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Aug. 15, 2025 - Rudy Giuliani
58:42
The Rudy Giuliani Show: Friday, August 15, 2025
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Good evening.
This is Rudy Giuliani.
And this is the Rudy Giuliani show on Lindell TV.
And of course, like you, I'm watching the president and I'm watching the president of Russia and trying to figure out exactly what they agreed to, which they're saving for the end.
I think it's three possibilities, right?
They didn't reach an agreement on any form of a ceasefire, which would be, I think, very unfortunate.
They reached an agreement on a complete ceasefire.
Or I just have a feeling they might have reached an agreement on an air ceasefire, which would at least, to a very large extent, protect the civilian population of Ukraine, which would be a big step in the right direction.
So let's listen to them.
Yeah, that's where I'm going.
And then, of course, there's plenty of time to comment after.
You also want to help us bring back business-like and pragmatic relations between Russia and the U.S. And in the end, I would like to add one more thing.
I'd like to remind you that in 2022, During the last contact with the previous administration, I tried to convince my previous American colleague that the situation should not be able to brought to the point of no return if we come to hostilities.
And I said quite directly back then, that is a big mistake.
Today, when President Trump is saying that if he was the president back then, there will be no war.
And I'm quite sure that it would indeed be so.
And I can confirm that.
I think that overall, me and President Trump have built a very good, business-like, and trustworthy contact.
And I have every reason to believe that moving down this path, we can come, and the sooner the better, to the end of the conflict in Ukraine.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Well, thank you very much, Mr. President.
That was very profound.
And I will say that I believe we had a very productive meeting.
There were many, many points that we agreed on.
Most of them, I would say, a couple of big ones that we haven't Quite gotten there, but we've made some headway.
So there's no deal until there's a deal.
I will call up NATO in a little while.
I will call up the various people that I think are appropriate.
And I'll, of course, call up President Zelensky and tell him about today's meeting.
It's ultimately up to them.
They're going to have to agree with what Marco and Steve and some of the great people from the Trump administration who've come here, Scott and John Radcliffe, thank you very much.
But we have some of our really great leaders.
They've been doing a phenomenal job.
We also have some tremendous Russian business representatives here.
And I think everybody wants to deal with us.
We've become the hottest country anywhere in the world at a very short period of time.
And we look forward to that.
We look forward to dealing.
We're going to try and get this over with.
We really made some great progress today.
I've always had a fantastic relationship with President Putin, with Vladimir.
We had many, many tough meetings, good meetings.
We were interfered with by the Russia-Russia-Russia hoax.
It made it a little bit tougher to deal with, but he understood it.
I think he's probably seen things like that during the course of his career.
He's seen it all.
But we had to put up with the Russia-Russia-Russia hoax.
He knew it was a hoax, and I knew it was a hoax, but what was done was very criminal.
But it made it harder for us to deal as a country in terms of the business and all of the things that we'd like to have dealt with.
But we'll have a good chance when this is over.
So just to put it very quickly, I'm going to start making a few phone calls and tell them what happened.
But we had an extremely productive meeting, and many points were agreed to.
There are just a very few that are left.
Some are not that significant.
One is probably the most significant.
But we have a very good chance of getting there.
We didn't get there, but we have a very good chance of getting there.
I would like to thank President Putin and his entire team whose faces, who I know in many cases, otherwise, other than that, whose faces I get to see all the time in the newspapers.
You're almost as famous as the boss, but especially this one right over here.
But we had some good meetings over the years, right?
Good productive meetings over the years, and we hope to have that in the future.
But let's do the most productive one right now.
We're going to stop really five, six, seven thousand, thousands of people a week from being killed.
And President Putin wants to see that as much as I do.
So again, Mr. President, I'd like to thank you very much.
And we'll speak to you very soon and probably see you again very soon.
Thank you very much, Vladimir.
And next time in Moscow.
Oh, that's an interesting one.
I don't know.
I'll get a little heat on that one, but I could see it possibly happening.
Thank you very much, Vladimir.
