Rush Limbaugh Program - August 9, 2010, Monday, Hour #3

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Aug. 9, 2010 - Rush Limbaugh Program

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August 9, 2010, Monday, Hour #3

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	Oh yeah, that's got sort of a twangy country beat to it, really hip.
	You know George W. Bush, the day after the election in 2004.
	In his speech uh accepting victory, he uh pulled me out of the recognized me out of the crowd and called me the architect.
	And ever since then, members of the American Institute of Architects have been uh plaguing me, saying that if I call myself the architect, I can because I've not passed a qualified uh exam in any state in the Union that they can find that identifies me as an architect.
	I tell them it's just sort of a metaphor.
	It's it's sort of a a label, it's not a specific designation of the ability to build a house, a building, or a bridge, but they said they keep saying, stop calling yourself the architect.
	So I rely upon other people calling me the architect.
	It's a title I don't refer to myself.
	I don't in the third person refer to myself as as the architect says, but uh I'm happy to be called the architect by my friends.
	George W. Bush.
	I was twenty two years old and I was working for his old man.
	Um I had gone uh uh in October of two thousand excuse me, October of nineteen seventy-three uh to work for George H. W. Bush a month after I met him.
	And uh I'd met I was been elected College Republican National Chairman, and I went in to meet with the uh chairman of the Republican National Committee, George H. W. Bush.
	I took along my executive director.
	I gave this young lad his first job in Washington, D.C. He was a guy named Lee Atwater.
	And we walk in to meet with Chairman Bush and two little 22-year-old guys, and uh we walk in and he gives us the lecture about behavior self.
	We were in the sub-basement, snurdly.
	We were underneath the parking garage.
	I mean, there was the parking garage above us, the basement, and then the first floor, second floor, third floor, and on the fourth floor was the the office of the chairman, George H. W. Bush.
	So we went up to meet with the chairman at his behest, and he said, Don't overspend your budget, don't misbehave, do everything we tell you to do, uh, don't get into trouble, and and then spent a lot of time with us talking about what our plans and aspirations were and what we were doing to go win the vote on college campuses, really showing a lot of interest in us, and uh which we were both, uh Lee and I were both taken aback at.
	And when we finished, Atwater, who Atwater always was thinking ahead, and Atwater always had a wonderful demeanor about him, and when Atwater was agitated, he sort of stuttered.
	He said, Chairman, uh uh uh uh uh can I ask you a question?
	And uh Bush said uh the senior Bush said, Yeah, go ahead.
	He said, uh uh is it true you got a boat on the Potomac?
	Chairman said, Yeah, I I I've got a boat on the Potomac.
	Is it true it's uh like uh Boston, whatever with Evan Rude for The Chairman said, yeah, that's exactly the kind of boat I got.
	Can I bought it?
	Can I bought this weekend?
	He said there's this really cute girl coming up from South Carolina, and I'd like to buy the boat because it would really impress her, and I know how to operate that boat, and I bring her back fully gassed up, Mr. Chairman.
	And this had just enough hoodspah that George H. W. Bush said to this kid, this 22-year-old kid whom he'd met just a few minutes before.
	He said, You yeah, you can have my boat this weekend.
	And uh that weekend, Atwater uh met the cute little girl from South Carolina named Sally and drove her around on the Potomac River on the boat of George H. W. Bush, chairman of the Republican National Committee, and as luck would have it, he later married her.
	And that was the that was how Lee Atwater uh dated uh David Little Sally's who became Sally Atwater, his wife and mother of his of his wonderful daughters, and uh I was there for it.
	But anyway, uh that was in like August.
	In October, uh George H. W. Bush called me up and said, I'd like you to come to work for me as my special assistant, which really sounds cool.
	I mean, special assistant, the chairman of the Republican National Committee, but the office consisted of the chairman, the chief of staff, a wonderful guy named Tom Lyas, a formidable secretary named Rose Zameria, who was actually in charge, the driver, uh and all ran handyman, and me.
	And you can imagine it was at the bottom of the totem pole.
