NXR Podcast - THE SPECIAL - The Inner Workings of "World Jewry" (w/Nick Fuentes)
Aired: 2026-01-07
Duration: 56:44


=== Exclusive Attention on Nick (01:41) ===

[00:00:00]  What's in is like Nietzsche, nationalism, vitalism, like bodybuilding, aesthetics.
[00:00:07]  Like they know, in some ways, they've created that too, but they know that's the mood of the moment around Trump.
[00:00:14]  And so what they're doing is they're identifying, like they have in the past, the pro Jewish politics with the mood of the moment.
[00:00:21]  This is just one episode of a 10 part series with perhaps the most controversial man in America, namely Nicholas J. Fuentes.
[00:00:31]  Now, the whole series will eventually be made.
[00:00:34]  Public right here with one new episode dropping each week on Wednesday.
[00:00:40]  And we're not just talking about Nick's childhood experiences or what he did in college back in the day.
[00:00:46]  No, we're focusing our exclusive attention on what Nick believes.
[00:00:52]  What is it that Nick really thinks about race, women, Trump, Israel, Jews, masculinity, and even more?
[00:01:01]  That's what this series is all about.
[00:01:03]  It's a one stop shop to focus on the core tenets of Nick Fuentes' beliefs.
[00:01:09]  On the major headline issues of our day.
[00:01:13]  Now, you're going to have to wait a total of 10 weeks for this to slow drip out to the public.
[00:01:18]  However, for those of you who may be interested, you can binge watch all 10 episodes ad free today by heading over to patreon.com and searching NXR Studios.
[00:01:31]  And now, back to our show.
[00:01:35]  At the foot of Mount Sinai, a nation met its God in thunder.
[00:01:39]  And fire.

=== Sinai and the Soviet Union (15:12) ===

[00:01:41]  From that covenant flowed the faith of Abraham, Moses, and the prophets, fulfilled, not replaced, in Christ.
[00:01:52]  But somewhere between the martyrs and the modern West, the truth was blurred.
[00:01:57]  Politicians and pastors began speaking of a Judeo Christian civilization, a phrase born not of Sinai, but in Washington, tracing its roots not to Moses, but to the Pharisees.
[00:02:13]  The hyphenated heresy challenges the myth of the hyphen, tracing how it reshaped Christian identity, redefined the church's witness, and bound modern faith to political Zionism.
[00:02:27]  Pick up your copy today on Amazon.com.
[00:02:36]  Radical Christian nationalist pastor, Joel Webbin.
[00:02:40]  Joel Webbin.
[00:02:40]  I'm going to talk about Joel Webbin.
[00:02:43]  Joel Webbin is an excellent.
[00:03:04]  All right.
[00:03:05]  So this one is going to be all about history, and it is your forte and not mine.
[00:03:09]  So I'm here to learn.
[00:03:11]  I know a little bit about, you know, Buchanan and Buckley and those kinds of things, but what is the history of neoconservatism?
[00:03:19]  Well, it's an important question because the neocons have been pretty dominant in politics for the past 25, 30 years.
[00:03:26]  And I think it's actually really important to tell the story, especially now, because of what's happening ever since October 7th.
[00:03:35]  What's interesting is that the origin of the neocons in the 70s mirrors almost exactly what's happening in the right wing in 2023.
[00:03:45]  Really?
[00:03:46]  Almost identical mirror image.
[00:03:49]  And it's really important to understand because if you can understand how the neocons emerged in the 70s, you can really understand what's coming in the future in the 2020s because of the similarities.
[00:04:00]  And to understand the neocons, you have to go all the way back.
[00:04:05]  To the 50s and 60s.
[00:04:07]  And what you find is that the origins of the neoconservatives, it's in all these magazines, Commentary Magazine, and a number of other smaller intellectual magazines, which were very popular back then.
[00:04:22]  Now, of course, we have Twitter, Fox News, talk radio, and all this stuff is relatively new.
