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July 4, 2011 - Rush Limbaugh Program
37:45
July 4, 2011, Monday, Hour #2
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What's that mean?
Greetings and welcome back.
Great to have you, Rush Limbaugh, the Excellence in Broadcasting Network and the Limboy Institute.
For advanced conservative studies, it's great to have you with us, my friends.
Our telephone number when we get back to the phones is 800 282-2882 and the email address L Rushbow at EIB net.com.
We like to uh welcome to the program Rick Santorum, who is uh one of the Republicans seeking the uh presidential nomination of the Republican Party.
Senator, what do you how many were you prefer to be referred to these days?
You were last a senator.
How are you anyway?
Uh well, Rush, uh, thank you so much for having me on.
And uh Rick works just fine.
Uh that's what uh would be I was just in a diner in uh Nashville and uh young lady asked me the same question.
I said, Rick works well, and uh and so we're not in office anymore.
I'm uh just out there trying to, as a private citizen trying to make a difference in our country.
Well, I was gonna ask you why now.
Why um uh to crowded Republican field?
Uh there are uh uh a lot of Republican Party is at war with itself in addition to being at war with Democrats and and uh and Obama.
What is it about now that made you decide to toss your hat into all this?
Well, I said this yesterday.
The reason I went to uh Somerset County actually two days ago and announced was uh that's where my grandfather came to this country.
He came uh left fascist Italy, uh Mussolini's Italy in 1927, because he didn't want his family growing up with the government telling them what to think and how to do things and get a good job and lived in a beautiful little town in northern Italy on a lake, and uh left his uh eight brothers and sisters and came to this country and and worked in the coal mines and ended up until he was seventy-two years old, and he used to tell me when I was a kid that uh the most important thing was freedom.
And um and I just believe with what we've seen in this uh administration over the past two years that we are at risk of losing our founders' freedom, we're at risk of losing uh what uh what this country has fought for for two hundred years, and I I believe the linchpin in losing that is Obamacare.
Uh you know, Rush, that you know, Margaret Lady Thatcher said when she uh when she left after she left office and reflected on her career that she was never able to accomplish in England what uh Ronald Reagan did in America, and she said that she blamed the British National Healthcare system.
And what I said yesterday or two days ago was that once the government has an IV line to you, uh, and that uh they can withhold nutrition and withhold care, uh, they can get anything out of America, and they can go bigger and bigger and more powerful.
And and I just feel like we have to stop Obamacare, and I think we need a candidate who can be uh crystal clear on that and had a strong consistent record on on uh not just health care, but on on limited government, and uh I believe that uh I can bring that to the table as someone who's been a very strong consistent conservative over the years.
Now you've been doing some radio hosting.
You uh you have you have guest hosted for uh for Bill Bennett on his show.
So since you've done that, you ought to be able to do just about anything now.
Um I'm not including the the uh the pre what did that teach you?
I mean, you'd never done it before as a host.
What what um did that have any factor here in in uh you wanting to get back into your political career?
Well, it's it was actually uh uh a a really great way to stay, you know, in tune with what people were thinking, and and it was very, very clear to me as you know, I'm a listener to talk right up, been listening to you for 20 years, and uh, you know, really uh believe in uh in in the in the dialogue and interaction that goes it goes into uh trying to understand where America is, and I think talk radio is is is a great a great place for that.
And uh I certainly heard from from listeners and in traveling the country because after I started to do talk re I started to do a lot more traveling because I was really concerned about Obama and Obamacare and uh and cap and trade and and car check and all those things that were floating back at those times.
And you know, I don't claim to be a Tea Party person because obviously I've been involved in politics for uh for quite some time, but for the same, really for the same reasons the Tea Party people decided to come out of the woodworks.
I I really decided to come out of my woodworks and and get back involved in this because I have seven children, Rush, and I I I think my duty to them is the same duty that my grandfather uh was to me, which is to to create a to make sure that they we pass on a country that's free.