And thank you all.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you so much.
President Trump very clearly said, I would, I mean, it's pretty clear.
They made no deal.
Which means this, from the point of view of President Trump, this was a one-issue meeting, correct?
He said this meeting was about a ceasefire or not.
Now, you could have had a partial ceasefire.
An air ceasefire would be a two-thirds or better ceasefire, because that's where the catastrophic damage is done to the children and the civilians.
But it doesn't sound like they'd have any ceasefire of any kind, because I'm sure they would have announced it if they did.
So it seems to me there was no concrete result that came out of this meeting other than their having set up a framework for future discussion.
Now, I don't know, it's impossible for me to tell you what that means.
I don't know what that means.
Will this lead to consequences because there was no ceasefire, as the president said there would, or not?
I think we have to wait.
We have to wait for the president to talk to Zelensky, talk to his colleagues in NATO, and then he will probably go into much greater detail with them as to what was agreed to and what wasn't agreed to, and then we'll have a better idea of what happened.
But right now, I can only interpret that as what the president said.
Nothing, nothing agreed to.
Very productive, but nothing agreed to.
Can't get queer than that.
Nothing agreed to means nothing agreed to.
Ceasefire is something you would agree to.
So I'm pretty good at interpreting language.
So to me, this is a disappointment.
I mean, I can't say it any other way.
Three hours ago, we were going into this meeting with ceasefire or no ceasefire.
And if there was no ceasefire, the president was going to walk out.
And instead, we come out with nothing agreed to, but a very productive meeting, which sounds to me like State Department talk, not real talk.
Right.
And so is that it?
Is Vladimir Hayden home?
Or is there a lunch or some sort of dinner?
I don't know if they're going to have their dinner.
They are supposed to have a dinner, which is the reason all those business people are there.
They're sucking around to see if they can get business and make money.
You know, the media is looking for a free lunch.
Well, it would seem to me the price of that dinner would have been a ceasefire.
You want to have dinner with me?
You agree to the ceasefire.
So no dinner.
The president comes home and we move on to meeting number two.
As the president did say, Mayor, this was to set the table.
But what symbolism is it where you have Putin coming here, meeting, and then leaving with nothing being agreed to but a constructive conversation.
How will he spin this back home?
I don't think we should spin it.
I think we should spin it.
Well, Putin will spin it.
Putin doesn't have to spin it.
Putin has gotten, Putin is playing for delay.
He's playing to put off as long as he can the crippling sanctions.
He just accomplished that.
He put off the crippling sanctions.
I don't think people realize, he does, and I'm sure the president does, that the sanctions are catastrophic.
His economy is in terrible shape.
He's going around the world begging countries to help him.
Nobody wants to help him.
Their people are suffering and going through a very difficult time.
And if any sanctions right now piled onto the ones that already exist would be deadly for him.
And therefore, by putting them off, he lives to fight another day.
Now, given the friendliness of the conversation and the interchange, I don't see how this leads to those severe sanctions being put in place.
The idea was that if there was no ceasefire, then you would go to exerting more pressure on him.
when I say more sanctions, what I'm talking about is secondary sanctions, like doing universally what we did with India.
So now we are putting a tremendous tariff, I think 50%, on India trading with anyone, because they're trading with Russia.
And it has cut down already India purchasing oil from Russia.
That's 30% of their supply.
If we did the same thing to China, that would be 53%.
And Russia would start after offer their oil for pennies.
So Russia, unlike America, is not a diverse economy.
Its economy is an oil economy.
You could almost determine at least the cash balance of Russia based on the price of oil.
You bring the price of the supply of oil down, and Russia is close to half the country's in poverty anyway.
You just put the rest of the country in poverty.
And I don't think Putin can sustain that.
And that's what the president hasn't administered.
He hasn't administered that weapon to stop Putin from killing people.
And the reason Putin wanted this meeting was to delay or to stop the president from doing that.
And I would be surprised if the president comes home and applies those sanctions after the nature of this meeting in which they said it was a very extremely productive meeting.