	Well, the day this is Thanksgiving week, about a month later, five weeks, six weeks later, and I get a call from Tom Lyus, and he says, um, I was is sitting in my office now on the fourth floor.
	The College Republicans were still in the sub basement, but I was on the fourth floor, and uh uh he said, Look, uh Chairman uh Bush has a meeting at the White House.
	I got a meeting on Capitol Hill on Wednesday, and uh Rose Zimmer and Miss America is not going to be here, and Don uh the driver is not gonna be here.
	He's gonna be driving chairman down to the National to the White House.
	So George W. Bush, W, who's at Harvard Business School, is going to be coming down on the train and he'll call when he gets to Union Station and you meet him in the lobby with the keys to the family car.
	So at the appointed hour, early in the afternoon, call comes into the office, uh, answered by the intern or whatever, and um W has arrived at station and he's walking down from Union Station, so I go down to lobby of 310 First Street Southeast, and in walks a few minutes later, George W. Bush in his Air National Guard flight jacket, wearing cowboy boots and Levi's with that distinctive in the back pocket, you'll know what I'm talking about, part of America.
	In the back pocket, there was the distinctive uh ring, uh, you know, the sort of the large about three-inch diameter in the seat of uh in the in the seat pocket o' of his pants, and and exuding more charisma than anybody uh should be allowed to have.
	And he was down, he was used to driving around a red sports car at Harvard Yard at at B school, and uh my job was to give him the keys to the family car, which was a purple gremlin with Levi Strauss interior.
	Now you can say a lot of things about 41, but that man is not car proud, never has been, as long as it's got wheels and it moves.
	So there's his son who's uh been given the keys to the car, and I pointed out to him, yeah, it's the ugly it's that purple gremlin right out front with the Levi Strauss interior.
	The ugliest darn thing you've ever seen in your life.
	But anyway, we've known each other a long time.
	That's how we met.
	Yeah.
	Yeah, I was scared.
	You have uh Bunt.
	Yeah, well, the question from Snerdley was when I was going through the uh special prosecutor investigation, was I ever scared?
	And yeah, I was scared.
	Uh I didn't want to show it, and I didn't let people know it because I didn't want I didn't want my colleagues to worry about me, and I didn't want uh my critics to get the get a sense of uh you know that they were somehow winning.
	I just so I I did everything I possibly could to muscle up and not show it.
	I write about it in the book, and and I and I was shocked when I wrote about it how you know when I finished writing it, how you know forthcoming I'd been.
	I'd been more forthcoming than I thought I was willing to be.
	And then uh my wife and my son uh read the chapter and helped uh freshen it up and sharpen it up somebody.
	Yeah, I was.
	I mean, when you have a bunch of FBI, you know, when even though I knew I'd done nothing wrong, even though I'd been told I'd done nothing wrong, when you know, I I remember when I walked into the grand jury for the fourth time with my lawyer, Bob Luskin, I said, Bob, how many times has anybody that you've been your client gone to the grand jury?
	Uh how many times have they gone?
	He said, they've uh none of my clients has gone more than once except you.
	And uh you can read about it in the book.
	I mean, at the end of the day, this was not about Valerie Plame.
	I mean, right from the get-go, the prosecutor knew that no law had been violated when Under Secretary of State Richard Armitage had uh had had disclosed his her name to uh to Robert Novak.
	Right from the beginning, he knew that uh that w uh that what I'd said to Novak and what Novak recalled me saying to him was roughly the same.
	I recalled saying to Novak, when he brought the issue up to me, did you know Val you know, did you know that Joe Wilson's wife worked at the CIA?
	My response was to say, I've heard that too.
	His recollection of what I've heard uh what I said to him was, so you've heard that too.
	But essentially right from the get-go, the FBI knew that there was no essential disagreement between the two of us, that I was accurately depicting what I had told uh uh uh Novak and that there was no problem with it, that I had no legal exposure.
	But what they were trying to do was the prosecutor had to get a pelt.
	You know, when you have a high profile case like this, there is a pressure on the prosecutor to demonstrate results.
	And so, you know, there was a concern about was he trying to find something that I didn't remember correctly and uh and and get me on it, even if it was inconsequential.
