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May 7, 2009 - Rush Limbaugh Program
36:42
May 7, 2009, Thursday, Hour #2
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Yes, America's Anchorman is away today, and this is your undocumented anchor man filling in, spreading across America like Steinflue, uh seeping across the border.
Uh and uh it's one of these things you think you think the you think Steinflue, what what the heck is that?
It's lethal.
It's just so you're cowering in fear, and then it turns out to be completely weedy and ineffectual, so you don't have to worry about it.
But uh Mark Davis uh will be here uh tomorrow, and um uh and Rush will be back on Monday and uh in uh ready to go at the start of another week, and probably probably lighter too.
And he signed off yesterday.
He was uh boasting about uh how many pounds he'd lost.
So what's the figure now?
F uh uh forty forty-two pounds he's lost.
That's uh that's not bad.
Um the um the British economy has lost one point four trillion pounds, so uh so uh so Rush still has quite a way to go.
Anyway, uh that will be Rush will be back on uh Monday.
Forty-two pads.
That's uh that's uh uh pretty im impressive.
You know, I got I was talking to John from Libertyville, and I got I had a like a big point I was working up to, and then I did my Doris Day image and got totally distracted and forgot whatever the hell it was I was meant to be uh meant to be talking about.
So any time if I mention Doris Day again, just like uh just like you use the electric shock button and get get me off that, because obviously it's not but but what I what I wanted to to the point I wanted to make to John is this whole business of he said moderation is the uh the opposite of moderation is extremism.
So that when you're the party that is presenting itself as moderate, the other guys must be the extremists.
And it's very interesting.
Uh the uh uh the the US media basically uh helps that along.
Uh when I was uh talking about Colin Powell earlier, I had a quote from the um a New York Times profile of him by uh a guy called uh Todd Purdom.
Now this appeared.
This was not uh opinion or analysis.
This was on the front page as a news story.
And uh this is what the New York Times guy said.
This was uh whatever it was, I think 2003, and uh uh I was uh very taken by it uh uh when I was uh looking at Colin Powell's track record of moderation.
He goes, quote, Mr. Powell's approach to almost all issues, foreign or domestic, is pragmatic and non-ideological.
He is internationalist, multilateralist and moderate.
He has supported abortion rights and affirmative action and is a Republican, many supporters say, in no small measure because Republican officials mentored and promoted him for years, unquote.
So that's what it means to be he's basically saying this guy's a Republican uh just because Republican guys promoted him.
He's got no philosophical uh affinity with the Republican Party whatsoever.
But beyond that, what was interesting is all those words.
Supporting internationalism, multilateralism, abortion, and racial quotas uh means, according to the New York Times, that you're quote, moderate and non-ideological.
Uh according to the New York Times, it's non-ideological to be in favor of abortion and affirmative action, and that anyone who feels differently is therefore an extremist, an ideologue.
Uh and that really gets to the heart of the nonsense with this uh moderate extremist thing.
Uh that they're essentially emotional terms.
Uh if you happen to think that abortion is uh i is wrong and should be illegal, uh then Colin Powell's position is not moderate, and it's certainly not non-ideological.
How can it be non-ideological in the eyes of even the New York Times uh to support abortion?
And that and that is essentially um uh the the uh the problem that conservatives uh and Republicans have.
A neighbor of mine in New Hampshire, he was running for the uh the uh the the state legislature in New Hampshire.
So he's had like a uh old home day, it's like a kind of uh town fair they have in every town in New Hampshire.
And he's there and he's selling uh some of his maple syrup products, and he's selling uh some pelts that he's got from uh uh from skinning and hunting and this kind of thing.
But he's also got little cards, just little cards to say uh that he's running for the state legislature as a Republican.
And the lady who's running the the fair comes over and says, Oh, you can't um you can't have your little cards, uh business cards Saying you're running for the state legislature out, because this is a nonpartisan event.