The only thing that that could mean is that they've come up with some formula for future discussions of a ceasefire.
And I don't know that anybody has much faith in that.
Not with Putin.
So there may be more to this.
We may be suffering from the fact that we don't know enough about what happened here.
But I think it is quite clear that the president came here for a particular objective, to get a ceasefire, and he's leaving without one.
And what that means for the people of Ukraine, so the real consequences of this is, does Russia bomb Ukraine tomorrow and the next day and the day after like they've been doing and unless that is something they did agree to and they don't want to tell us about it doesn't sound that way does it how do you interpret it mayor
Yeah, I'm kind of where you are here.
I didn't get a great deal of what Putin said.
I got everything to the president.
Yeah, I'm still catching up here.
We're reading about the, it was a relatively short press conference.
Maybe we can, yeah, maybe in the second hour we'll have some clips ready.
But it does appear that, I would say, you know, Putin came over, was very diplomatic.
I think both can kind of go, can kind of leave the meeting.
President Trump set expectations.
You know, he lowered expectations.
The White House did.
So they can say, you know, we talked.
And then I guess there's supposed to be another meeting now that includes Zelensky.
So let's see what happens.
And in terms of that, the follow-up meeting, right?
I think how that goes, we'll then, we'll be able to look back at this meeting to say if it was a success or not.
I think we do have to wait for the second meeting.
Or is that more State Department speak?
Well, I think, I mean, that's what they're telling us.
The question is, when is that second meeting?
How much more killing takes place until then?
I mean, will that mean anything?
Or is the thing missing here that somebody has to unload on Putin in order to move him off his position of no ceasefire?
And I tend to think that that's the case.
I think this doesn't happen until Putin feels the pain of Putin.
a very very tough American sanction and right now he's avoiding that pain so I don't see why he would he would hurry to do anything different than he's than he's doing.
Right.
At least that's what it looks like to me.
And I could be wrong, and I could be missing the subtleties of this.
But if I take what I was given from that press conference, that's the only way I can interpret this.
And the president didn't look particularly happy.
He didn't, he didn't.
He didn't.
Start reading here.
It looked a little forced.
What's that?
The president looked a little forced in what he was saying.
And he didn't look, first of all, if he was happy, he would have taken 100 questions.
He didn't.
He didn't take any questions, which is unusual, very unusual.
Well, yeah, not many questions.
He was at, I mean, there weren't any questions.
We were gearing up for a two-hour press conference.
Well, usually, you know, the formula of these things is two questions on each side.
That's the way the more, the more now, there have been things like Biden didn't even bother having press conferences when he did this because he could answer questions.
But the old-fashioned rule was when you had a high-level meeting between heads of state, you would not have a lengthy press conference, but there'd be two questions from an American journalist and two questions from a Russian journalist.
Or there'd be two questions to Trump and two questions to Putin.
That was the old formula.
And they were speculating that given the fact that the president carries on these one-hour press conferences, that it'd be different in this case, that he would, that he would, that he'd, that he would do a half-hour question and answer.
And very unusually, he did no question and answer.
That'd be the only time I've ever seen him do that.
Right.
But hey, I trust our president.
And I think that has to come from the sensitivity of whatever it is that they agreed to or didn't agree to.
I mean, any comment on it would just complicate it until he gets a chance to talk to Zelensky and our allies.
Remember, there are a lot of people, a lot of people waiting on the result of this to determine what they're going to do or not do.
So unless you had a very, very clear result, it probably is better not to take a lot of questions.
You just complicate things more.
It's fascinating because Putin invited him to Moscow.
He said, I'll get into a lot of trouble if I go to Moscow.
I don't know why.
Why can't, I mean, I don't know why.
I think there's a lot more pressure to get something done.
Actually, I don't understand why he said that.
Well, if that's the case, he'd have to do something.
President Trump would get in trouble no matter where he went.
I mean, if he went to the Vatican, he'd get in trouble.
But the reality is the guy did come.
Not only did the guy come to the United States, he came to a base that is used to defend against Russia.