	And at the end of the day, what this all boiled down to, and I write about it, I hate to ruin it for the people who don't read the book, but but if what he what he what it came down to was after, you know, basically nearly three years of being investigated was he sat down with my attorney and said, We're inclin we would be inclined w we're thinking about and uh indict your client.
	We're inclined to believe him except for one thing.
	If he can't remember a conversation that apparently lasted for no more than a minute or two on Friday morning, June 11 uh June July 11th, 2003, if he can't remember having a conversation with Matt Cooper of Time magazine, why did he ask his Staff to go find any evidence that he'd ever had a meeting with Matt Cooper.
	If he can't remember it, why did he ask his staff to do that in the early part of the investigation?
	And my lawyer said, well, it's because of me, Bob Luskin, his lawyer.
	I had drinks with a st colleague of Matt Cooper at Time who said that sh that she said to me, to my lawyer, Bob Luskin, that Matt Cooper had said he had he had had a telephone conversation with me.
	So immediately after having drinks with this time reporter, my lawyer, Bob Luskin called me and said, get your staff to go see if there's any thing that will help prompt your recollection, this anything in your files that indicates you talk to Matt Cooper.
	And uh that's why I had I had gone to uh asked my staff to do this.
	In four appearances before the grand jury, he'd never asked that.
	And when he did finally ask it of my attorney, uh and my attorney gave him the answer, he said, You've rocked my world.
	I mean, I don't know how many hundreds of thousands of dollars or millions of dollars had been spent investigating me, but it was all on a suspicion of a of a prosecutor on something like that, and as a result, my family had to go through hell, and they did.
	And what was ironic was just at the moment when I was at when I knew that I had no exposure, the next six months were the were the months where the media went nuts, and I detail in my book, Courage and Consequence, which incidentally is not my courage, it's George Bush's courage, and the consequences is about the eight years of his consequential administration.
	But in my book, I detail the nuts in the press who went out and said things at a moment when I had no exposure.
	All I was waiting was for the attorney for the special prosecutor to ultimately let me out.
	But in the May and June before he let me out, in June, all of these people in the press were going insane, saying Bush is gonna Bush's brain, you know, right-hand guy Rove is going to be sent to jail when they didn't know Boodoo Diddley Squat.
	And the and people, you know, in front of my house, a death watch of press reporters and you know, sitting in front of my house when my child came home from school, you know, people saying ugly things on television.
	I I recount them all in the book.
	But yeah, but I gotta tell you, I wasn't gonna let anybody know I was scared.
	I mean, I was I w at the moment when when I had, you know, the pressure was the m the most on me, I resolved that I was going to do everything I possibly could to to look, you know, to add a little bit of humor, to be upbeat, to be, you know, to be outgoing, to be fresh, to be focused on my job, and not because I didn't want my colleagues to worry about me, and I didn't want my enemies to take joy in in seeing me ground down.
	You know, don't let the bastards ground you down, and I was I was I was determined not to.
	Snerdley, stop asking these introspective questions.
	I don't look like like looking at my navel, and with that, we're gonna br take a break, and after we come back, we're gonna talk about politics, politics.
	Yeah, there we go.
	There's a little beach music.
	That might have been the thing that kind of thing that Lee Atwater would have been playing on that guitar of his, though he was really into RB a few weeks before he was diagnosed with his terrible brain cancer with his tumor.
	He was in Austin, Texas playing at uh at an RB uh bar there and uh got to go out and see my good friend.
	Uh he used to come to Austin regularly to do that kind of thing.
	Look, politics, let's spend some time talking about politics.
	You know, it really has been remarkable the last uh since January 20th of 2009, the inauguration of Barack Obama, an historic day.
	If you take a look at the President's job approval, which that day was in the Gallup, was about 20 percent disapprove and 70 percent approve.
	Pretty good numbers.
	As of the latest, they are 45 percent approved, 48 percent disapprove.
	President Obama hit 50 percent in the Gallup poll faster than any elected pre modern elected president except Bill Clinton, William Jefferson Clinton.
