stage debt ceiling bill.
Happy holidays, America.
Boehner plan would have the debt ceiling all over again during the holiday season, which is critical for the economy, said White House deputy spokesman Dan Pfeiffer at about 10 o'clock this morning.
Now, the Boehner bill would carry through next March or April.
At least the last time the Speaker spoke to us, that's what he told us, that there would be enough Of an increase in the debt ceiling to get the spending through next spring.
White House political advisor David Pluff made the same claim about Christmas almost an hour earlier when F. Chuck Todd on MSNBC asked him about the White House opposition to Boehner's two-stage debt ceiling proposal.
Jay Carney, the White House spokesman, repeated the same theme at his midday press conference today.
A two-stage plan that extends a debt ceiling only until the holiday season would almost certainly require almost all of us to go through this again the end of the year, the most important economic season of the country.
Democrats are pulling out all the rhetorical stops.
Pelosi said this morning, what we're trying to do is save the world from the Republican budget.
Trying to save life on this planet as we know it today.
That's Pelosi.
The CBO has scored both of these bills in such a way as to make it seem like there's very little difference between them, spending cut-wise, the Reed and Boehner bills.
But there are real differences.
But we're supposed to just look at the numbers and say, oh, they're that close, then let's just split the difference.
When's the last time you heard that the Boehner bill was very close to the Reed Bill?
I never heard that till today.
And they're not close.
The Reed bill counts all kinds of savings from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and all kinds of mumbo jumbo in there that Boehner's bill doesn't have.
I um and you know, what what what is such a victory in there being no tax increases in the Reed debt ceiling deal?
When in the history of the country has there ever been a tax increase included a debt ceiling in we've never in mentioned this before, no.
Debt ceiling increase bill has ever had a tax increase in it.
And yet this is being heralded as something unprecedented.
It's not.
It's common.
There's never a tax increase in a debt ceiling bill.
There could be in this one, though, because the Boehner bill sets up this commission.
Unnamed members.
They could do whatever they want.
It's claimed that they can't do tax increases, but nothing's going to stop them if they want to.
So the question that we have to ask is where is Republican victory in the Reed Bill?
Where is the victory in there being no tax increases in the Reed debt ceiling deal?
Because there never have been.
So that's where we are.
At least that's where I think we are.
And they are really hustling and they are twisting arms on the Republican side.
And I mean, they're using phrases like get your ass in line.
They are saying don't let ideological purity stand in the way.
Boehner said the same thing before the TARP vote.
He said the exact same thing.
He wasn't speaker then.
But before the TARP vote in 2000, he says it's too crucial.
Time right now, we're just, it's we're at a pressure point in a country where we can't let ideological purity stand in the way of the right thing to do.
And they're saying the same thing now to the Republican freshman in the House.
We've got to do this now.
And their reasoning is basically when you boil it all down is we got to do something, no matter what it is, so that we don't get blamed for not doing anything.
So that's where we are.
As I, L. Rushbow, see it.
I'd love to be wrong.
I love being right, as you well know, but I would love to be wrong.
There are no real spending cuts in either bill.
We went through that yesterday.
The baseline and all, there's no, there are no real cuts.
And certainly none at all in the in the Reed Bill.
So we shall see.
Let's take a brief time out.
We'll come back and continue.
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Ideological purity, 99, 44, 100% pure.
Here at the Limbaugh Institute for Advanced Conservative Studies, folks, the establishment GOP is saying this morning that, hey, we have to be real.
We're not going to really be able to make any substantive changes that endure until we control all three branches.
We just, the president runs the show.
No matter, okay, yeah, we run the House.
The Democrats run the Senate, so they have two-thirds of the government.
The presidency is a powerful thing.
The best we can do is stop Gap.
So the establishment is ready to just get this done.
In fact, grab audio subite number two.
Just to show you where the Republican leadership is.
This was this morning at the White House during a daily press briefing, a transportation secretary Ray Lahood spoke.