And uh I really do believe that's at risk in America, and I think this election is the most important one since the election of eighteen sixty.
Why?
Uh uh freedom.
I mean, I I I I really can't stress enough how uh I I believe that what what Obama's view of America I always use this quote that he he said during Paul Ryan's uh in response to the Ryan budget.
Uh he was talking about Medicare, Medicaid and Social Security, and he said that you know America's a better country because of those programs.
Then he went on and says, I bel he said I'll go one step further.
America would not be a great country without those programs.
That man doesn't understand what what makes America great.
What makes America great was a a government that was founded to be limited to doing one thing.
I really believe the whole purpose of America, the aspirational value that that why everybody who wants to come to this country wants to come here was because if we respected the dignity of every human person, life, liberty, the pursuit of happiness, it is to protect life and liberty.
That is what America is all about.
It's not to take care of people, but it's an it's the it's a belief that free people, if given the opportunity provide for themselves, collectively we can build a much greater society.
We can build a society that's a good and decent society, if government just stays out of the way and and creates uh an atmosphere for opportunity, protects us from uh from outside sources and creates a a level plane for for all of us to be to uh to to be able to achieve in our and in our lives.
Now, Rick, in that answer, which I liked.
I heard a lot of references to what some would call the social issues.
I remember you you've said uh when you when you announced your candidacy, and you've you've gotten close to it here too.
You said you wanted to make it make sure that there is a conservative in the race who has a track record of leading on moral cultural issues.
Now you know as well as I do that within the what what I call the the the inside the beltway elitist or or ruling part of the Republican Party, they don't want any part of the social issues, Rick.
They don't want to go there.
They don't want candidates to make a big deal out of the social issues because they're afraid of abortion rearing its head becoming an issue.
Um does that present you a problem, because this is uh you know, th this is one of the areas where the Republican Party is is in a war with itself.
They you know the the the what I call the uh for lack of a better term, the intelligentsia of our party just don't want to go.
They want to uh keep it supposedly strictly on the on the fiscal side, but you're fearless going after the on the moral and social issues that you've just just done here.
Yeah, I look I believe as you heard, I mean, we're endowed by our creator with certain rights, life, liberty.
I mean, that America's a moral enterprise for us.
I mean, the the idea that Republicans can win elections if we got there and just say all we care about is money.
I mean, people don't care.
Of course we care about our jobs, we care about money, but we care about our families.
We care about our communities.
We care about you know the dignity of life.
We care about, you know, living good and and and and lives that that that add to uh to the greatness of this country and and the idea that that we can have limited government rush without strong families.
I mean, the uh family's the first economy if if the family breaks down, well, government gets bigger because of the consequences of family breakdown we see in the neighborhoods where there are no marriages and there are no family there are no two parent families.
No, y you can't ignore the reality that faith and family, those two things are integral parts of of having limited government, lower taxes, and free societies.
We are either going to be constrained by internal controls, internal restraint on our behavior, or we're going to be restrained by external restraints.
And when people say that we can we can live a you know, can live free and people can do whatever they want to do, show me an example of that in human history.
It doesn't work.
And so I I am going to talk about it.
Look, I I understand you heard me say, Russ, the most important issue is obviously, you know, freedom and of repealing Obamacare and and getting government out of out of people's lives, lowering taxes and creating growth, and you f you know that I was a leader on welfare reform, and I I was a guy that led the charge in the United States Senate and actually wrote the original bill when I was in the House.
I I I was the guy to help end the federal entitlement.
I I I've embraced the Ryan plan and said that it it's a good first step, and frankly I would go even farther than that.
And you know I'm I'm out there and talking about all the important issues of the day, but you can't ignore uh the entire picture.
And I I I don't think Americans want us to ignore the entire picture either.
We're talking with uh uh former senator from Pennsylvania, Rick Santorum, who is seeking the Republican presidential nomination.