[00:04:29]  Back then, you have in New York City, you have in the major intellectual hubs, you have these small journals, and they didn't have a big readership at all.
[00:04:38]  Like these were not mastered.
[00:04:39]  Circulation magazines, but they reached a very core audience of the most influential intellectual types, tastemakers, opinion makers.
[00:04:49]  So you have these small magazines, mostly in New York City, and they're written by Jewish left wingers.
[00:04:56]  And they actually call themselves Trotskyites.
[00:05:00]  And it's debated whether they're really Trotskyists or to what extent they were really communist.
[00:05:05]  But this is in the milieu of the 50s and 60s where we're in the Cold War.
[00:05:10]  The US against the Soviet Union.
[00:05:12]  And after World War II, the Cold War begins very quickly, and the communists are spreading their ideology all over the world.
[00:05:19]  That's why the Soviet Union was such a pariah, unlike any other country, because at the center of their doctrine, of their state, is this revolutionary, totalizing global ideology.
[00:05:31]  So they say it's not enough that Russia succumbs to communism and the revolution.
[00:05:36]  They said we will turn Russia out and use Russia as a springboard to launch a global revolution.
[00:05:42]  That eventually eliminates borders and eliminates hierarchies and everything.
[00:05:47]  And so they're spreading this in Asia and in Europe.
[00:05:49]  They're trying to get communist parties elected to power in Italy, Germany, France.
[00:05:54]  And the United States recognizes this emerging challenge.
[00:05:57]  They say, we don't want the countries to fall to communism.
[00:06:01]  If they do, they will align with Russia.
[00:06:04]  If they align with Russia, all that country's resources go to Russia.
[00:06:09]  And if Russia controls Europe, Asia, the Middle East, They get all the resources of the Eurasian landmass.
[00:06:18]  And if it just becomes a resource battle, then Russia becomes a more powerful country in absolute and relative terms, and we get dominated.
[00:06:26]  So it's the basis of Cold War strategic thinking and the CIA and the State Department that we have to undermine communism, Stalinism in all these countries, because Stalin is king until 53 when he dies.
[00:06:40]  And so what they start to do in the 50s.
[00:06:43]  Is they start to invest in these types of magazines.
[00:06:46]  They invest in radio, they invest in magazines, various intellectual figures give them stipends and grants at universities.
[00:06:54]  And they're not all right wing, they're not all sponsoring like free market, neoliberalism wasn't really a thing yet.
[00:07:01]  But they weren't really sponsoring all conservatives.
[00:07:04]  They're sponsoring a lot of liberals and they're sponsoring a lot of non Stalinist, non communist left wingers.
[00:07:12]  They're okay with a left wing party coming to power as long as they're not going to be Stalinist, communist, aligned with the Soviet Union.
[00:07:21]  So in the 50s and 60s, they're backing all these different very well known publications and intellectuals through a group called the Congress for Cultural Freedom.
[00:07:30]  This is really where it starts.
[00:07:32]  And it's important to understand that.
[00:07:34]  In the 50s and 60s, you had all these Jews in America.
[00:07:37]  They all came from Russia at the turn of the previous century.
[00:07:41]  And they came here fleeing the Pale of Settlement from the pogroms, the anti Semitism of the Tsar.
[00:07:47]  They also fled communism at various stages over the course of the life of the Soviet Union.
[00:07:53]  And so many of them are deeply sympathetic to socialism.
[00:07:56]  Many of them are very left wing.
[00:07:58]  And they have these idealistic views about the Soviet Union that it might be a socialist paradise, that it might be like the solution.
[00:08:08]  And so all of this thinking changes between the 67 and 73 war in Israel.
[00:08:15]  Israel, excuse me, is established in 1948.
[00:08:19]  And there's a question in American strategic thinking about the alignment of the entire Middle East because we want to balance.
[00:08:28]  We want to recognize Israel because it's important for the Jews in America politically.
[00:08:33]  And there's the whole story about how we came to recognize Israel.
[00:08:36]  It's not really important for this.
[00:08:38]  We want to support Israel, but we don't want to alienate all the Arabs.
