Premium Episode 143: The Trial of Colin Wallace (The Northern Irish Satanic Panic Part 2) Sample
The British Army intelligence agent receives backlash after turning whistleblower and is accused of murdering his lover's fiancé by karate chop. But not before he attempts to reveal the coverup of institutional pedophilia in a boys' home in Northern Ireland. We return to Belfast in the 70's to explore the connection between the Satanic Panic, British intelligence, sectarian militias and red scare smears targeting major political figures. This episode is the second and final part of main episode 161 - The Northern Irish Satanic Panic. It was written by Annie Kelly.
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Welcome, listener, to Premium Chapter 143 of the QAnon Anonymous podcast, The Northern Irish Satanic Panic Part Two, The Trial of Colin Wallace episode.
As always, we are your hosts, Jake Rokitansky, Annie Kelly, Julian Fields and Travis View.
Last episode on QAnon Anonymous, we traveled to Northern Ireland in the 1970s to track a satanic panic that broke out during the Troubles, a violent sectarian struggle over national independence that roughly spanned the 1960s to the 1990s.
Colin Wallace, a British Army intelligence officer turned whistleblower, revealed himself as a key player in the psychological operations that helped stoke the satanic panic.
But was he trustworthy?
And would he be framed by his own government to discredit his allegations?
We'll find out this week as we embark on the thrilling conclusion of our Northern Irish Satanic Panic two-parter, The Trial of Colin Wallace.
Helming the ship, of course, is Annie Kelly, our UK correspondent, whose father happened to be a teenager in Belfast in the 1970s.
She'll be exploring a wider set of ignominious actions taken by British security services during the Troubles, and their consequences in the public sphere.
Welcome everyone to the second QAnon Anonymous episode this week written by your charming and beloved UK correspondent.
Even though some are calling this unprecedented amount of Annie content the second British invasion, I want to reassure you that I have no imperialistic intentions.
And to prove it to you, we're going to be delving deep into some of the alleged historical crimes of the British state.
Don't fire until you see the white of their airpods.
Americans might be under the impression that their security services have cornered the market when it comes to being evil.
So let's give you a story from this side of the pond that has only lightly red-pilled me.
Corruption.
Murder.
District councils.
This episode has it all.
This story is born out of my research for the first three episodes this week, The Northern Irish Satanic Panic.
And if you haven't listened to that yet, I'd recommend you do just to get your bearings for this one.
But, if you insist on being willful, or have listened and forgotten some of the main details, I'll give you a brief synopsis so we can dive right in.
The Northern Irish Satanic Panic happened from 1972 to 1974, in the early years of the conflict known as The Troubles.
Local newspapers during this time began reporting strange rumours of satanic rituals and witchcraft paraphernalia being discovered all over the northern counties.
Although it's unlikely that this was all the work of the British Army, a man named Colin Wallace alleged that at the time they were essentially seeding rumours that the Provisional IRA and the Ulster Loyalist paramilitaries were dabbling in Satanism to lose them popular support.
He was in a position to know, given that he had worked as a public relations officer for the British Army in Northern Ireland at the time, and his official duties included briefing the press.
But he also had a secret role too, confirmed by the Ministry of Defence in 1990, which involved sowing army-approved disinformation to undermine insurgent groups.
While that might sound like a conspiratorial way of putting it, none of that would have been particularly controversial as a counter-subversive strategy.
Both the Provisional IRA and their loyalist paramilitary rivals, like the Ulster Volunteer Force, were designated terrorist groups, and it was understood that the army would use most legal means at their disposal to stop them.
As the Tory MP Michael Mates would go on to say, he had even felt they hadn't gone far enough in this task.
Now, if we're talking about a disinformation campaign, if we're talking about black propaganda, that was going on.
My complaint when I was serving there was there wasn't enough of it, and the IRA were doing it a damn sight better than we were.
And it was to remedy that that the people got the act together in 72 and 73 to try and do it.
I like this era because euphemisms hadn't really taken over all words in politics, so you're like, yeah, black operations, mm-hmm.
Yeah, I know.
I think it's so funny because if you think it is like a perfectly legitimate means of like the military, which you know, I think is like a, is an argument.
Why do you call it black propaganda?
That sounds so scary.
Sounds like something from like Harry Potter or something like that.
Do you know?
Well, if we had it your way, they would be polite about doing the exact same thing and use a different word.
But Ron, they're members of the black propaganda.
Hurry!
Hermione, Now, even if that black propaganda had unintended consequences, as we went into in the first episode, this does seem understandable.
To Colin Wallace too, who was a born and raised Northern Irish Unionist, it only made sense.