So he goes, oh, okay, and he puts the cards away.
Ten minutes later, she comes around with the Democratic candidate for the state legislature, who she's squiring around to every uh stall and introducing the uh Democrat candidate to all the people who are attending the fair.
And uh my friend said to me, uh he g he goes, that's the thing.
He goes, if you're uh if you're the Republican conservative, that is extremist and partisan, uh whereas if you're the Democrat, that's just the way it is.
It's part of the air we breathe.
It's the atmosphere.
It's it's it's so moderate, it's it's like uh CO2 not the bad CO2 that causes all the global warming, but it's just like the air.
It's the air we breathe.
It's the air we breathe.
Uh and and uh that's why we shouldn't talk in terms of moderate and extreme.
Uh who cares if it's moderate or extreme.
It might be extreme and it might still be right.
It was extreme to nuke Japan, but it was uh it was still the right thing to do in terms of bringing the war to uh to an end.
Sometimes the extreme thing is the right thing to do.
That's essentially uh what Obama's line is on the uh economic crisis.
It may be extreme to spend trillions of dollars, maybe extreme to fire uh the chairman of the automobile companies, it may be extreme to nationalize the banks, but sometimes the crisis means you have to do the extreme thing.
So moderate and extremists are like emotional terms.
You shouldn't talk about politics in those terms.
Uh I had enough of that when I was accused of hate crimes up in Canada.
People kept talking about hate speech, hate speech.
Uh the very concept is uh is absurd.
Uh if you happen to support a policy, uh then the fact whether it's moderate or extreme is nothing to do with it.
It should be debated on the merits.
Uh, but this idea that somehow it's the left, the left's policies are, as the New York Times says, uh moderate and pragmatic and non-ideological, and therefore, almost by definition, anything uh the right proposes must be off the charts uh is a big part of why the uh political debate is uh is is uh so stunted.
Rush said yesterday, and this is a very important point, uh, that the the the left has beliefs.
And and something like belief, it's it's uh it's that's why they're so eager on things like the environment, say the science is settled, the science is settled.
Because that way you don't have to talk about it.
Uh it's it's borish and v and and quibbling to discuss whether or not uh the oceans are actually rising and they're gonna flood all the coastal cities.
Don't want to get hung up on facts and hung up on details.
Uh that's i i this is this is beyond that.
It's about an emotional identification.
Uh i i if you're concerned about the planet, it says something about you.
It's like it's like with recycling.
When you point out to people that recycling costs far more money, uh wastes everything, when you point out to people that it's a racket and that half the stuff that's supposedly recycled just ends up being uh you you go through all your recycling and you uh uh you sort your H1N1 out for no, hang on, that's the uh swine flu, isn't it?
You sell your H2P2, H2, R2, D2 from your whatever you one plan, you s you so your soda bottle from your milk carton and you g you go and you put them in the separate bins, and then they and you do all the mandatory recycling, and then they take them and toss them in the dumpster and toss them all in the same big landfill anywhere.
I mean, it's like a it the whole uh identification of it as an act of uh act of belief, act of faith, impervious uh to reason.
Uh and so this idea of even d discussing public policy in terms of what's moderate or extreme is essentially an emotional reaction to it.
It's a complete waste of time uh to do them that way.
Sometimes the extreme thing, even if it sounds extreme, is right.
Uh we'll we'll talk about that.
We'll also talk about some of these economic developments uh this uh 1-800-282-2882 on the Rush Schlimbore show.
Um I find uh like uh str strangely weird about this idea that somehow uh the conservative movement should meet uh the uh the the liberals halfway is actually if you look at it in rational terms, there is a lot of evidence out there already.
I mean, America is basically just catching up to Scandinavia with half this stuff.
Uh this stuff has been practiced in Europe now for 30 or 40 years, and the evidence of where it leads is actually uh pretty explicitly clear.