That's his primary purpose is to defend against his country.
And not only that, he came to a place that we bought from Russia called Alaska.
Seward's folly.
It was considered to be the dumbest thing that Secretary of State Seward, who was Lincoln's Secretary of State, by the way, did when he bought Alaska.
May have been the smartest thing that Seward did, although Seward was a particularly great Secretary of State during the Civil War.
So I shouldn't say that, the smartest thing that he did.
But he turned out to be like Trump.
History proved him to be not only right, but a genius.
And you know how much he paid?
How much?
Yes.
For Alaska.
We paid.
I actually, oh, you know what?
I'm going to say, I think I might know it.
Is it $500,000?
$7.8 million.
Okay.
So what would that be?
I mean, that could be.
There are homes that are.
When we talk about 18.
These farmers were probably.
I think it was 1867 that he did it.
So it was during the Grant administration, not the Lincoln administration.
I mean, now we just like what the heck that's worth now.
Alaska?
No, no.
What is 1876, 7.8 million worth today?
Today.
Yeah.
Wow.
What do you think?
I am $7.8 million?
$7.8 million.
I think it was 1867 or 1868.
Maybe in 67.
$7.8 million in 1868.
7.2 million.
100.
Let's correct it.
7.2 million.
Okay, well.
1867.
7.2 million.
Okay, $7.2 million in $7.2 million in 1868, 1867?
1867.
Yeah.
That would be worth about $180 million today.
Oh, my gosh, Alaska is worth a lot more than $180 million.
Right.
That would be worth more than Mar-Laughlin.
That's worth at least as much as Mar-Lago, right?
Well, if you ask Judge Ngamoran, I guess.
Depending who we're asking, right?
So he got a real bargain.
Yeah, and the appreciation.
That had to be maybe one of the best investments ever made by the United States.
You would think.
So Seward, that's a good lesson.
Sometimes.
You know, it was around that time, or maybe somewhat later, that they seriously thought about buying Greenland, which is why America has several times around the turn of the century during the McKinley, during the McKinley Roosevelt era, they seriously thought about buying Greenland also.
And I think it was available.
So Trump wouldn't have to be worrying about it if we had bought it back then.
And you can see how Greenland, which is just further to the east of Alaska, would give us another very strong defense against a possible attack over the Arctic Circle, which is what Alaska does.
Alaska gives us a defense against over the Arctic Circle or over the Bering Sea.
Someone said that where they are in Anchorage.
Now, how far from Russia is that?
Anchorage.
I mean, not Moscow.
It's pretty damn far from Moscow.
Because Moscow is in the European part of Russia.
You know, Russia is one of the few countries in two continents.
It's in both Europe.
It's both in Europe and in Asia.
More of its land is in Asia and more of its people are in Europe.
10,000 miles, 1,000 kilometers, 620 miles.
Right.
But then when you get up to the strait, what is it, about 10 miles?
It's only about 10 miles.
And the two islands, there are two islands in between.
So Alaska at its closest point is separated by about 2.4 miles.
2.4 miles.
So maybe, maybe Sarah Palin could see Russia from her window.
Right.
Well, that whole thing, she never said that, right?
That's the whole joke.
2.4 million.
Tenafe said that.
Yeah.
I mean, I think she lives inland, you know, in Wasilla.
That was the name of it.
Yeah, that's right.
She was the mayor.
The mayor of Wasilla.
Hey, fellow mayor.
So we don't know, and we will know after a very short time exactly what they did cover because they did.
I mean, they couldn't have just talked about a ceasefire for that amount of time.
So they had to have talked about a whole group of issues, including how they're going to proceed further.
So we'll probably learn that over the course of the next day or two as they get a readout of what the meeting entailed.
They were a joint base, Elmendorf-Richardson, which is in Anchorage, which is the southern part of Alaska.
Alaska goes up to the Arctic Circle.
I mean, you can go see Santa Claus if you want to.
It's quite a trip.
Been there twice.
They did, they did, they did end it on a note that it's going to continue, which is a positive thing.