[00:08:42]  So, the United States and even some of the governments in Europe are balancing.
[00:08:47]  And in balancing, we're not giving weapons to either of them.
[00:08:50]  We're not giving a ton of weapons to Israel.
[00:08:52]  We're not giving a ton of weapons to Egypt and Syria, even though they're at war, in the hopes that we can maintain everybody's alliance.
[00:09:01]  We can keep friends with everybody.
[00:09:04]  What starts to happen, however, is that the American Jews and European Jews start smuggling guns to Israel.
[00:09:10]  And Israel's getting all these machine guns and surplus from World War II.
[00:09:14]  And that's how they're able to achieve parity with Egypt and Syria.
[00:09:18]  So Egypt says, well, Israel's getting all these American weapons.
[00:09:22]  Egypt starts taking weapons from the Soviet Union.
[00:09:25]  And over the course of the 50s and 60s, okay, in the context of the bigger Cold War, you see Israel drifting closer and closer to the United States, and Egypt and Syria and the Arab states drifting closer to the Soviet Union.
[00:09:38]  And so now the Middle East becomes a theater of a proxy conflict in the broader Cold War, with the Soviets backing the Arabs, the Americans backing Israel.
[00:09:48]  And what's interesting is this was a little unexpected because Israel's founded as a socialist state.
[00:09:53]  Israel's founded by labor Zionists.
[00:09:56]  And they had no right wing leadership until the 70s.
[00:10:00]  It was all labor Zionist presidents.
[00:10:04]  At the same time, Egypt and Syria were socialists.
[00:10:06]  So maybe it was inevitable they would join up with the Soviet Union.
[00:10:10]  But so the Israel Egypt conflict, Arab Israel conflict, is roiling in the 40s, 50s, and 60s.
[00:10:19]  The Soviet Union and America are balancing against each other, fighting this proxy war.
[00:10:23]  Israel's drifting towards America, Egypt and Syria drifting towards the Soviet Union.
[00:10:29]  Everything changes in 1967.
[00:10:32]  Israel is testing the defenses of Egypt and Syria, which they've been at war with since 1948, with some sporadic explosions of violence.
[00:10:41]  And in 1967, in the Six Day War, Israel launches a surprise attack on the Air Force of Egypt, and it's a miracle.
[00:10:49]  They send over basically a spy to determine that Egypt has no air defenses.
[00:10:55]  So they come in and they just annihilate the entire air force of Egypt.
[00:10:59]  Then they go double or nothing.
[00:11:02]  They go into Syria, destroy Syria's whole air force.
[00:11:05]  They invade the Gaza Strip and the Sinai Peninsula, take that from Egypt.
[00:11:10]  They invade the West Bank and Syria, and they take a lot of Syria's territory.
[00:11:15]  So after the 1967 war, they're bigger than ever, and they've totally humiliated the Egyptians and the Syrians.
[00:11:22]  And Israel feels invincible.
[00:11:24]  They feel like we have just decimated the air force, virtually no casualties.
[00:11:28]  We marched in and took their stuff.
[00:11:30]  We're unbeatable.
[00:11:32]  So, in Egypt, they start to say, We want revenge for what the Israelis did.
[00:11:37]  And we don't even need to win, they say.
[00:11:40]  What we need is to catch them by surprise and just to demonstrate that we can fight back.
[00:11:45]  Even if we just win some battles, we'll get back our sense of pride, our sense that we can still do things.
[00:11:52]  The Israelis think that Egypt is not going to be able to attack until 1975.
[00:11:57]  They say that we have so devastated Egypt's military, it's going to literally take them almost a decade to regroup.
[00:12:04]  So, we're not even expecting anything until 75.
[00:12:07]  And this is based on the idea that Egypt would not contest Israel without air power.
[00:12:14]  And so they say, Egypt can't get that for another 10 years.
[00:12:17]  We don't need to worry about it.
[00:12:19]  The Egyptians change their military doctrine.
[00:12:21]  They say, we don't need actually to go on the offensive.