Now you are obviously, in addition to being self described, people just heard it.
Social fiscal conservative you you first won a House seat.
Uh you're from Western Pennsylvania, heavily Democrat district.
You then thanks thanks to your old radio station, KQV, where you were a uh discount here in KQV.
They turned into a news format and we're the only station in the in the uh in the area that actually covered me, but I I beat a 14 year incumbent, uh was not given any chance and six months before the election I had six percent name recognition.
So uh we we go about it the old fashioned way.
This is my eighteenth visit to New Hampshire while working hard.
That's what I was going to ask you.
You you you you have you you won your house seat in that district.
You then went on to win the Senate twice in a state that uh most people would not consider to be a majority in support of you.
Now you've you've got you you can tell us how a social conservative can win in a blue state like Pennsylvania or in a in in several blue states.
How would you do it today versus what you did then?
Why why do you think you lost the last time you sought the Senate well I I think you're you're right.
I mean I won my first four races.
I mean on four out of five not not bad and the f three of the first four races I ran twice for the House once uh against this incumbent Democrat.
The second time I got redistricted into a 71% Democratic district and beat and and I against another incumbent Democrat I won that seat.
The third time I ran for the Senate in Pennsylvania six hundred thousand more registered Democrats and Republicans against another Democratic incumbent and won that and then in two thousand when George Bush lost the state by four points I won it by five and and in two thousand six it was a horrible election year.
But I lost because I continued to be a constant conservative and in the last six years I was someone who was a national figure in the sense that I was uh the third ranking Republican in leadership and I would had just run President Bush's campaign in Pennsylvania.
The reason I was able to win before is because people while they didn't uh always agree with me they knew where I stood and and they knew that I that I had that I I did what I believed was right and that I stood for what I believe in and they could trust me and even though they didn't necessarily agree and I think for a president there were very few people believe you know uh are you know vote for somebody because they agree with them on everything.
Most people don't agree with everybody on everything.
But they want to believe that that person is trustworthy.
They want to believe that they're authentic they want to believe that they're gonna actually do what they say they're gonna do and that they can be trusted and uh and for a long time in Pennsylvania uh that was that was enough to me to get a lot of uh mo moderate and conservative Democrats uh to to join Republicans and and win and in two thousand six it was just a a meltdown year.
I I still led the ticket in Pennsylvania but uh you know our gubernatorial candidate lost by twenty two points and it was just a bad year.
We are talking to Rick Santorum we got to think of brief time out here we'll be back and we will continue with this before you know it.
Don't go away folks and we're back Rush Lindboy here with Rick Santorum Republican seeking the Republican presidential nomination uh Mitt Romney in his announcement earlier this week in New Hampshire said yes he believes there is global warming and yes he thinks human beings are contributing to it.
Do you uh I believe the earth gets warmer and I also believe the earth gets cooler and I think history points out that it does that and that it uh the idea that man uh through the uh production of CO2 which is a trace gas in the atmosphere and the man made part of that trace gas is itself a trace gas uh is somehow responsible for climate change is I think just painfully absurd when you consider all of the other factors El Niño,
La Niña, sunspots, uh uh you know uh moisture in the air there's uh a variety of factors that contribute to the earth warming and cooling and uh to me this is a uh this is an opportunity for the left to uh uh to create uh is it's a really uh a beautifully concocted scheme because they know the earth is going to cool and warm and so it's been on a warming trend so they say oh let's take advantage of that and and say that we need the government to come in and regulate your life some more because it's getting warmer just like they did in the seventies when it was
getting cooler.
They needed the government to come in and regulate your life because it's getting cooler.
It's just an excuse for more government control of life of your life, and I've never been for any scheme or even accepted the uh the junk science behind the whole uh narrative.
I see that you um you've signed the n the anti-tax pledge uh in uh in New Hampshire.
What are the specifics?
I'm actually signing that today.
That's right.