Now, Ray Lahoood is a Republican from Illinois.
He's uh Rhino.
He's now the transportation secretary for Obama.
During the QA, a reporter said, Mr. Secretary, do you have any advice to your former House Republican colleagues on dealing with the debt ceiling?
I was chief of staff for Bob Michael, who served during the time that Ronald Reagan was president and Tip O'Neill was the Speaker of the House.
During the time that Tom Foley was Speaker, Bob Michael was also the Republican leader.
And during the time that President Clinton was president, Bob Michael was Republican leader.
That whole period of time was a very rich history and legacy of compromise.
This is a time that I think most of us that have watched politics have never seen before.
This is about continuing to have a strong economy and continuing to compromise and take maybe a couple chapters out of Tip O'Neill, Bob Michael, Ronald Reagan, President Clinton, people that have served in this town with distinction and gotten big things done through compromise.
I'm sitting here and saying, how dare he?
This is a total misrepresentation of who Bob Michael was and what he did.
Bob Michael was the Republican leader in the House for a long time.
Most of that time, the Republicans had 120, 130 members.
Most of that time, Tip O'Neill didn't even open committee meetings to the Republicans.
The Republicans in the House were a joke during that time.
They had, they couldn't, it didn't even matter if they compromised because they never had any power.
They were, Michael never compromised.
Michael, the Republicans never even fought for anything.
They never ever had the votes to stop or do anything back in Michael's day.
The idea that Michael compromised, Michael was playing golf.
And to try to say that it was Bob Michael during the Clinton years that got a lot, have you...
Mr. LaHood, have you forgotten what happened in 1994?
Bob Michael was swept away.
Michael wasn't there during Clinton.
That was Newt Gingrich in that crowd.
But I guarantee you, this is exactly what inside the Beltway, Washington wants at a Republican leader.
They want a Bob Michael, a guy who will simply keep the caucus in line, not make any waves as long as he gets to play golf with people now and then.
Won't object to whatever is going on.
Ray Lahood ought to be ashamed of himself for what he's doing.
He ought not even call himself a Republican now.
Chief of Staff for Bob Michael served during the time that Reagan was.
My gosh, it was Reagan pulling Bob Michael along.
Bob Michael was scared to death when Reagan started doing stuff.
Bob Michael had never been involved in those kinds of confrontations with the Democrats because it never mattered.
There was never anything for the Republicans to win.
That's how few members they had.
And so now we've got a Republican member of the Obama regime telling us what we need is to go back to the days of Bob Michael, which is exactly what the inside the Beltway guys want.
So here we have the establishment Republicans telling us look, we really can't fight these guys.
The presidency's too powerful.
Obama's too good.
We can't really do anything until we win it all.
We're just, this is the best we can do.
We got to realize the best we can do, we got to do it now and try to save ourselves to come at them later.
Much more straight ahead.
Ladies and gentlemen, it it is not a joke to say that every day that Bob Michael woke up and looked in the mirror, he saw a loser.
That's what it was like to be a Republican in the House when he ran the show.
And I'm not talking about a loser as a as an individual.
The alarm rings, Bob Michael pads into the bathroom, get ready for the day, sees himself in the mirror and says, every day I wake up, I look in the mirror, and I say to myself, today you're going to be a loser.
He even said it.
Was quoted in Time Magazine as having said it.
Don't doubt me.
Here it is.
Time magazine quotes him, Bob Michael Illinois would greet freshly elected Republican members with a revelation.
Every day I wake up, I look in the mirror and say to myself, today, you're going to be a loser.
And after you're here a while, you'll start to feel the same way, but don't let it bother you.
You'll get used to it.
That's what Bob Michael told Time Magazine about what it was like to be a Republican.
There's Rayla Hood, a Republican, uh member of the Obama regime, now the transportation secretary said, we need more Bob Michaels.
So we need more Republican losers.