Uh For example, with health care, if you if you uh if you give the make the government the principal provider of health care, uh then uh what you do is wind up rationing its supply uh to the consumer, because that's the only point at which you can ration it.
There's a lot of evidence for that.
It's not something you have to guess about.
You don't have to look very far.
You don't even have to go to Canada.
Because you can talk to any of the many Canadian doctors and Canadian nurses working in American hospitals, or even the tons of Canadian patients who are down in American hospitals getting treatment for things they've been waiting two or three years to get up in Canada.
Uh there's actually a lot of evidence uh on where this stuff leads.
There's a lot of evidence out there that the major problem facing the Western world at the moment is that governments are spending more money uh than they can raise uh from their citizens and their economies, and that somehow that eventually that catches up with you.
It's not an experiment Obama's uh embarking on.
We've had the experiments in Western Europe and most other uh uh advanced democracies over the last forty years, and we know where it leads.
And when you get into that hole, it actually takes an awful long time to climb out of that hole.
Uh so we're not uh we're not talking about um anything uh particularly new he's planning here.
What he's actually doing is he's basically saying America is going to be the last advanced nation to try all the stuff that's failed everywhere else.
That's ba essentially what Obama has spent doing these first hundred days.
Uh so 1-800-282-2882, we'll talk about uh General Motors losses and some of the other economic uh woes staring us in the face straight ahead.
Mark Stein filling in for Rush on the EIB network.
Mark Stein in for Rush on the EIB network.
Breaking news.
Breaking news, Tom Ridge, Pennsylvania Governor Tom Ridge has decided he's not going to challenge Senator Arlen Specter uh next year in the Senate race in Pennsylvania.
Uh Tom Ridge, the famous another fame uh these famously moderate Republicans, he was the first uh uh uh Secretary of Homeland Security.
Uh and it's interesting to me that th one uh again, one of the problems of moderation is almost by definition uh you don't have you don't have a lot of fire in the belly.
It's like 1996.
Colin Powell could have been the first African American president, and he just decided he wasn't going to run.
He had this uh huge, huge fantastic numbers.
He would have won, but he decided not to run now.
Uh his fellow moderate Tom Ridge has decided he's uh he's not gonna run.
Let's go to Justin in Enid, Oklahoma.
Justin, you're on the Rush Limbaugh Show.
Great to have you with us.
Hey.
Hey, good to you, too.
You're on you're live on the air, all the way from Enix.
Um what I was wanting to know, I wanted one to get your opinion on uh what you thought about uh Obama not really, you know, celebrating the National Day of Prayer, he's just kind of taking low-key and staying in his office and not having an event like the other president had.
No, no, he's not having the uh one of these uh national uh prayer day uh breakfast.
Now I remember uh people say this is only the George W. Bush uh did it, but I remember I distinctly remember Bill Clinton actually during the impeachment trial of all things, going to a national prayer day breakfast.
You remember at that point he had like uh he had thousands of spiritual advisors.
As soon as a new uh uh problem arose, he'd he'd appoint another uh two or three spiritual advisors.
So he and his phalanx of thousands of priests all went to this uh big national pray debt breakfast.
So it wasn't it wasn't just a Bush thing.
This is lower than it was in certainly in some of the Clinton years.
Why do you think it is, Justin?
Oh, Justin's hung up.
He just wanted Okay, well I'll say what I think it is.
I don't think I think this is a complicated matter for uh for Democrats.
One of the things that uh that uh the Democrats most disliked about Bush, the Bush years, was his conscious uh and rather artless professions of faith.
He he uh I know people mock him for this, but in fact he uh uh he's very sincere about it, uh and it was one of the things that Democrat used to drive Democrats nuts, and it used to drive uh Europeans even nuttier.
I mean, the French uh uh two days after September 11th, there was a big piece in Le Monde, I think it was, saying that uh this was a battle of the two fundamentalisms.