	Of course, Clinton started at 43 percent on election day, not 53 like Obama.
	The only other president to get there quick quicker was President Ford, who was not elected and had to pardon Richard Nixon in order to get to the 50 percent faster.
	But Obama was only seven months into his presidency before he hit that that sort of vital 50 percent number.
	Uh and and look, when a president gets to 50 percent, he stops being helpful to his party largely in in most contests.
	President Obama was at 52 percent approval last November when Republicans took the big victories in Virginia and New Jersey and swept most of the races in Pennsylvania.
	And President Obama has suffered these losses, not j not among Republicans.
	He didn't start out particularly good there.
	He's lost them among independents.
	A year ago, Barack Obama's approval rating in Gallup was fifty-six percent among independents, and today it's thirty-eight percent among independents.
	The people who elected the guy, the people who turned out to vote for him after having voted for Bush in 2004 turned out and voted for him in 2008, these independents, they they they've turned on him with a vengeance.
	The other thing that the White House has got to not like is his support among Latinos.
	If you take a look, for example, among blacks, his approval rating was 88 percent in January of 2009, and in July of 2010 it's still 88 percent.
	But among Latinos it's dropped from 74 percent approval to 54 percent.
	Almost one, you know, that's almost one out of every three Latinos has dropped away.
	His his approval among uh whites has dropped from 62 to 38.
	And you know it's not happening because we don't like the President, it isn't because his personality rubs us raw, though sometimes it does some of us, it is because of his approval on the issues.
	If you take a look at what he's done on the issues, that's what's driven people away.
	He's turned out to be distinctly different than what he said he would be when he got elected to office.
	I mean he ran as a relentless centrist.
	Remember the campaign?
	We're not red states, blue states but United States, I'm gonna be a bipartisan president, you know, criticize the deficits of the Bush years which ran just slightly above the post-World War II average.
	He st he criticized him he was a going to be a tax cutter.
	I'm gonna cut taxes for you know people making less than 250 thousand dollars a year.
	In fact for every one word that he devoted to raising taxes to say generally that he would return tax rates to the way that they were under Bill Clinton, he said that he was going to raise he was going to cut taxes on those making less than 250 thousand dollars he could devoted four words to that four to one tax cut.
	In fact in the most widely watched speech of the entire campaign his speech before the Denver convention is acceptance speech he never mentioned raising taxes once, deliberately he was a budget cutter I'm gonna, you know, scrub the budget for programs that do not work and and you know end programs that do not work.
	And you know he was a centrist.
	And then he came into office and he turned out to be something very, very, very different.
	He turned out to be a you know a strong liberal and as a result, take for example the Economist in late July did a poll, approval on immigration 30 percent, Social Security 31, budget deficit 32, gay rights 34, taxes 35, war in Afghanistan 35, economy 36, war in Iraq 37, health care 40, terrorism 40, environment 40, education 40 in fact education is the only issue in which he's right side up.
	That is to say his approval of 40 percent is higher than his negatives.
	And on the number one issue facing us this year, the President is really in bad shape.
	You know, CNN opinion research in middle of July 42 percent approval on decompany 57 disapprove deficit, 36 approved, 62 disapprove.
	And his numbers are dreadful among independents, these people who elected him, they think and are acting like Republicans this year.
	And they see him as very liberal.
	You know he went out of his way to sort of proclaim himself as a centrist in the 2000 election and as a result in March of 2008 he had uh you know 54 percent of the people said he was liberal but a a good number 28 percent said he was a moderate but today same same poll Rasmussen 76 percent see him as a liberal and 17 percent see him as a moderate and and worse than that is it must have just galled James Carville and Stan Greenberg to say something like this,
	but they I they put this question in the poll I think in order to sort of show how nutty the Republicans were and how out of touch they were they said do you think for each word or phrase please tell me whether or not it describes Barack Obama and they used three words socialist, big spender and two liberal.
	The problem was the answers were pretty strong.
	55 percent said the word socialist describes him, 62 percent said a big spender, 57 percent said liberal, and you have strong numbers saying that among independents.