And the Beltway Republicans are essentially saying, hey, look, you know, we really can't get any more than this.
We gotta just go along with uh whatever this is, the best we can do until we get hold of everything.
But that's not true.
My gosh, this is really tough for me.
And I'm not complaining for you, I'm just sharing.
If the Boehner bill is stopped, Harry Reid is stopped.
If the Boehner bill passes, then essentially the Harry Reid bill is going to take the place of the Baehner bill.
The Bahnerville will become the Harry Reid bill.
Now, little old me, sitting here in South Florida growing up in Missouri, not part of any establishment, looks at the establishment, I think that they have it all wrong.
This deal, if after all of this talk about what a crisis point we are at.
If this is the best that can be done, essentially we will be institutionalizing the debt situation.
We'll just be establishing that this is the new normal.
It's going to make it $2.5 trillion harder to undo...
What will be done from this deal.
That's what Reed's spending is.
Reed's bill is two and a half trillion dollars of net.
That's the debt limit increase in the Reed bill.
So that takes us from 14.3 up to 16.8.
So that becomes the new normal.
Now, if we control all three branches, all three branches will have to deal with almost 17 trillion dollars in immediate debt rather than trillions less.
And the political situation is not going to be any better in dealing with it.
You got.
But let's just advance forward.
Let's say we do win the Senate, and we do win the presidency in 2012.
But we've added two and a half trillion dollars in debt between now and then.
The political situation is not going to be any better in terms of dealing with the debt.
Plus, we're going to have to deal with entitlements as well.
None of this does.
The Reed bill doesn't deal with entitlements, and the Boehner bill doesn't deal with entitlements.
And that's where the real hard work is going to be.
And we're so we're kicking that can down the road.
The Republicans want a deal now to get it off their plate.
They want to be able to say that they did the best they could.
Now we've taken a good first step.
That's what they want.
And they and they want also to have it said that they compromised.
There's magic in that word in Washington.
And they're salivating over the opportunity to be called great compromisers.
Political today.
As of 9 45 this morning, Speaker Boehner told lawmakers today that Republicans don't yet have the votes to pass the debt ceiling package, but predicted his lead leadership team would get the legislation across the finish line this evening.
We don't have the votes yet.
Boehner told a closed meeting of House Republicans, but today is the day we're going to get it passed.
Steve Chabot, Republican from Ohio, also said that Boehner admitted not being at 217 votes yet, the minimum number he needs to pass the House.
Chabot, who's backing the Boehner plants, I don't think we're there yet, but I think we will be.
They're planning an evening vote on Boehner's package to lift the debt ceiling after the financial markets close this afternoon in New York.
Now, Politico says here that Republican leaders feel momentum has turned in their direction after the CBO released new estimates showing the Boehner plan reduces the deficit by more than the bill raises debt.
You know, we're not even talking a trillion dollars here.
Thank you.
From the current basic remember yesterday.
If you're just joining us today, if you were not here yesterday, get this.
If the Boehner bill was simply a freeze, not one dime spent next year more than is spent this year.
We don't increase spending a dime.
The Congressional Budget Office would score that as a nine and a half trillion dollar cut over ten years.
Because nine and a half trillion dollars is built into the baseline from which the federal budget is built every year.
That's how out of whack this is.
If we don't spend a dime, the CBO would come out and claim that Boehner is cutting spending 9.5 trillion.
when he's not.
There's no cut in a freeze.
There's only a cut if you are going to pretend that you're going to spend nearly $10 trillion the next 10 years.
Thank you.
Which, of course, it's going to be more than that.
annual budgets over that easily.
One of the guys at Red State, Uh reading stuff this morning, and they found an interesting passage, Mike Allen's playbook in the politico today.
This Mike Allen has this thing every morning that's uh it's a sort of a takeoff on what the hotline does, the little dot dot dot column on all that's going on in Washington politically, what's supposed to happen today and you know what happened last night and all kinds of just the political junkies delight.