Uh there was basically Taliban type fundamentalism and then Bush-type fundamentalism.
Uh and uh the shortly before the um uh the Iraq invasion, uh a uh I think it was Martin Amos in The Guardian in London wrote a big piece that uh saying, well, Texas and Saudi Arabia are very much the same, uh both uh these dusty lands full of oil wells run by uh uh religious fundamentalists.
A lot of people in the Obama base are not comfortable with public expression of religion.
I don't think myself, you know, none of us know this, but I don't think I personally wouldn't sit 20 minutes in Jeremiah Wright's church.
And so when a guy sits there for twenty years but then claims, Oh, goddamn America Sunday?
Oh, sorry, I must have missed that one.
And uh the one where he uh said AIDS was a plot by the US government to uh uh decimate the African American population.
I think I must have been out of town for that one too.
Oh, and uh uh uh and and w uh and what was the one where he said uh uh we we shouldn't have uh we what we got it coming on September, oh no, I wasn't there for that either.
Uh uh so uh essentially this guy he claimed is a spiritual mentor uh and who who was responsible for the sp married him, responsible for the spiritual education of his children, he had to disown him.
I think that was I don't seriously think Barack Obama paid uh that much attention to what Jeremiah Wright was saying, and uh no doubt when he did the goddamn America riff and the little dance, maybe Barack Obama was the only guy in the church sitting on his hands.
But uh but clearly uh his reason for being there, if it wasn't that he agreed with Jeremiah Wright uh on all these matters of faith, it was that it was just a sort of necessary political feint uh if you want to advance your career in that particular section of Chicago.
I don't think he wants to get into all that again.
So the idea of having to uh get up there, have a big formal breakfast with different leaders, I just don't think that's Obama's bag.
I don't think he's I think actually he's essentially uh someone who genuflex to faith when it's convenient, as he did with Jeremiah Wright, but uh, you know, it isn't really a bad thing.
But I think it's you know, I think it it tells us a lot it's something different about the character of this president and the previous one.
Uh one eight hundred two eight two two eight eight two.
Let's go to Alan in Columbus, Ohio.
Alan, you're on the good.
How are you doing?
I'm doing great.
How about you?
Not too bad.
Listen, um, you know, we you've been talking about uh uh several different things here.
Um the argument that that guy made from Illinois about uh moderates being the opposite of extremism is is a fallacy.
Extremism assumes diametrically opposed positions, so extremism would actually be the opposite of extremism with with two diametrically opposed ideas.
Moderation by definition is in the middle.
But um, you know, uh in in talking about the economy, Mark, I I'd like to see conservatives talk more economic truth to our our our country because we're not getting the education.
You know, one of the most basic truths, fundamentals of economics, you know, you'll hear, for instance, Republicans will say, well, you know, if corporate taxes go up, you know, that's just gonna be passed along to the consumer, you know, it's gonna raise the cost of doing business.
And that's not true.
Um that's true, you know, the a favorite term that econom uh economists always like to use is all other things being equal.
There's never anything where all other things are equal.
What happens is when corporate taxes go up, when cost goes up, profitability goes down, and when profitability goes down, um that doesn't affect the price.
The market sets the price.
Cost of a product has nothing to do with the selling price, absolutely nothing to do with it.
What happens when costs go up, like Obama with all these tax increases that he's gonna levy on, just about everything.
Profitability goes down.
When profitability goes down, the first thing that's cut are variable costs.
The first variable cost that's cut is labor.
Right.
And we don't do a good enough job of connecting the dots to say, okay, yeah, you know what?
If you work at a at a manufacturing plant and the costs go up, uh your price isn't gonna go up against the Japanese or against price is gonna stay the same.
Your job is gonna be gone.
That's what's gonna happen.
Yeah.
Th the the there is the basic reality here, Alan, is that uh w a lot of people seem to think that you can the taxes can be paid by non human entities.
Uh And in the end, that's not possible.