	So while they had to put out the number they weren't probably too very happy about it.
	This has led the Republicans to being in great shape on the generic ballot.
	The uh you know if you take a look at for example Gallup since March there have only been a few weeks out of all the weeks since March, April, May, June and July, only a few weeks in which the Democrats were ahead on the generic ballot.
	They were head briefly in early March they've got ahead in late eight in l in in late April, early May, and fell back behind, and then they pulled ahead again for for one two-week period in July and then have fallen back behind.
	And in Rasmussen, since March the Republicans have been ahead each and every week.
	And that can't be happy because for Democrats, because look, Republicans don't need to be ahead in the generic ballot in order to win the election.
	And when we come back, I want to share with you, I want to preview for you some polls data that are coming out tomorrow that show why the Democrats are in such bad shape and why they're adopting the strategy of blaming Bush, saying it could that it's worse than they expected it to be, and it's all about how bad it's going to be if the Republicans are let back in.
	I'm we're gonna sh we're gonna preview a really interesting poll about which you're gonna learn more tomorrow from the mainstream media.
	Back after these words.
	Well, welcome back, welcome back.
	We're going to be talking now about uh a little bit more about politics.
	I promised you some insight into a poll that's going to be coming out tomorrow.
	It's coming in, it's been uh sponsored by American Crossroads.
	This is an organization that I've been helping.
	It's really interesting.
	Uh you know, it's the chairman of the group is Mike Duncan, the former chairman of the Republican National Committee, and he's got a great board of uh directors.
	Uh the executive director of it is a fellow named Stephen Law, who was the under-secretary of labor in the Bush administration, was the general counsel over at the uh U.S. Chamber for uh for the last year and a half, previously Senator McConnell's chief of staff and executive director of the National Republican Senatorial Committee.
	The political director of American Crossroads is uh a guy named Carl Forte, who is one of the smartest people in politics you've never heard of.
	He's been in charge of the independent expenditure efforts for the Congressional Campaign Committee for the last several cycles, really smart guy, and they've got a very small and dedicated staff, and I'm helping them.
	Now that doesn't st that has not stopped the press from attacking them.
	In fact, it's encouraged them because anything I'm associated with gets attacked.
	So they've attacked American crossroads by saying, first of all, that I'm running it.
	I'm merely helping raise money and encouraging it, but uh they've also attacked it as a secretive organization, which i it's not.
	It is a it's uh organized under the the laws of the United States, and it's trying to provide a counterweight to what the Democrats do through the unions and through all their galaxy of liberal special interest groups.
	You know, so what it's been what it's been doing is raising money in order to spend in critical Senate and House races, and hopefully it's going to do the job this year and help us pick up some seats we wouldn't otherwise pick up.
	But they're doing a poll on Senate battlegrounds, and this is in the key contests around the country, the key races that everybody uh believes are up for grabs, and they did two very interesting things which show the problem that the Democrats have.
	The first thing they did is is they talked about uh they they read a series of questions of people who said that they would or would not vote to re-elect their incumbent Democrat senator.
	And uh what they found is is that the Democrat meta themes, the big the big things that they're that they're sort of counting on working for them don't work as well as the big themes that Republicans are re are are are uh are counting on.
	For example, uh, you know, uh I'm I'm gonna vote for the Democrat because they're fighting for change and making progress addressing the problems the country faces versus the Republican idea of, you know, uh I'm I'm uh I'm and we need new new people who will fix Washington, get things done.
	And in each and every instance, the arguments that pit the Democrat and the Republican against each other, the Republican wins and wins by a pretty hefty margin.
	Uh there's one there's one where if you phrase it the way that the Democrats phrase it, the Democrats win, and that is saying who's more responsible for the state of the economy, Obama or Bush.
	First of all, a third of the people say Obama, suddenly larger numbers say Bush, but what's interesting to me is that's not the real answer.
	In fact, the real answer comes from the of all places, Barack Obama's pollster.
	Barack Obama's pollster, the Baronson group did a poll for a liberal group called the Third Way, and in there they ask voters, uh, you know, in essence, who do you blame for the bad state of the economy, Bush or Obama?