There's this little passage.
A quote from an unnamed top Democrat.
The press will obsess about today's House vote on the Boehner two-step bill, but at best, it is an exercise in political machismo.
At worst, it's the beginning of the most irresponsible act in congressional history.
Because the House bill is dead on arrival in the Senate.
At least 58 senators are on record saying they will not support the Boehner bill.
That's worse than the Ryan bill.
That's worse than cut cap and balance.
So once the vote is over, Speaker Boehner needs to begin immediately working on a way out of the mess, can't or create it.
That's what this top Democrat is saying.
If he doesn't, we could be in big trouble.
There are dozens of possible compromises.
He just has to take one.
Reed, McConnell, and the White House have plenty of options.
The question is, will he choose compromise for the sake of the country or political grandstanding for the sake of his caucus?
So what they're talking about here is the Democrats are trying to say that what Boehner's doing is irresponsible.
He's going to send a bill up to the Senate that he knows doesn't have a chance.
And I can tell you the thinking behind that.
The thinking behind that here, and you you tell me if you think this makes sense.
Republican thinking is we got a bill, the Boehner bill, the Boehner two-step.
We send it up there and the Senate votes it down.
It's their problem.
We had a bill.
We came up with deficit reduction.
We expanded a debt ceiling.
No new taxes.
Senate shot it down.
Therefore, the ball's in the Democrats' court, and it's their problem.
That's the thinking.
This Democrat is saying that's the most irresponsible act in congressional history.
Of course, the Democrat wants something that Boehner would send over that Harry Reid and the Democrats would vote for.
But if you read this very carefully, the Democrat is saying what I just told you.
Boehner's going to need to begin immediately working on a way out of the mess because it's still going to be his mess, according to the Democrats.
They're going to say he sent us something we wouldn't possibly pass.
He's trying to make us look like the obstructionists, but he knows we wouldn't vote for this.
So why did he send it to us?
So we're going to monkey around with it.
We're going to send it back to him, and we're going to put the compromise on us back on him again.
So the thinking the Democrats think they can get away after Boehner and the Republicans might think they've won the day on compromise.
The Democrats, oh no, you haven't.
You've sent us something we can't possibly vote for.
Here we're going to send it back to you with some changes that we're going to make in it.
And it's going to be up to you, Mr. Boehner, to begin immediately working on a way out of this mess.
And if you don't, we could be in big trouble.
And then Reed McConnell, the White House have plenty of options.
Here goes monkeying around with the Boehner bill to turn it into something that the Senate will vote for.
And goes back to Boehner.
And then the question, will he choose compromise for the sake of the country?
Or in other words, will Boehner agree to the changes the Senate makes to his bill?
Or not.
And if he doesn't, the problem then becomes Republicans refuse to compromise, which is what the Democrats want all along.
Meanwhile, the Republicans think by dumping this thing in Reed's lap that the Democrats are going to end up looking like they don't compromise.
Democrats are a step or two ahead here.
That is, if they're not all on the same page, it's just playing us for saps.
Anyway, however, as red state points out here, all the Republicans keep telling us that this is the best they can hope for, that the Boehner two-step is the best they can hope for.
That's what they keep telling us.
We've got to do it now.
We've got the best we can possibly get.
Well, how is it the best they can hope for when it is going to get less votes in the House and Senate than either Paul Ryan's plan or cut cap and balance?
Or is it going backwards on this?
For a second.
I gotta go.
Quick timeout, and we'll be back.
We'll grab some of your phone calls right after this on the EIB network.
Sit tight.
Audio sound by time.
This morning on Daily Rundown, PMS NBC F. Chuck Todd interviewed the White House advisor David Pluff.
He's the man who ran Obama's campaign in 2008.
F. Chuck said the president says he wants to veto any process that doesn't raise the debt ceiling past 2012.
That's his lifeline to re-election.