Which basically says that uh I believe in pro growth policies.
Uh in the uh time I was in the United States Senate and the Congress, I never voted for a tax increase, believed and voted for every tax cut that was uh was made available to do, and uh because I believe that we need to have uh a a uh uh situation in our country where government is a incentivizer for business where by creating low rates and uh and reforming and and uh our regulatory structure to make it more uh friendly to business and uh and an opportunity oriented,
as well as I was a very strong uh supporter of litigation reform uh to get litigation costs down in our business.
We we can compete with anybody in the world if we're if we're uh provided a playing field uh that isn't tilted against us, and that's what I think Obama and the Democrats and the left have been doing for a long time in America.
Let's talk about Obama.
I've I've talked to uh a couple, not a whole lot, a couple of uh potential some have announced, some haven't, Republican presidential nominees, and almost all of them, Rick said to me uh Rush, we can't attack Obama.
We can attack his policies and we should, and we've got to go after his policies, but we cannot be critical of Obama.
What is your reaction to that thinking?
Well, I I don't know.
I mean, uh I'm gonna I'm gonna attack the president when he when he's wrong and when he does things that I think are against the interests of our country, and uh you know, my my feeling is uh let's we haven't talked about national security.
When the President of the United States goes out and and uh and apologizes for America when he uh when he uh goes out and seems to uh uh embrace or even bow to foreign leaders uh when he does things that that I think make us weaker uh in the eyes of our enemies and make us unreliable in the eyes of our friends.
Uh I'm gonna attack him and I'm gonna attack what he does.
Uh so uh you're not gonna say, look, I didn't defeat um and knock out three Democratic incumbents uh by not going after the my my opponent and making sure that they knew that they were going to be held accountable for everything they did and said.
Well, what they mean is he's the first black president, and they don't want to be called racist, and so they gotta they they can't be seen as attacking Obama personally.
Of course, I eject myself in this, imagine that.
I I don't know how you separate somebody from their policies.
Obama is you or your policy.
So uh and and you know, Mitch Daniels said that uh he would he would be reluctant to debate Obama after after we got Bin Laden, he said, I'm I don't know that I'm ready to debate Obama on foreign policy.
You just said you're clearly willing to.
Absolutely.
What Osama bin Laden what uh with what uh uh uh Obama did in getting Osama bin Laden was simply a tactical decision.
The presidents, by the way, usually don't make.
The only reason he made he had to make this tactical decision is because we're born into a foreign country to extract him and kill him.
But other than that, uh, you know, because he's such a high value target, yeah, he had to make a tactical decision to get Bin Laden.
But what presidents are responsible for are not tactical decisions but but h higher level strategic decisions.
And then every contingency that's come up during the Obama administration, President Obama has gotten it wrong and gotten it wrong badly, whether it is throwing Mubarak under the bus, whether it was not going after and supporting the Green Revolution in Iran, whether it's being on the wrong side of uh of Hondurans who were trying to get rid of a ch uh of a Hugo Chavez puppet in their country,
and we're still on the wrong side of that, whether we we stiff warmed Colombia and their attempt to to to get closer to us to try to rebuff Chavez and the and the socialist and and in South America, whether it's the polls and the checks that we abandoned to the Russians in the in pursuit of this utopian ridiculousness of a nuclear fear free world that the president is advocating.
He has been on the wrong side of every national security issue since he's cut since he's been president, and it's made us weaker uh uh uh abroad, and it's made us less secure here at home.
I have a minute and a half.
You ever ask yourself where the American people are politically?
Do they you you you ever fear the American people just maybe want a uh European socialist country that they rather be dependent on government?
Is that worry you?
Um does it worry me?
Well, you know, you know Rush, because you can bat it every day with the popular culture and the and and the media and and uh academic institutions, that get pounded away every day and into the minds of our our young people.
And I don't know how many times I've listened on your show where people said, you know, you opened the scales fell from my eyes.