That's not that's not possible.
You've got to be a human being to write and sign that check.
And so as you say, where you can tax a Globocorp Inc., but at some point uh Globocorp, Inc.
is going to have to pay that bill either by cutting jobs uh or imposing costs elsewhere or by but in the end, or it will be human beings who pay that uh tax.
Uh and we'll talk more about that and some of these other economic issues uh straight ahead.
Uh Mark Stein's sitting in for uh Rush Limbaugh and Mark Davis will be in tomorrow on EIB.
1 800, 282, 2882, Mark Stein, Stein flu infecting America.
You cannot seal the borders.
Uh Alan uh uh was uh was talking about uh what happens when you uh increase taxes on corporations and and uh I said that corporations don't pay taxes.
You know, the only people you have to be a human being physically uh to uh to to pay uh taxes.
That uh that when we think that there are we we can impose uh, you know, an environmental tax on uh automobile makers, in the end, that tax has to be paid by real human beings somewhere along the way.
That cost has to be uh paid by some human beings, and as Alan pointed out, you can uh you can cut labor, uh in some ways you can pass the cost on to the consumer, but the market eventually will rebel against that.
Uh but at some point it will be a human being uh on whom the burden of that tax will fall.
So the idea that you can say, well, uh we we like Mr. and Mrs. America, and so we're gonna give them a tax cut, uh, but we're gonna tax the hell out of uh mega globocorp inc, uh and you can balance the books that way.
That in the end will not work.
And as Rush always says, America has the second highest corporate tax rates in the world.
Uh we have higher corporate tax rates than Sweden.
Uh and at some point uh this uh uh becomes a very unattractive uh economy uh in which to uh operate a business.
Now we've just had these things that uh General Motors has posted a loss.
It burned through ten point two billion dollars in the first quarter, uh as it failed to cut costs.
Now it's got these uh agreements with its unions that make it impossible, in effect, uh to make a profit uh on any car.
General Motors cannot make money by selling cars.
Uh for the for the purposes of comparison, Honda and Nissan uh make a pre-tax operating profit per vehicle uh of around sixteen hundred dollars.
Uh Ford Chrysler and GM make a loss between them of between five hundred and fifteen hundred dollars on every vehicle.
Uh so you you look at Kysler.
If they're losing uh a thousand dollars, let's average it out, say a thousand dollars in every car.
So they sell ten cars and they've lost ten thousand dollars.
If they sell a hundred cars, they've lost a hundred thousand dollars.
And if they sell a million cars, they've lost a million dollars.
You know, at a certain point uh they have got uh correct that uh that de uh defective equation.
They've either got to find a way to make a vehicle at a price that someone is prepared to pay for it, uh or they've gotta they've gotta go out of business and leave those brands uh to someone uh who can.
Um but you know uh it's not extremist to point that out.
And again, uh it's not extremist to say that a government automobile industry is no solution to anything.
Uh I I've lived in countries where the government makes you automobile.
I don't just mean in Eastern Europe.
Uh I've I've uh I've I've worked in Eastern Europe.
I made a uh uh uh film for the BBC in Hungary, but there was a co-production with Hungarian television.
Uh they gave me this Hungarian car.
The it was very environmentally friendly.
The exhaust pipe was just under the rear passenger seat.
So all the exhaust was basically pumped straight out the side of the car, uh came in.
My lungs were black after then uh ten minutes and this thing.
That's a then Britain, you go to Britain.
Uh Britain, they uh made everything part of the same government car company.
You cannot uh in the end, the government did not know how to make a car because the di it it doesn't make its decisions with regard to the market.
Uh the minute you put politics in the process, it makes its decisions with regards uh to the political climate at the time.
That's incidentally how we got the whole subprime thing going along.
It was essentially a political interference in the mechanism of the market uh whereby significant players, instead of starting thinking about serving the market, serving the customers, instead start thinking uh about serving their political regulators.