And as long as that happens within a fairly short period of time.
And Putin was very, very anxious to reach a deal on nuclear arms.
Now, again, you don't know with Putin, whether that really is something he was anxious to reach or that was a way of shuffling the deck so he could avoid the tougher question of a ceasefire, which I do believe he will eventually agree to.
He's just playing for as much time as he can get.
Trump rated it as 75% chance of success and a 25% chance of failure.
But you did have the sense that he really was rating it the opposite way around from the way he reduced expectations.
Right.
I think Trump, yeah.
But if it's a bad meeting, I'm not calling anybody.
I'm going home.
So he must have viewed it as a good meeting because he didn't go home and he's calling everybody.
So at least in the president's view, it was a good meeting.
And since they gave us no details, it's hard to explain how it was a good meeting or a bad meeting.
And I think we'll have to just get more details about it before we can really give you an opinion on it.
The fact that Putin came there, however, sought out the meeting is a strong indication of something that the Russians do a very, very good job of covering, which is that they're in a lot of trouble.
They're in a lot of trouble because if you look at the overall picture as objectively as you can, which is hard if you're an American, right?
Because you're on one side of it.
The Russians, from the moment they invaded Ukraine until now, has that been a positive for Russia or a negative?
Is Russia forget, you know, you could say they're winning in Ukraine because they got 20% of the territory.
You could say they're losing in Ukraine because they wanted to capture all of Ukraine.
So put that aside.
But big picture.
Is it a positive for Russia that they did this and conquered their 20% of Ukraine, which they haven't given up yet, or they may have to, they may not.
Or would they have been better off if they hadn't done it?
Right.
Omeir, I think it's interesting that they didn't take questions.
That tells you that they definitely didn't want to get into the details.
From what we saw at the press conference, they didn't really get into what was or wasn't agreed to.
And this, you know, this was expected to take six or seven hours.
This was going to be a full day.
And the Russians said it would take six or seven hours.
And the Americans said it would be very short.
So I mean, it's somewhere in between, or the two and a half hours.
Yeah.
And I think both sides can.
I think the president can focus on the next meeting with Zelensky.
And as he said, this was to kind of set the table.
And then Putin can go home and say, I went there, I went to America, and I didn't budge, right?
So he can go back and this, you know, it'll make him look good.
But I do think the president, we trust him.
And this, as he said, kind of set the table.
And now we wait for the next meeting place and time to be determined.
Well, I think that's right.
But I was asking a different question, which I think we can answer because it's hard to answer questions about the meeting because we don't know what happened.
I mean, it could have been a very, very positive meeting if it set a framework for a next meeting.
Or it could have been Putin having delayed everything.
It's hard to say when you don't have the details.
But the question is, irrespective of that, suppose this doesn't end or it ends with Russia keeping what they've stolen or taken.
Does that make Russia stronger or weaker?
The mere fact that they captured 20% of Ukraine doesn't necessarily make them stronger.
Well, to the Russians, my understanding is that their disagreements, and in order to come to a peace deal, they want to have their concerns addressed, concerns that date back to before this war.
And so I think you're correct, Mayor.
Well, you're correct to ask that question because what does victory look like?
Well, to the Russians, their goal, the way they would define it, they didn't have a complete victory if they made progress.
If their goal is they want to reconstitute the Russian Empire.
And again, I don't think it's the Soviet Union they want to reconstitute.
I think it's the Russian Empire.
There's a difference.
I do not think they have any ambitions to take Poland, for example.
They know that's impossible.
But I do think they have ambitions if they don't already have Belarus in many ways they do, or if I think they have designs on Lithuania and Estonia and Latvia, although I don't think that's practical.
I don't think that would happen.
And they definitely want Ukraine, which they believe belongs to them.
And just about nobody else does.
So in that sense, they would say, oh, we made progress.
We didn't get what we wanted.
We didn't get what we're entitled to, all of Ukraine, but we got 20% of it, and we got ourselves in a good position when things, when the right opportunity comes along, when we get another weakling like Biden, we'll go take the rest.