I finally I finally it's making sense to me.
I understand what all of these lies have been told.
You tell people lies enough and you indoctrinate them enough, of course I've got grave concerns, and that's one of the reasons I'm doing this is because I think we need look, whoever who's the person who's been able to win the presidency in since the age of television has had one thing in common.
They've been the best communicator in the race.
We need someone like a Rush Limbaugh who can communicate and can and and can touch the soul of Americans and can and can reach out across the radio and television and and paint a vision that helps drop those scales that can remind people what a great country we are and that it's a great country because we believe in free people and the and the ability of free people to provide for themselves, the family, their community, and the God they love.
That's what America is about, and we can get back to that.
We need to begin to believe in ourselves instead of having someone believe tell us that they need to believe in him, the uh the anointed one to uh to provide for them.
Rick, thanks for your time.
Uh your passion is is infectious.
It really is.
You uh thank you.
Can I I uh my my uh my wife will tell me if I don't get my website in RickFanthorum.com if you can please go to that website and and instead of even a small contribution to encourage us and help us along the way.
All right.
Rick Santorum.com, right?
Yeah, that's it, Rush.
Thank you.
You bet, thank you very much.
Rick Santorum, former uh senator from Pennsylvania, now seeking the Republican presidential nomination.
And we've got a brief time out.
I've uh and we still got people on the phones on hold.
We'll get to your phone calls and a couple of choice sound bites.
Trump saying I'm right, which I mean that's not unique.
Everybody does, but it's nice to hear.
Back after this.
You can try all you want, but I am not gonna mention it, startly.
You can I don't care.
Not gonna not I am not doing it.
Greetings, my friends, and welcome back in Ann Colder.
We welcome to the EIB Network.
Uh where are you?
You in New York today, is that right?
Yes, I am.
The book just came out a few days ago.
Yeah, I know.
And I gotta ask you about demonic.
Who's demon what what the actual title is uh uh demonic how the liberal mob is endangering America what who were you thinking of when when you came with the title Demonic, the girls on the view?
That would be one excellent example.
Um I first got the idea for the book because I spend so much time around liberals, as you know, on college campuses, for example, going to their TV shows.
Um and they do seem to exhibit mob-like behavior.
Uh so I think Dan, d do you mean in mob do you mean uh physical literal mob-like behavior, or do you mean intellectual mob like me?
What kind of mob behavior do you mean here?
That's a great question, because it's both actually.
The first quarter of the book is on how liberals are a psychological mob.
It has to do with their slogans, how they formulate arguments.
Um they got a lot of slogans.
Whereas conservatives just don't speak in slogans, and we don't understand slogans.
Um and for good reason, it's always sort of glib and superficially appealing, but if you stop and actually think about it for five seconds, uh slogans never make sense.
What does it mean to say you can't hug a child with nuclear arms?
Or uh pro-choice, pro-child.
It it means nothing, but that is perfect for appealing to a mob.
It's it's simple-minded.
Gustav Labon, the father of groupthink, said don't ever use logic with a mob.
They it confuses them.
Gustaf Labon, uh uh oh before I get uh I want to ask you to explain who he is and how you came upon him, but your your books are a uh a series of many things, and one of them that I would say is you're constantly trying to define and explain liberals uh to your readers.
Um do you do you foresee the day?
And I'm look I asked this question because I did that we were all in in this in in one degree or another.
Um you know, I remain perplexed.
We had, for example, eight years of robust economic recovery.
We have great in the in Reagan, the eighties, and yet people have forgotten that liberalism is so easily seductive.
Uh You ever see the day where your books aren't going to be necessary where people understand who liberals are and how they operate and why.
Oh that's a great question.
I used to think, yes, someday we're going to persuade them.
And every once in a while you feel like you're making progress.