It's not extremists to point that out.
And it's not moderate to be in favor of the government uh making your automobile.
Uh you know, I'm sure that uh John in uh Liberteville uh and other people who agree with them uh really believe that their views are nonpartisan, and that it's only our guys who are being partisan.
Uh but that is absurd.
And what is interesting to me is that the so-called moderate position is actually often at odds with the uh majority of the American people.
Well, I don't know why, for example, it's thought that being internationalist or multilateralist uh is uh i i is uh something that's typically uncontroversial or American.
Americans are not notable uh supporters of in internationalism.
Uh the major uh the a uh uh the New York Times says that Colin Powell's belief in affirmative action makes him a moderate, even though the majority of Americans are opposed to racial preferences.
Uh uh uh the New York Times says uh Colin Powell being in favor of abortion uh makes him a moderate.
But Americans uh in fact are about evenly divided on abortion in general, but you can find polls that show uh eighty-six percent uh oppose uh third uh trimester abortions and uh over eighty percent favor uh parental notification.
Uh uh we often have a situation, if you look at immigration, la huge numbers of Democrats are opposed to illegal immigration.
Yet apparently an issue that composed that uh that has the support of the overwhelming majority of Republicans and a significant number of Democrats uh is an extremist position.
Uh this this is cra this is crazy talk.
Uh what uh what what we see in effect is that a lot of these so-called extremist positions are actually the mainstream uh position, and there's fewer people who support the moderate position.
Uh but uh but you know, that's that's emotional terms and isn't really an effective way of looking at it.
Let's go to Mike in uh Trenton, New Jersey.
Uh Mike, you're on the Rush Limbaugh show.
Hi, Mark.
It's real honor, my friend.
How are you?
Great.
How are you?
Good.
I call actually to really to disagree with John from Libertyville.
He and others seem to think that Rush came by the opinions uh willy-nilly.
And in point of fact, Russia's opinion, and I mean all of them are based on logic, reason, constitutional principle.
And I think the day that we start uh saying the constitutional principles are extreme, then we're in real trouble.
Well, you you make a good point there, because the United States Constitution has stood the test of time.
Unlike uh most others, if you look at uh other Western nations, uh the French Constitution dates back to the fifties and uh so does the Italian Constitution, Spanish Constitution dates back to the 70s.
Uh and I think that's actually gets to the heart of the problem.
I think that a lot of uh liberal progressives don't think that the const the Constitution is a founding document uh uh that uh that in a sense is there for all time.
But they have a kind of semi-European way of looking at it, that it should that it's basically a uh work in progress uh that you should be able to make mean whatever you want.
And and and and one of the problems I think that the that conservatives have is that uh the minute you say constitution to liberal democrats, they roll their eyes.
They're very good at subverting it.
They're very good at finding judges who will claim to be able to detect rights uh to uh partial birth abortion or gay marriage or whatever in the Constitution, and they think it's just something to be gamed and not a document of fundamental truths.
Exactly right.
Exactly right.
It's interesting too.
Uh that's how words like democracy um have kind of crept into our our language, even though we're not a democracy, we're actually in fact a democratic republic, uh a democracy uh back in the eighteen hundreds was actually uh the beginning of the the idea of a socialist democracy.
Uh it's it's uh it's crazy.
Yeah, and you're and you're and you're right that uh and and actually just to look at it in the broader sense.
You know, m Americans have lived in liberty, uh not for two and a third centuries, but roughly for a period of uh three three centuries, I would say, because if you look at the uh New England colonies or the mid-Atlantic colonies in the eighteenth century, they were self-governing uh towns and counties, and in fact, uh generally speaking, uh the citizens in those communities enjoyed more liberties than they did back in the uh mother country back then in England.
And so what happened when the Constitution was eventually written, uh was it it codified truths uh that the American people had been living uh for most uh for at that point for for most of their lives.