[00:12:24]  We don't need air superiority.
[00:12:26]  We just need to defend our position.
[00:12:28]  And so Egypt comes up with this plan it's a sneak attack with Syria.
[00:12:32]  They say they're going to invade the Sinai.
[00:12:35]  And simultaneously, Syria will invade Israel from the north.
[00:12:39]  And it's a very sophisticated operation.
[00:12:42]  They learn the Israeli strategic thinking.
[00:12:44]  They learn their doctrine.
[00:12:45]  They learn what the Israelis are looking for.
[00:12:48]  They psych them out.
[00:12:49]  They come up with these decoys.
[00:12:51]  They stage their military and they deploy their military on the edge of the Sinai a number of times just to get the Israelis used to it so they think it's a military exercise.
[00:13:04]  They do this dozens of times in a single year.
[00:13:07]  And then in 1973, And the date is important October 6th, 1973, 50 years almost to the day before the October 7th attack.
[00:13:19]  Egypt launches a surprise attack on Israel.
[00:13:22]  And they catch him completely by surprise.
[00:13:24]  Israel finds out within a couple of days of the attack.
[00:13:28]  And because Israel's forces are reservists, they need many days, they need several days to call everybody up and summon them and get them together to mobilize.
[00:13:37]  Egypt catches them totally by surprise.
[00:13:40]  They invade the Sinai and they secure the Sinai Peninsula.
[00:13:44]  Syria simultaneously invades from the north.
[00:13:47]  And immediately, it's a catastrophe for Israel.
[00:13:51]  And it looks like Israel might be defeated.
[00:13:53]  They call up Nixon and say, We need help.
[00:13:56]  And initially, Nixon and Kissinger are reluctant to send in any kind of support.
[00:14:01]  And they're worried about a war spinning out of control.
[00:14:03]  They don't want the Soviet Union to come in, they don't want to risk a wider war.
[00:14:08]  At the time, the Israeli prime minister pulls out.
[00:14:11]  Their nuclear weapons in full view of the satellites, which America sees.
[00:14:17]  And the indication is that if we don't get the military aid that we need, we're going to nuke Egypt and Syria.
[00:14:23]  And so Golda Meir, who's the prime minister at the time, says, if you don't help us, it's going to be extraordinary measures.
[00:14:30]  And they take the hint.
[00:14:32]  They send in one of the biggest airlifts of material support to Israel since World War II, giant airlift of armor and weapons and everything Israel needs.
[00:14:42]  And eventually, Israel is able to repel the invasion.
[00:14:44]  Long story short, without getting into all the tactical details, but it is a catastrophe.
[00:14:49]  And the Egyptians, even though they eventually lose, they lose to Sinai, and the Syrians are pushed back, and they have to sue for peace.
[00:14:57]  The Egyptians saw it as a huge victory because they caught him by surprise.
[00:15:00]  They won this battle.
[00:15:01]  They showed that Israel wasn't invincible.
[00:15:04]  Back in America, the Jews are appalled.
[00:15:08]  And they're appalled for a couple of reasons.
[00:15:10]  One, they see that Israel was almost destroyed.
[00:15:13]  And they say that if Israel is destroyed, this is a catastrophe.
[00:15:17]  Two, they see that the Soviet Union would have been the undoing of Israel because the Soviet Union is backing Egypt and Syria.
[00:15:26]  They supported this.
[00:15:27]  And they intervened on the side of Egypt and Syria when America got involved.
[00:15:32]  And so many of the Jews who have these idealistic ideas about the Soviet Union suddenly realize the Soviet Union might be the death of Israel.
[00:15:41]  The Soviet Union's our enemy.
[00:15:43]  And in the 60s and 70s, as Israel drifts away from the United States, the Soviet Union under Brezhnev starts to promulgate very anti Israel propaganda.
[00:15:52]  They're saying that Israel's a capitalist state, it's a colonial state.
[00:15:57]  They go to the United Nations a couple of years later and push this resolution which says that Zionism.