I doubt they're going to try to take any more under Trump.
That's right.
I believe, am I wrong?
Didn't Putin basically concede that this wouldn't have happened had Trump been in office?
And maybe he would have delayed it until.
Well, I don't think there's any doubt about it.
I mean, they had every opportunity to do it while Trump was in office.
He's the only president out of the last four that they missed.
They took aggressive action under three of our last four presidents.
The only one they skipped was Trump.
So I don't think there's any doubt they wouldn't have done it under Trump or under any strong president.
But Putin is Putin may be brutal, but he's very, very careful.
Putin is not, at least from his point of view, he's not a gambler.
He wants a sure thing.
I mean, if you even think of the way he did it with Biden, he pushed him.
He pushed out of him everything he possibly could to assure himself that Biden wouldn't do anything to him, including having him say no boots on the ground about 100 times.
And then eventually, dopey said, well, if you make a small invasion, that'd be okay.
Right.
He said, a little invasion, maybe we wouldn't get too upset about it.
I don't know.
I didn't even know what he meant by that.
Except it did sound like he's a weakling.
So he saw a weakness and he acted like he did with Obama.
Remember, he made it until the second term of Obama before he did anything because he wanted to measure him, take a measure, measure him.
Well, if he thought Trump was weak, he'd go take the rest of it.
Right.
But I think that's at least Not a possibility.
And the real question is, can we halt the killing at this point and give Ukraine a chance to rebuild itself and to put itself in a position where it can defend itself in the future against any further incursions by Russia?
And can you get some of that land back?
And all of that is for future discussion.
All that would have been decided today if we got everything that we wanted would have been a ceasefire.
They weren't about to discuss that without Ukraine.
But I do think that you could make the argument that overall, big picture, this was a mistake for Russia.
Russia is weaker today than it was five years ago.
Russia doesn't have the business relationships that it had five years ago.
I mean, just think of Germany alone, and Germany was one of their best customers, and Germany has cut them off completely.
And Europe, the relationship with Europe is much more hostile.
And Trump can take a great deal of credit for reconstituting and funding NATO.
But I also think that the Europeans are putting a lot more money into defense because of Putin.
So he's facing, he's facing a, I mean, before he was facing a very strong United States, and that's about it in NATO.
Now he's facing four or five other countries that are very, very motivated.
First of all, the Baltics are heavily motivated.
Poland, of course, has always been motivated.
But you've got countries like the United Kingdom and Germany that are very, very motivated to increase their defense, which, I mean, this is all about NATO not being too strong.
And what he's done is he's strengthened NATO.
And what he's gotten in return, 20% of Ukraine, about a third, well, I guess you could say he's gotten about a third of the precious minerals that are available in Ukraine, which is enormously important now with the development of supercomputers and the things that are going to be necessary for artificial intelligence.
but it's still just a third and a load of problems with the rest of the world.
So what he wants ultimately, his set of demands are he wants the land that he didn't take by war.
In the provinces that he control, in three of the four provinces, they actually call them in Ukraine oblasts.
But in three of the four provinces, he hasn't taken the entire province.
Wuhansk is the only one where he's taken the entire problem.
Not even in Donesk, has he taken the entire province.
He wants that peace that he didn't take.
Now, one of it is extremely important.
I think in Donesk, but I'm not sure exactly.
And it may stretch out a bit.
One is extremely important because it's the defensive wall that Ukraine has put up that he hasn't been able to breach.
So if he wants to move on in the future to further conquests in Ukraine, that'd be a very, very strong strategic position for him to get because he doesn't seem to be able to get it through warfare.
So it's important to keep that away from him.
And it's important to make certain that no matter what happens in land and the trading of land, that we don't give up that peace.
And that if we trade, we trade him down rather than up.
The reality is If he wants, if we're going to do any kind of a peace deal, he should have to give some of that land back.
Now, frankly, I think what Ukraine is more interested in are very, very ironclad defensive arrangements.
Ideally, they'd want to be part of NATO.