Is that really the veto threat here?
That's uh that that's the line in the sand for the White House.
What the House Republican plan would do is have this whole debt ceiling spectacle, the three-ring circus the president talked about Monday, repeat it again just a few months from now, over the holidays.
You know, it's like the debt ceiling debate that would ruin Christmas.
Uh, it makes no sense.
You'd have this hanging over the country at one of the most economically important periods in our country around the holiday season.
What the hell would that have to do with anything?
Besides, it's not Christmas.
The Boehner bill takes you through March or April.
So F. Chuck said, Well, is this the line in the sand?
The president will send back any bill that gets to his desk and has a debt ceiling as the trigger for the next round of cuts.
Yeah, and he's been very clear about that.
The administration's been very clear about it.
He will send this back.
He'll veto it.
Say, guys, send it back, no matter any time before August 2nd.
Chuck, it's never going to get to us.
First of all, the Senate's made that clear.
We should start talking about the Boehner bill as if it's some uh recipe for a solution here.
It's dead on arrival.
The Republicans this morning are talking about this is take it or leave it.
We're gonna dump this on the Senate on the President.
My way or the highway.
This kind of approach, the American people are sick and tired of it.
Well, Pluff is half right.
They're sick and tired of it, but he doesn't have the slightest clue why.
Uh, but you see, he does have it right.
Boehner and the boys want to dump this over in Reed in the Democrat and Obama's lap and then think, okay, it's gonna deal.
It's their problem now.
We compromise with it.
It's not the way this is gonna happen.
Reed's gonna take that bill and say, you know what I got here?
Uh okay, start adding this, do this, do this, do that.
So they're like, okay.
We'll uh we'll change this.
Uh debt ceiling will be raised enough to uh get us past 2012.
Send that back to Boehner.
And okay, guy, it's in your court again.
Here's Jay Carney this morning of the press briefing.
The CNN White House correspondent Dan Lothian said Pluff this morning, and also Dan Pfeiffer tweeting, we're talking about the Boehner bill.
How it would mean dealing with the debt ceiling over the Christmas holiday season, which is an important time for the economy.
When do they care about that?
Since when these guys care about the economy.
Anyway, is this new narrative then suggesting the administration would embrace some sort of two-stage plan if it's past the holiday season?
The reason why we talk about the holiday season is because as constructed now, the measure that the Speaker of the House has put forward would almost certainly require all of us to go through this again before the end of the year.
In the most important economic season in the country, and at a time when people don't want to worry about whether or not their interest rates are gonna go up, their mortgage payments and their car payments and their student loan bills, and their credit card payments, especially as they're buying gifts for the holidays.
They're not working for crying out loud.
There aren't any jobs, you doofus.
These are not normal times.
And besides, this is a new construct, folks.
This is out of this out of unless I'm missing something.
The Boehner bill goes through next March or April, unless I've missed something about it.
Unless there's been a change that I've missed that it only raises the debt ceiling enough to get us uh through Christmas, do it all over.
But we had the speaker on the phone, and I asked him uh how long this goes, and he said next March or April.
He says, You're back to doing the same thing.
Yeah, yeah.
That was part of the plan.
Part of the plan is to make the White House go through this again.
To deprive Obama of a debt ceiling raise beyond the 2012 election.
So that he has his lifeline.
Now, we all know Obama could spend the money so fast that it won't last until April.
Maybe they've got it figured that whatever The increase is they're gonna spend it all by Christmas.
Could very well be their strategy that they are uh flagging for us even as we speak.
All right, Harry Reed, I'm told, just tweeted the following.
As soon as the House votes on Boehner's bill, the Senate will move to take it up.
It will be defeated.
Time for compromise.
Reed tweeted on this topic time for compromise.
Time for the number.
That's a Twitter theme.
Time for compromise.
They're telling us what they're gonna do.
Debt on arrival, time for compromise.
Okay, sit tight, folks.
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