But first of all, uh as I now know from learning about mob psychology, uh in the in the um moment of a mob, a man in a mob, you can you can sit them down, you can educate them, you can show them the facts, and you'll finally persuade that one liberal and then you come back a few days later and he's right back to spouting the same nonsense.
And that itself is is an example of of group think.
And and having now covered in this book 200 years of the history of liberals, I think no, it'll it'll always be with us.
It it is mobs are demonic and they will always be with us.
They've been with us for two hundred years.
The most we can do is warn peaceable Americans uh that mobs are dangerous.
Well Gustaf Lamont you stumbled across him as your latest vehicle to try to explain to people how liberals operate, how they achieve or attempt to achieve their objectives gave us a little historical review of him.
Yes, well I I read once I dec I had this idea in my head that liberals are a mob and so I just started reading everything I could find on mobs, group saying curd behavior, riots, um and I'd heard of Gustave LeBon um but all the other books were sort of on the periphery.
And then finally I c I read Gustave LeBon's book, The Crowd a Study of the Popular Mind, and it was so clear, so beautiful and of course he turns out to be the father of groupthink.
He's the first one to notice the the psychological characteristics of someone uh behaving in a mob.
Not surprisingly he was French um since the first um mob revolt in m certainly in anything resembling m modern times is the French revolution and I I date the beginning of liberalism to the French revolution.
Um and just page after page you read through this book and it's liberals.
It's all of their peculiarities I almost went back and started inserting some of the other um statements from a from the other books I had read into this book to show that it was more than LeBon but he was just so clear and so right.
In fact he was so good um although the book is a is a warning about mobs, both Mussolini and Hitler studied his book in order to learn how to incite mobs.
What are some of the characteristics of mobs?
Uh mist making contradictory thinking creating messiahs and turning those who disagree with you into opponents uh simple mindedness uh inability to grasp logic um you see a lot of it right now in this in in Wienergate it's funny now when I watch liberals on T V uh whatever they're doing I think oh yeah that's that's mythmaking and and that's contradictory thinking.
Uh last night at the beginning of the Rachel Maddow show she had a long segment denouncing of course in the middle of Wienergates David Vitter, Senator from Louisiana, um he is the only Republican ever caught in a sex scandal who didn't resign immediately or lose his re-election.
Um but of course his scandal was very different from every other one I can think of uh the DC Madame released his name I'm sure there were a lot of Democrats on that same list but their names weren't released.
Um and what we found out was that seven years earlier he had gone to a prostitute twice, told his wife about it, apologized to her, confessed to her, confessed to God, she had forgiven him the marriage had continued and seven years later we find this out as soon as the d his name David Vitter's name was released from the DC Madam's list,
he went straight out, apologized, admitted it, held a press conference he's standing there with his wife saying I told her seven years ago um he didn't turn around and start denouncing the press and and claim he had been hacked um and after all of this this on Rachel Maddow denouncing Vitter as if his six tech scandal were somehow worse rather than less bad I mean we do have forgiveness um this Rachel Maddow concerned with you know the misogyny and and
the ugliness of of David having visited prostitutes seven years before we found out interviews as her expert interview on this Larry Flint he's your expert on misogyny here.
Well isn't that I mean it that that kind of fit um with with the Woody Allen at one point was was held up as uh as as the poster boy for Democrat uh uh morality back early ninety when he ditched his wife for the daughter for the adopted daughter.
Now, would you say um look the the the opposition to Governor Walker in Wisconsin, that was a mob, acorn's a mob.
Um the Arab Spring, all of these things that they're pop up that have mass movements to them.
Social media are are responsible, it is said for what happened in Egypt and so forth.
That's all mob-oriented.
Somebody organizing all of this stuff.
Is there some uh some grand council, Grand Wizard Council knows how to manipulate the rank and file, turn the mob out, inform the mob, uh give it its uh marching orders and talking points?
Uh yes, I mean, they're um as as is described uh by historians, for example, who've reviewed various mob movements.
It's just it could be anyone.