[00:16:02]  Is racism, which is identical to some of the rhetoric now from the left.
[00:16:07]  And so, all these Jews in New York City who are anti Stalinist, but they're sympathetic to the Soviet Union, left wing, maybe they have some idealistic ideas about the Soviet Union.
[00:16:20]  This is where that old expression comes from.
[00:16:22]  I believe it's from Irvin Kristol.
[00:16:24]  He said that conservatives are liberals that got mugged by reality.
[00:16:28]  And how they got mugged is they saw that the Soviet Union is really their enemy.
[00:16:34]  And so, all these left wing Jews writing in these magazines in New York, they realize we have to destroy the Soviet Union.
[00:16:42]  Now, they're liberal on everything else.
[00:16:44]  They're liberal on civil rights.
[00:16:45]  They're liberal on free speech, liberal on any issue you can think of the economy, race.
[00:16:52]  They don't even care about these issues.

=== The Old Right Shifts (16:08) ===

[00:16:54]  The only issue that they care about after this point is defending Israel by defeating the Soviet Union.
[00:17:03]  And so, all these guys who were on the left shift over to the right.
[00:17:06]  These are your Irvin Crystals, Norm Podhoretz, among others.
[00:17:10]  This is like your first wave of neocons.
[00:17:13]  And they explicitly say if the Soviet Union is backing these countries and if they say Zionism is racism, what they're effectively saying is that Israel doesn't have a right to exist.
[00:17:24]  If Zionism is racism, then Zionism can't be tolerated.
[00:17:28]  Then there can be no Jewish Israeli state.
[00:17:31]  So they identify Israel as the main enemy.
[00:17:34]  These guys gradually over time infiltrate the conservative movement.
[00:17:39]  The Reagan administration, some of the think tanks, the nonprofits.
[00:17:44]  And in the 80s, they become a major part of this fusionist alliance the social conservatives, the free market guys, and then you have the cold warriors, the neocons.
[00:17:54]  These are guys that want to destroy the Soviet Union.
[00:17:57]  They join up with the conventional cold warriors who are very conservative, albeit for different reasons.
[00:18:04]  And they say that that is our overriding priority.
[00:18:06]  We have to confront and collapse the Soviet Union.
[00:18:09]  So that Israel can be safe.
[00:18:12]  Now, going into the 1990s, you have this huge overlap between Israel and the actual neocons.
[00:18:18]  And you get this memo called the Clean Break Report in 1996.
[00:18:22]  And it's Richard Pearl, Douglas Faith, David Wormser, Paul Wolfowitz.
[00:18:27]  They're commissioned by the first Netanyahu government.
[00:18:30]  He gets to power in the mid 90s to talk about the strategy, how Israel will survive in the Middle East.
[00:18:37]  And they say that in order for Israel to be safe, we have to secure our northern border with Lebanon.
[00:18:43]  And what's happening in Lebanon?
[00:18:45]  You have Hezbollah ever since they warned Lebanon in the 80s.
[00:18:48]  Hezbollah is funded by Iran.
[00:18:51]  They're facilitating the transfer of weapons through Syria because Iran has this relationship with Syria.
[00:18:59]  And Syria, like Iraq, is a Baathist country, this Baathist fascist ideology.
[00:19:05]  So they say, How do we secure our northern border?
[00:19:08]  Well, we have to take out Hezbollah.
[00:19:09]  How do we take out Hezbollah?
[00:19:11]  We have to take out Iraq, which is Saddam Hussein, then Syria, then Iran.
[00:19:17]  That's always been the playbook Iraq, Syria, Iran.
[00:19:21]  Then, all these guys that write this report, and these are all Jewish neocons, they all come from that tradition.
[00:19:28]  All these guys wind up in the Bush administration just five years later in the Secretary of State, in the State Department, in the Defense Department, and then they become the architects of the Iraq War and of other plans too.
[00:19:43]  Because inside the Bush administration, you have this rhetoric about the axis of evil, which consists in not only Iraq and North Korea, but also Iran.