And I don't see how he gets to decide who is or who is not in NATO.
On the other hand, that's probably the most important thing to him.
I mean, one of the reasons why he started this is because Ukraine was talking about, even though he more or less, I can't say that he controlled the president of Ukraine, but the president of Ukraine was very partial to Russia.
But the domestic opinion within Ukraine had switched very heavily in favor of joining EU and NATO.
And the president of Ukraine, I think in order to get reelected, sort of agreed that he would pursue that, even though he was pro-Russian and had disagreed.
And then Putin got him to flip.
And when that happened, the revolution occurred.
That's when they overthrew him and threw him out.
And he also took the entire treasury of Ukraine with him.
And he's now living in Russia under the thumb of the little guy there.
I see Zelensky on TV, but I don't know if that's a live or present interview with him or discussion, or that's a past one.
I would assume that's right.
So Russia comes out of this without any without any answer to the big question, which is what is it going to do in the short term to stop the bleeding of their economy?
And that's why all those businessmen were there, because although Russia would never admit this, because they do a great job of covering up, they're desperately in need of somebody to do business with.
And they're losing, they're losing 30,000 soldiers a month.
What do we lose?
Over 50,000 in Vietnam.
Every year, they're losing almost what we lost in Vietnam.
That's a very, very, that's a very debilitating war that they're carrying on.
And someone describes the Russian army as their army uses human beings the way other armies use tanks.
That's why they get so many killed.
But it does give you a sense that there is a different level of value to human life.
Because when you think of the United States Army or you think of some of the Western armies, there is a great deal of sensitivity to trying to keep the casualties, the deaths, casualties.
In the West, that's how he feels.
But we'll be right back after these messages.
Well, I guess we're still on, Mayor, for the moment, but we should be going to commercial break shortly.
Well, you know, another thing that we saw here today was with the speech, right?
It ended up only being a couple of, what, two and a half hours.
So they really, I don't know, is there any, can we glean anything from the shortened timeframe or is there not much?
There could be a multitude of reasons why, for example, they didn't go forward with the sit-down luncheon, dinner.
What time is it there?
I guess they're a few hours behind us, so it'd be a luncheon.
Or should we not read too much into that?
I'd read something into that.
I'd read into it.
The president, the president wasn't overjoyed with the meeting.
Right.
Otherwise, he would have stayed for dinner.
Now, he does have a long trip back, but plus, that would really be giving Putin something he's not entitled to unless he makes a big step, which is meeting with all those businessmen.
Right.
They didn't come over there just to observe this.
They came over there to suck up to Trump because they need somebody to do business.
Remember, we've got, even though we don't have the secondary sanctions, we have the primary sanctions.
They haven't been able to do business in the way in which they want to for the last two and a half years.
And their economy is in very, very bad shape.
That's why all those business people are there.
They're sucking around for business.
So they're not going to get what they came for.
Right.
Which was to meet with him, to talk to, is the Secretary of the Treasury there with him?
Yes, he is commerce to talk to them.
Right.
Nobody does business with Russia at this point.
No substantial economy does business with Russia with the exception of China.
And China cheats the hell out of them.
Even India, although we cut that off, India was paying nothing for Russian oil.
I don't even know how I don't know that Russia was making much of a profit on what they were selling to India because they're so desperate to sell oil, they have to reduce the price way below the market price.
And now with India being cut out as a customer, you know, China's buying 50%, 55% of Russia's oil, but they're not buying it for the same price they would be buying it for if we didn't have sanctions on Russia.
The price goes down because Russia is desperate.
And China is not exactly a charitable institution.
Russia may be their ally, but they're certainly going to take advantage of the difficult financial position that Russia is in.
And if Russia went under, I don't think China, where there's been maybe a thousand years of hatred between them, would care too much.
I mean, Russia right now depends on China a hell of a lot more than China depends on Russia.
And you also have to believe when I say that when you look at in the big picture was what Putin did.
Has it helped advance Russia or has it helped degeriorate Russia?