It's the person who shouts the loudest.
And by the way, you've segued right from um psychological mobs into literal mobs.
That's part of what makes mob psychology so dangerous.
There's always the threat of violence.
And in the um, I guess the the last third of the book, uh, I look at actual violence here in the United States in a 200 year history, and the violence in America, political violence has always been committed by the left.
Liberals keep talking about how terrified they are of the Tea Partiers and Conservatives, and oh, our violent rhetoric.
Well, they're afraid of their own fears.
That's what we're supposed to worry about, that they're afraid of something.
We're a free afraid of them actually punching us, biting off a finger, or shooting us.
Every presidential's assassination attempt, for example, has been, at least the ones that were political at all, so uh some were just committed by by pure nuts.
Um the ones that had a political basis were all committed by liberals.
Not a single conservative has attempted to assassinate a president.
And there are about a dozen of them.
Um even at the recent Tea Parties and Town Halls, the only violence was committed by liberals, including one liberal biting a guy's finger off.
Right.
But how how would you how would you say that the Tea Party is not uh a mob in the in the non-physical sense?
I mean, they uh Tea Party sprung up, they attended all these town hall meetings.
It did efferves from the grassroots, didn't seem to be any single leader or organizer, but I'm sure liberals who listen to this program in Legion are probably shouting at their radios right now that well, hell, a Tea Party's a mob the way she's talking.
What would you say to them?
Well, a mob isn't just any assemblage of like-minded people, um, you know, or every book club would be a mob.
So for one thing, there has to be violence or the prospect of violence, um, and the and so just straight out of the shoot.
You look at these Tea Party rallies, and uh they leave the parks that that they pro that they gather in uh cleaner than when they showed up.
Um but also it is the Tea Party actually is uh in keeping with its name, more in the tradition or in the tradition, not more in the tradition, in the tradition of the American Revolution.
These are these are people who are reading the Constitution, who are reading the Federalist Papers, uh who are making arguments.
Um as uh you know, I list about four dozen, three dozen slogans of the left uh in chapter one.
I don't know what the Tea Party slogan is.
I've seen some signs that are relatively clever um most of the time, usually um, you know, anti-Obomacare, read the bill, that sort of thing.
Um but there's no slogan for the Tea Party.
There's no violence.
It is an argument of ideas, uh, whereas the the Democrats are using the Rousseauian method of ginning people up by frightening them.
They're gonna take your health care away.
Here's here's a representative Ryan pushing an old lady in her wheelchair off a cliff, and conservatives are are are reading things and and coming up with arguments with Medicare and Social Security about to go bankrupt.
They're they're looking at a plan, not looking at slogans or or pictures of a representative throwing an old lady off a cliff.
We're talking with Ann Coulter in her new book is uh demonic, and we got to take a brief time out here, an obscene profit break, but we'll be back before you know it, and continue right after this.
You have a uh by the way, welcome back.
Ann Coulter is our uh guest for the remaining part of the hour.
You you make a point in the book, you mean case uh in the book that since the civil rights movement of the sixties, the American people lost their natural inherited aversion to mobs.
Now, I this is fascinatingly interesting to me because in my lifetime I can remember and the American people were livid at at at Kent State.
They were livid at what happened.
They were livid at the protesters of the sixties.
They were livid.
They had a total aversion to this kind of behavior.
We've lost that aversion now.
Now there's a it seems culturally we say, well, we must tend to understand their rage.
When did this happen and why?
Uh I I think it's the civil rights movement because that was the first mob, so to speak, as street protests that that was on behalf of a good cause.
Every other mob um there was no sympathy for.
Uh in fact, it was Shays of Rebellion immediately after the revolution that caused us to become one country rather than thirteen Confederated States.
People were concerned that if that if there wasn't one central national government, uh there would be no controlling of mobs.
Abraham Lincoln sent the troops into New York City during the Civil War when, of course, Democrats uh r rose up in a rabble and started lynching blacks.