The government had made grave mistakes early on when trying to quash the IRA's revolt, such as mass internment without trial of suspected Republican subversives in 1971, which had sparked huge protests and rioting.
In short, they didn't just have an actual war to win, but a public relations war on their hands as well.
Anything which decreased popular support for the provisionals, and to a lesser extent the loyalist terror groups as well, was considered legitimate.
Clockwork Orange.
But as Wallace's career continued, officially in public relations but also liaising with military intelligence, he became increasingly uncomfortable with some of the rumours he heard.
It's worth remembering here that British intelligence was not just singularly focused on Northern Ireland at this point, but was also in the middle of the Cold War.
A Conservative government run by Prime Minister Edward Heath, was grappling with both external and internal enemies as trade unions battled against government measures to halt inflation, most famously a public sector wage gap that condemned many industry workers to poverty as prices continued to soar, and fuel rationing, restricting consumption of electricity for three days a week.
As Prime Minister, I want to speak to you simply and plainly about the grave emergency now facing our country.
Jobs will be in danger and take-home pay will be less.
We shall have to postpone some of the hopes and aims we have set ourselves for expansion and for our standard of living.
We shall have a harder Christmas than we have known since the war.
Too honest, man, too honest.
See, I think, yeah, when you were saying about how they just didn't use kind of euphemisms, like, that's one that I think that the Prime Minister's going on TV and just like, everything's going to be very shit.
I mean, it's, I mean, it's a kind of thing I've like, I've never seen a politician say.
In fact, after the 9-11 attacks, Bush said, keep on shopping.
Show the terrorists by shopping more.
And so the idea that like, no, times will be difficult.
We're gonna have to tighten our belts.
Life is shit.
We'll have the stuff, the resources that we used to.
The economy is going down the tubes.
They wouldn't last in office.
They would be destroyed.
The towers have fallen.
It's going to be the merriest Christmas in history.
The Labour Party in opposition, buoyed by the increasingly strained public support for the government, began to look like an increasingly likely prospect.
This was so concerning to some in intelligence services, focused as they were on defeating communism on the international stage, that a select group became convinced that they were witnessing the birth of a communist regime at home.
The left-wing investigative journalist Paul Foote in his book Who Framed Colin Wallace writes, This group and its ideas had an especially strong influence on army and intelligence officers in Northern Ireland.
They watched in horror as Harold Wilson, Labour Party leader, met IRA leaders in Dublin in 1972, and even the government communicated with the IRA while security collapsed.
They suspected a link between appeasement of the IRA and appeasement of trade unions.
We're going to stack a red scare on the satanic panic.
Yeah, why not?
As Colin Wallace himself said, We were losing friends and colleagues almost every day to the IRA.
When we felt, as many of us did, that these terrorists were being appeased by conservative ministers, we were pretty sick.
Even worse, when we thought there might be a change of government and a new set of ministers, some of whom seemed to us to be openly on the side of the terrorists, we became extremely disillusioned and anxious to do something about it.
This was the beginning of a top-secret information offensive called Clockwork Orange.
Initially, how it worked was, Colin was asked to construct four mythical stories from mythical people who had been involved in terrorism or sectarian politics, and then cede these to the press about commanders of terrorist organisations in Northern Ireland.
Essentially, the idea was to spread rumours and gossip in the newspapers about well-known subversives in a way that could not be traced back to MI5 and thus discounted as establishment smears by their audience.
This was not so different from Colin's previous work that we discussed, like associating the IRA with the KGB or witchcraft and things like that.
The only difference was that it targeted specific people rather than organisations, but they were, after all, terrorists, or, at least in his view, terrorist associates operating outside the bounds of the law.
It only seemed reasonable that they would warrant special measures.
But Collins said that the nature of the brief began to change very quickly.
Gradually, he started being passed information from MI5 about the private lives, communist sympathies, and embarrassing associations of British mainland politicians, who had nothing to do with the Troubles.
Collins said he didn't think too much about it at first, holding to the view of many in the army that one of the main reasons for the terrorists' success was the sympathy they received from Westminster.
Colin kept the majority of his notes from that time, which it seems worth saying here have been confirmed as dating to 1974 by a top forensic expert, Dr Julius Grant.
Some of the content of the notes are shocking.
For example, in a section discussing the upcoming general election between Conservative incumbent Edward Heath and Labour Party leader Harold Wilson, Colin had noted, It is clear that the campaign for the next general election will be heavily dominated by the personality factor, and every effort should be made to exploit character weaknesses in target subjects.
In particular, A. Financial misbehaviour, B. Sexual misbehaviour, and C. Political misbehaviour.
Then, there was a list of all of the target subjects and their supposed weaknesses.
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