	And of course, people, if they said if given the choice between Obama and Bush, they they'd say, well, we blame Bush more than we uh blame Obama, 5326, in fact.
	But then they asked them, who do you think is responsible for the recession, and gave them a couple of other options besides Obama and Bush, and guess what happened?
	Bush is no longer the guy responsible.
	Generally speaking, the Baronson, the Obama pollster ask who's more responsible for the recent economic recession, Obama, 13 percent, Bush 20 percent, big banks in Wall Street, 34 percent, and American consumers who live beyond their means 24 percent, and don't know nine.
	I mean, what we've got is we've got a problem with the Democrats trying to make the argument that it's Bush versus Obama, but the American people know that that's too simplistic and have given a choice.
	58 percent of them say it was either the big banks in Wall Street or American consumers who live beyond their means or s or or some or some combination thereof.
	In fact, if you add the undis the don't know's into there, you're up to sixty-seven percent who say something other than Bush and Obama.
	So they got a problem with that one.
	Anyway, this poll run by American Crossroads.
	Incidentally, you can go uh to American Crossroads website uh today or tomorrow and sign up to get information about this or go get the results of the poll tomorrow on um on American Crossroads are going to make it available at their website.
	They then go on to ask some questions about the specific statements that Republicans and Democrats make about the big issues like, you know, the economy, or like health care reform, or like uh uh financial reform, or deficits and spending.
	And and what is really problematic for the Democrats is that they lose these heads-to-head matches that that take what Democrats are saying and what Republicans say and match them head to head, and guess what happens?
	On each and every one of these issues, the Democrats are on the short side of the stick.
	Even when you take the absolute best things that they have poll tested and focus grouped and tested on these things and put them out there, they come up short.
	And that's got to be a problem if you're a Democrat.
	If you're a Democrat and you got your best case and it still comes up short, and you're the majority, you're gonna be, you know, facing a really tough election return.
	In fact, how tough?
	Really tough.
	The National Public Radio, not exactly the most conservative of outlets, got a guy named Stan Greenberg to do a bunch of polling for them.
	That is Bill Clinton's old pollster and the run and buddy of James Carville.
	And they did a very good analysis of how many seats are really vulnerable, and they came up with a list.
	There were sixty Democrat house seats that they considered to be bit at risk in this election, and they had uh a a uh total of ten Republican seats.
	That's all they could come up with was ten.
	And so Greenberg did this big poll and uh uh consisting of people in all of those districts that were considered to be vulnerable, and they divided the Democrat, the 60 Democrat House seats that were vulnerable into thirty most vulnerable seats and the second most 30 vulnerable.
	In the 30 most vulnerable Democratic seats, most of which are incumbents, the generic ballot was to the advantage of the Republicans by nine points.
	That means that in those thirty seats, the Democrats are likely to lose most of those seats if that holds up.
	Most of them.
	A nine-point advantage for Republicans on the generic ballot.
	So unless they're able to spend more and bury the Republican in a lot of negative ads, the Republicans should take virtually all of those seats.
	In the second most uh most vulnerable set of 30 Democrat seats, the generic ballot was two points to the Republicans, which means the Republicans should take many, not most, not a majority, not all, but they should take a bunch of those thirty seats.
	And then what about the ten Republican vulnerable House seats?
	What about the generic ballot in those seats?
	Well, let me tell you, in those ten Republican seats, the generic ballot was sixteen points for Republicans.
	Think about that.
	Sixteen points.
	That means the Republicans are unlikely to lose any but maybe one or two of those ten seats.
	Think about that.
	Unbelievable.
	Those numbers are extraordinary.
	And as I say, they come from not exactly the most conservative of institutions, National Public Radio, and the exact and and from somebody who is not exactly a Republican pollster, Stan Greenberg, and yet it shows the problems that Democrats are having all across the country.
	The thing that's gonna keep them from losing is i if i a lot of races is money.
	Because in the end of the day, these things are gonna be close.
	How close?
	Well, we'll talk about that when we come back, but but what what kind of money are the Democrats putting out there?