Um Abraham Lincoln crushes the mob, goes back, wins the war, and then he carried New York State.
So there have always been these mob uprisings.
The first time um a mob uprising was on behalf of a good cause was the civil rights movement.
Um I contrast Martin Luther King with Thurgood Marshall, who suddenly has become sort of a hero for me.
When I first read about him in law school, he was just signing on to everything with William Brennan, and I just thought he was another poopy headed liberal.
Um but his early history, uh I place Thurgood Marshall in the tradition of of the American Revolution.
He was making arguments.
He was winning cases in court.
He won Brown versus Board of Education in 1954.
And by the way, we never would have needed a civil rights movement if if Richard Nixon had won the 1960 election rather than than Kennedy.
Um but these Democrats, because they always appealed to the mob and their mob at that time, at least part of it, included racist segregationist Democrats.
Um the Democrats, both Kennedy and Johnson kept dragging their feet on civil rights enforcement.
Um so then you have Martin Luther King's movement.
Um though some that was much more in the French Revolution tradition.
Martin Luther King stages a massive protest in Birmingham, Alabama, after Bull Connor, a Democrat, who was an insane racist, had already been voted out of office.
First the good people of Birmingham eliminated Bull Connor's office once they discovered they had an insane public safety officer, he ran for mayor and lost.
The Kennedy Justice Department called King and pleaded with him not to stage his march anyway, because um Bull Connor was still a lame duck public safety officer.
Um the blacks in Birmingham begged Martin Luther King not to stage the protest, but he did it anyway, sending in children against this insane racist Bull Connor.
Images are broadcast around the world, and and this this gave a big jolt to Martin Luther King's movement.
Um people were sympathetic because it was a good cause.
And now you'll notice liberals for every every time they run out into the streets, every time they start smashing Starbucks windows, they say, oh, well, it's the new civil rights movement.
No, there was only one civil rights movement.
Yeah.
Well, what makes these people so easy to control?
And I'm I'm down here about a two minutes here, but I I um I'm always fascinated by this myself.
Why are the Democrats or these mobs they use so easily controlled, so easily possessed?
How are they able to organize so many people into this group think?
Uh well, two things.
First of all, look at who their voters are.
Um they openly brag about um, you know, having the least informed voters.
They're very upset that when when Republicans and other people who don't want voters fraud request IDs simply in order to be able to vote.
They want illegal aliens, they want felons, they want soccer moms, um, they want non-native English speakers, uh, they have college kids.
So, you know, they have the most easily fooled, naive, and perpetually alarmed uh members of of the country as their base.
And secondly, I have a whole chapter on status anxiety, uh, and and how some people are really obsessed with what others think of them.
Um, and we call them liberals.
Uh, I give a number of examples of that, and and that's why I mean I think conservatives are by and large immune from that because they tend to believe in a real God, so it's an up and down relationship, and you don't have to care what people around you think.
Well, you're right about that.
I say if we could get rid of that characteristic in people worrying about what people think of them, we can come up with a good nominee.
Yes, yes.
Anne Coulter, demonic, how the liberal mob is endangering America, is out since Tuesday, and we wish you the best of luck with it.
And as always, thanks for your time here.
You're great.
Thank you.
Great to talk to you, Russia.
Ann Coulter, and we will be back after this.
You know, there's a woman out there that's doing everything Ann Coulter is talking about.
And that's Debbie Blabbermouth Schultz, this new babe that's running the Democrat national community.
I mean, it's the things that she is she is inflammatory, she's racist, she is using inflamed rhetoric.
Republicans want to literally drag us all the way back to Jim Crow laws, literally just throwing a barrier in the way of somebody trying to exercise their right to vote.
Um this plan would literally be a death trap for some seniors.
I mean, she's just over the top trying to rally the Democrat voters as a literal mob.
And she's running a Democrat Party.
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