Uh that they are th this wasn't some theoretical document.
We'll write it up and see how it works out.
They understood the the truths in the Constitution because they had been living them.
And this idea that it's now just some uh dusty bit of parchment to which we should pay lip service or which we should get out, you know, n next time uh I don't know what's gonna come after uh abortion or gay marriage, but the next time there's some great big liberal cause, you know, uh we were talking, I was talking with H.R. before the show about um adult consensual incest.
Not because uh either he or I are plating it for the weekend, but uh just because it happened to come up in discussion.
But it would be easy to at some point the liberals will claim to detect a right to that in the in the Constitution.
But th that was not how it was when it was written.
It was a document that expressed uh how American it was the the the uh expression of the lived experience uh of the uh American settlers on the Eastern Seaboard.
You think it's still relevant, Mike?
In fact, uh I was just trying to comment that uh all of it was based on um Anglo-Saxon principle of the idea that a uh a family, first of all, uh even beyond that a community were were able to um govern themselves.
Um what we need less of um is the big government idea of stepping in, taking care of the banks, taking care of everybody on our street, yeah.
Um and and more of the idea of families and then communities taking care of themselves.
That's that's an excellent point, Mike.
Thanks for the call.
You know, America actually is the exception uh to the rule that big countries don't work.
If you look at the last twenty years, big countries are bust up, the Soviet Union bust up, uh Yugoslavia uh bust up, uh countries, even uh Czechoslovakia split up, Czech Republic uh and into Slovakia.
Countries have been breaking up, that's the story.
Why is and if you look at the wealthiest societies in the world, too, they're also small countries.
Uh there are all these places like Luxembourg and Norway.
Why is America been the only wealthy, big wealthy nation, the only big country uh that's held together and uh hasn't bust up.
Uh and there was a book uh written about this a couple of years ago, and the guy made the point that if America had been as centrally governed as France, in other words, if it had a centralizing constitution, it would have been it would have split up, you know, circa in the early nineteenth century.
It wouldn't have lasted.
It was pri precisely because it is a decentralized federation uh that it has hung together.
And now we're hearing that the solution to everything is big national federal solutions.
You're at a grade school in South Carolina and you got peeling paint on the walls, uh call 1-800 Obama and he'll send you some money from Washington.
That is a recipe uh eventually uh for the crack up of uh of this country.
Uh Mark Seinskin for Rush, 1800-282-2882.
Mark Stein in for Rush.
Uh this story is a great headline for the New York Post.
Cow on the Lamb in Queens.
A condemned cow made a desperate bid for freedom yesterday, bolting from a slaughterhouse and leading cops on a wild chase through the streets of Queens.
This is in this New York City.
I would love to have seen this.
I was chilling in the yard when a cow came out of nowhere, said Adam Kahn, twenty, who lives in the home where the fugitive black heifer, nicknamed Molly, was finally courted.
Uh I gotta yeah, I l I uh I love what a great lie.
I was chilling in the yard when a cow came out of nowhere.
That is this is how the world ends.
It's not gonna be the space aliens.
It's gonna be an invasion of uh mutated black heifers.
You'll be sitting in Brooklyn, they'll come out of nowhere.
You'll be chilling in the yard, and the cow will come out of nowhere.
And um I personally don't think it's any coincidence that this happened on the day that Barack Obama had a hamburger.
You know, you feel how do you think you would feel if you were a cow in the slaughterhouse and you don't get chosen for Barack Obama's hamburger.
I mean, this is I I think this cow was making a break uh to get from Queens, uh get on I-95, head down to Washington, and uh just charge into the White House and say, Oh, President Obama, eat me now!
Just I want to be your hamburger.
Uh it was wonderful, it was wonderful watching the coverage of uh the uh the uh hamburger visit.
He's he's he's amazing, uh Obama.
This cover he's a regular guy, eats a hamburger with Dijon Mustard.