	They're putting out a lot of money.
	The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee has just gone out and bought a bunch of television advertising for candidates between now and election day.
	The bad news is they spent 49 million dollars on those advertising.
	The good news is that most of that money is being spent on defense, not offense.
	Of the sixty-six seats that they are spending money in, there are sixty-one Democrat held seats and only five Republican held seats.
	And one of those five Republican seats, they haven't bought the TV, they simply reserved it.
	But they're spending a lot of money to defend incumbents.
	So that's the that that's the bad news for Democrats.
	The bad news for Republicans is they better find a way to come up with maybe not as much money, but a significant amount of money to come uh to to come contest that because they can't allow these candidates all across the country to have these big uh uh uh unresponded to advantages on television.
	Anyway, we're coming up to a break when we come back.
	I want to talk about American Crossroads, which have been attacked as a secret organization, talk a little bit more about that, get put you in on the secret, because after all, we know none of the bad guys are listening in, only the good guys listen to this or the people who want to become good guys, which is what Rush Limbaugh is all about education of the American electorate and the American uh the citizenry.
	Looking looking forward to talking with you more, taking a few calls when we come back.
	Thank you.
	Welcome back.
	Carl Rove sitting in for the famous, the irreplaceable Rush Limbaugh, who's off chairing a meeting of the vast right wing conspiracy in an undisclosed location.
	We understand that uh they've just had they've just broken to do some trap and skeet shooting that they're gonna be uh uh the to sort of perfecting their uh NRA skills, their second amendment skills, and so uh uh we'll uh we'll they're taking a brief afternoon break there, and maybe a few of them hitting the golf course, but then they'll return for an important skull session tonight to uh settle on the strategy for the final thirteen weeks of the 2010 election extravaganza.
	Incidentally, uh uh got a couple emails during the break.
	Rove.com.
	Uh if you uh if you want, go there and sign up for the little weekly e-blast that I sent out, and I'll make certain that I send this week a summary of the poll that's coming out from American Crossroads, or you can go to American Crossroads website and uh and sign up uh there to receive it or check it out tomorrow when they when they post the uh poll findings there.
	Uh very interesting poll that's gonna uh show the weakness of the Democrats.
	Look, you know, look, Americans don't want their president to be out there blaming somebody else.
	We don't al we don't elect president.
	Look, when Bush got into office in two thousand and one, you know, the stock market had declined fifty percent since March of two thousand, and uh we were entering a recession, and you don't remember George W. Bush going out there blaming his predecessor.
	First of all, that's not in his DNA, and second of all, if anybody had had proposed it to him, there have been a lot of people standing around him who would have said that's a bad idea because the American people don't want their president to be out there blaming his predecessor.
	They don't want to be out there, you know, sort of a day in and day out, saying it's not my fault, it's the guy who came before me.
	It just diminishes the office of the presidency and it diminishes the occupant of the office of the presidency.
	And uh one of the ironies is is President Obama by continuing this thing for as long as he has made it into sort of a joke and weakened the argument for the fall elections.
	I mean, every argument in politics generates a counterargument.
	If you say the sky is blue, there's going to be somebody who's going to look up and say, well, it's mostly blue, but there are a couple of, you know, brown or gray or fluffy white clouds there.
	I mean, and what's happened here is is that um, you know, the the the Democrats have gone out there and said, well, it's all Bush's fault.
	And that's caused a lot of people, you sure.
	You know, if you're a hardcore Democrat, that might be, you know, that might be fine.
	Uh but if you're an independent, after a while you say, well, wait a minute, is it all Bush's fault?
	And as a result, it's actually left the Democrats weaker as they f as they come to the fall election.
	Look, we've got some callers.
	Let's take a couple of them if we can.
	We got uh Emily in Atlanta, Georgia.
	Emily, are you there?
	Yeah, I'm here.
	Thank you so much for waiting.
	You're awfully nice to do so.
	Oh my gosh, to talk to you, Carl.
	Oh my gosh.
	I'm so excited.
	I love you.
	Well, well, thanks.
	Thanks.