It clearly has helped deeriorate Russia because I believe China has a different view of them now.
That's right, Mayor.
And with that, let's go ahead and try to pay the bills.
Okay, well, let's pay our bills now.
Let's see if we can pay our bills.
We'll be right back.
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Here we go.
Come back, mayor.
This is Rudy Giuliani, and we're back with the Rudy Giuliani show.
And the summit is over, as far as I can tell.
Is the president on his way back?
We are tracking Air Force One.
Is he in the air?
I have not seen him in the air yet, but we'll give you an update.
But as far as you know, the additional festivities were canceled.
Cancel, or maybe, let's see.
Well, then we're going to have a dinner after.
And I think that's why half of Moscow came with Trump.
Notice no American businessmen came with nobody in America is seeking to do business in Russia.
I didn't see any American businessmen with Trump.
So can you tell, Ted?
Nope, not as of now.
We're just looking to see where Air Force One is at the moment.
Well, I do hope, and we'll figure that out when we.
They did speak for a long time, and obviously they covered a whole host of subjects that wasn't discussed during the press conference.
And I hope there was a discussion about the missing children.
I had the opportunity earlier today to interview the mayor of Kyiv, Vitaly Klitschko.
Vitaly is the three-term mayor of Kyiv in Ukraine.
He is a very close friend of mine and a former client.
And of course, you probably, if you remember this, He was the, I believe, undefeated heavyweight champion of the world for quite some time.
He's also a PhD, I think in mathematics, if I'm correct.
And very, very interesting, very intelligent guy, very pro-American and very pro-Western.
He's Ukrainian, very, very proud and very patriotic Ukrainian.
I believe he is on his father's side.
There's some Russian ethnicity as well.
And if I go back to when I first met him, although he was clearly a Ukrainian patriot, I'm pretty sure he boxed in Russia and all, he certainly did in Germany quite a bit.
And his feelings about Russia have changed quite a bit.
The reality is the whole situation in Ukraine has changed quite a bit since Putin has become so aggressive.
When I first got involved in going to Ukraine and working there, which would be 2004, 2005, around that time, the opinion of the Ukrainians as between favorable to Russia or favorable to the West was kind of down the middle,
more toward the West, meaning more of them wanted to basically follow the path that Lithuania and Estonia and Latvia were on, and that is to join NATO and the EU.
But it was really pretty close.
In the elections that would take place, there were a group of political parties, but two main political parties.
One of them, the party of regions, was the pro-Ukrainian pro-Russian party.
And the other party was the Ukrainian pro-West Party, pro-United States, pro-Poland, Germany, whatever.
And when they had elections, it was a little bit like our elections are now between Republicans and Democrats as the last one.
And they'd be pretty much down the middle.
The pro-Russians would win one and the pro-Western would win the other.
Right now, if you did an election in Ukraine, it would be overwhelmingly pro-Western, including in the Russian-leaning parts of Ukraine.
I judge that by the city probably know best, Kharkiv, which used to be a pro-Russian city that has fought valiantly against Russia and has been able to keep itself out of the web of Russian domination.
And I would say this, that it also affected beyond Ukraine, it's had a big effect on the Balkans and a very, very big effect on Estonia, which of those three countries, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, was the most pro-Russian.
They are now leading the coalition against Russia.
Finland and Sweden always hesitated to join NATO because they had such good relations with Russia.
They're now members of NATO.
So that aspect of the world has changed.
Yep.
So are we We're at the end.
Spend most of our time speculating on what happened, which I think probably will be done all weekend.
And we still may not know completely.
These things do tend to have certain aspects to them that remains confidential or classified.
So let's see how much comes out and how much more we know about it.
But let's pray for the people of Ukraine.
They deserve to be delivered from the barbarity of the Russian assault on them.
And let's pray for the people of Israel and the people of Iran and the people of the United States.
And let's pray for our president as he comes back to the United States.
He is making valiant efforts in trying to create world peace.
And even though this didn't achieve exactly what we wanted, he's very, very determined.
He'll get there and we'll get there.
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