Dijon mustard, John Kerry couldn't get away with that stuff, but he makes it seem like just like a regular thing to do.
Uh now there's I see that some uh some of the uh left-wing commentators are saying, Why are people making a fuss about the Dijon Mustard?
But that's just an example of the way Obama is able to enlighten us.
There was a famous uh I think prior to Obama's hamburger, I think the most famous fast food item in uh in American history was in 1939, uh King George the Sixth and Queen Elizabeth, the present Queen's mother, uh visited uh the Roosevelts in Hyde Park in uh in New York State.
They they'd been up in Ottawa.
I made this journey yesterday myself, so I know from the driving hell that it's uh it's quite a trip, but I think they had a nicer time.
They came down from uh Ottawa to Hyde Park and uh were hosted by the Roosevelts, and the Roosevelts served the royal family, the very first hot dog ever consumed by a member of the royal family.
And there's audio of this and of Eleanor Roosevelt saying the the the uh servants are doing the hot dogs, and uh Eleanor Roosevelt says to King George the Sixth, and now, your Majesty, here is your hot dog.
So Eleanor Roosevelt clearly isn't eating a lot of hot dogs.
Uh she sounds far grander than the king.
He eats he eat he eats the uh he eats the uh he he goes through the hot dog.
And uh I had never heard this thing sound you think, wow, this is a time warp.
Everyone's all the press corps standing around marveling at the great king eating a hot dog.
It's 1939.
It's taken us 70 years to get back to the exact same position.
And at this time it's not some foreign monarch eating the fast food item.
It's President Obama.
But people are playing, oh, these King Barack is eating a hamburger, just like regular folks uh regular folks do.
And okay, he's got the Dijon mustard on it, but at least it's not the Aubergine coolie that uh that John Kerry would have had if he'd had to have a hamburger.
And this this is at some point.
It's it's amazing.
These gods can descend from the heavens and walk among us, and they do such a convincing job of it, too.
I'm sure Obama hated to have that.
Even with the Dijon mustard smothered on it, he hated he hated to to have it.
Um but uh, you know, I don't I don't know how long we can keep I don't know how long that we can keep this up, but it's good to know it's not the press corps, uh, and that this escaped cow escaped from the slaughterhouse on a hundred and fifty-eighths uh on Beaver Road near 158th Street in Queens.
If you live in that part of New York, by the way, and uh you want to you want to stand well back, uh, because these uh these heifers, uh maybe a few jersey in there, I don't know what they oh, probably no, that's for milk, uh, Holstein's, uh maybe some Holsteins in there.
They'll be stampeding out.
They want to get down to Washington and be Barack Obama's uh next uh next cheeseburger.
I mean, this is an amazing man, uh and uh and I think this is uh uh just uh you know an amazing an amazing thing that he he can just appear so normal that he can eat a hamburger like a regular human.
He can eat a hamburger almost as convincingly as King George the Sixth at Eleanor Roosevelt's Hot Dog.
This is an amazing, an amazing thing.
Uh more straight ahead on the Rush Limbaugh show.
1-800-282-2882.
Uh update on Molly the Cow, by the way.
Molly the cow isn't going to be slaughtered now.
Uh apparently Molly the Cow cow has been uh given some reprieve and will go to have enjoy some long life.
I hope uh uh poor Molly doesn't end up with Al Gore.
Do you remember Al Gore when he announced his campaign for president uh the first time around, he rented a herd of cows to stand behind him at his farm in he went to uh I don't know where how do you rent a cow?
Go to uh herds rent a cow.
Anyway, that's where that's where he rented his cow herd from.
And uh to stand be he's the only presidential candidate ever to rent a herd of cows.
So I sure hope that poor old Molly doesn't wind up having to graze behind Al Gore in uh perpetuity, uh releasing those uh climate change bovine flatulence emissions all over Tennessee.
It would be a tragic fate uh for Molly, who made such a brave break for it.
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