	Awesome.
	Um yeah, I guess my question is um I'm really concerned because I I I started getting I don't know, I started getting into politics like maybe about two years ago, and I'm pretty young and uh you know, a lot of people my age, they're just they're still in that that that zone, you know, like still trying to figure life out.
	And I am too.
	No doubt about it.
	But now I'm more concerned about my future.
	And I and also that I'm I'm worried about my parents' future, you know, because they're getting up there in age.
	And I'm just, you know, and I'm wondering how how are we gonna wake up the the younger generation kind of like I mean because that's how Obama really you know got ahead in the numbers in the polls.
	I mean he you know did the whole propaganda hope thing and yeah they turned out in droves but you know what do you think the GOP can do to appeal to the younger generation.
	Well first of all we need to make the argument you can't win the vote unless you ask for the vote.
	So we need to support all of our you know conserv young conservative groups all our young you know college and student Republican groups all our young Republican groups everybody we can you know support who's out there making the argument.
	I do a lot of college campuses and I don't just go to the moderate and conservative campuses.
	I mean I go to the hotbeds of liberalism and I like going there because I want to make I want to do a couple of things.
	I want to make the argument so that we can win the argument and I also want to signal to conservative students who can win the argument better than I can that they're not alone.
	I think it's really important for younger conservatives and younger Republicans to to make certain they join an organization so they're s so they're with others who think like them and not only it'll be fun and make politics more exciting but it also help you know this process of educating all of ourselves about what to do.
	And uh so we got to stay in the fight and uh and to do that we gotta we gotta be thinking about future generations.
	And look there are lots of arguments to make to our peers.
	I mean to your peers.
	I mean think about it we've got you know the these bills are going to be paid by somebody they're gonna be paid by the children and grandchildren of people like me.
	They're gonna be paid by you and your children and uh so it's gonna be important for us to get it right or we're gonna be passing on a big bill to you all or a country bankrupt that is far less prosperous, a lot darker and a lot more dangerous than than than the we want it to be.
	The other thing is is that a lot of these policies today are bad for young people.
	Take for example as part of health care you may not know this, but as part of health care, they nationalize the student loan programs.
	You can no longer go to your local banker and get a student loan with a federal guarantee.
	You can only get those from the federal government now.
	So rather than a banker who says I want to get your business I want to get your family's business I want to get your uh you know I want to get your you know not just your student loan but I want to get your car loan and I want to get your small business loan I want to get your mortgage I want to get your business if you and your family instead now you have to go to the federal government.
	The federal government's gonna borrow money from itself money it doesn't have but it's gonna borrow money from itself at 2.8 percent it's gonna turn around and lend it to students at six point eight percent and the four points of interest in between the difference between what the government's borrowing it from itself at and what is lending it to students at, that four points of interest is going to go for what?
	Is it going to go for education?
	Is it going to go for student grants and student loans?
	No, it's gonna go to pay for nine billion dollars worth of Obama care over the next decade.
	Anyway, a lousy way to go about doing it.
	We'll be back for a closing word or two.
	Thanks for your call Emily from Atlanta, Georgia.
	Well welcome back everybody as we draw to the uh close of this uh Monday program good news Rush Limbaugh will be back tomorrow and Rove will be out of here and uh I want to thank you for listening to me today.
	I want to thank all the wonderful people here at EIB network, starting with my man Snardly he's been taking good care of me the the the uh master chief at the board there, engineer in chief has been doing a great job.
	Yeah my Mike Mike Mamon, Mike M M E M, Double M, M M. He's been doing a great job and I want to thank you all.
	But I want to thank most of all listeners and I want to leave you with this uh it might be a corny note but I gotta tell you I've been I've been around the country a lot and I know people are concerned this is the election that we can do it stay in the fight.
	We're gonna win.
	There's no doubt in my mind if we do what we need to do in the next in the next uh thirteen weeks we're gonna we're gonna enjoy a victory for conservatism that will be big broad durable and lasting with big things for our country but only if we all stay in the fight.
	Thanks for listening today and tomorrow the man himself Limbaugh will be back.

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