[00:19:52]  And the Israelis and the neocons at that time, they want us to take the war in Iraq and open up the front with Syria, open up the front with Iran.
[00:20:00]  Of course, over the last 20 years, it doesn't happen to the Bush administration, but this carries on into the Obama administration with regime change against Assad, and now ultimately in the Trump administration against Iran, where they're trying to denuclearize and maybe pursue regime change.
[00:20:18]  The reason that I say that this is so important to understand is because.
[00:20:23]  The significance should not be lost on anybody.
[00:20:26]  What you have is in October 6, 73, there is an Arab sneak attack on Israel.
[00:20:33]  It pushes Israel to the brink.
[00:20:34]  They're caught by surprise, they're almost defeated.
[00:20:37]  It is backed by the international left and the progressive left in America.
[00:20:42]  And they're apologists for this.
[00:20:44]  This attack is so traumatic to the Jewish consciousness, not just in Israel, but in America, that they become extremely right wing.
[00:20:53]  There's this huge shift to the right because they say the left.
[00:20:57]  Is anti Israel.
[00:20:58]  The left is actually becoming hostile to Jewry in the world and in America.
[00:21:03]  This is identical to what happened in 2023, which is an Arab sneak attack backed by Iran, which is an ally of Russia, backed by the progressive left in America at Harvard, they made excuses for it.
[00:21:17]  It catches Israel by surprise.
[00:21:20]  And in catching Israel by surprise, it is so traumatic and so devastating the 1,200 dead, the babies in ovens, things like that.
[00:21:28]  You see that the Jewish consciousness, just like 50 years ago, shifts to the right.
[00:21:34]  And they say they're mugged by reality, just like it was 50 years ago.
[00:21:37]  Today, you have these high powered liberal Democrat Jews like Bill Ackman at Apollo.
[00:21:45]  And he's a Harvard alumnus.
[00:21:47]  He's in New York City.
[00:21:48]  He's friends with BlackRock, with the head of BlackRock, I should say.
[00:21:53]  And you have guys like Sean McGuire and Jacob Hellberg.
[00:21:56]  These are Jews in Silicon Valley.
[00:21:58]  Jacob Hellberg's a gay Jew.
[00:22:00]  Sean McGuire is a lifelong Democrat liberal Jew.
[00:22:04]  All three of these guys, whether they're in Wall Street or Silicon Valley, they see what happens in Israel.
[00:22:10]  They see that the American left supported this in some sense, the attack.
[00:22:15]  They're not sympathetic to Israel.
[00:22:17]  And they have this epiphany and say, wow, Israel really could be destroyed.
[00:22:22]  And the American left would be okay with that.
[00:22:24]  So Bill Ackman writes a letter to Harvard and says, Harvard is too woke.
[00:22:30]  They're against free speech, they're tolerating these Hamas terrorists on the campus.
[00:22:34]  Now he sounds like Ben Shapiro, even though for years he's like a liberal Jew.
[00:22:39]  And you can see now in this incoming Trump administration, it's almost identical then to the ascendancy of the neocons with Reagan, which is this is an administration that was powered 100% by American Jews that realized that Trump was going to support Israel more than Kamala would have.
[00:23:01]  Just like back then, they realized we needed to support America defeating the Soviet Union.
[00:23:07]  That's why we need to be Republican, that's why we need to go to war.
[00:23:10]  Now, you have a lot of these Jews saying, we have to support Trump.
[00:23:13]  He's going to take the fight to Iran, unlike the Democrats who are not sympathetic to Israel.
[00:23:19]  And you realize that that is why these are the considerations that dominate the second Trump administration, to the exclusion of every other issue.
[00:23:28]  Bill Ackman, Sean McGuire, Jacob Hellberg, all these guys, they're still liberal.
[00:23:33]  They're still in favor of mass migration, they're still in favor of feminism, social liberalism.
[00:23:40]  The one thing they support Trump on is these pro Jewish policies, whether it's supporting Israel materially, whether it's banning anti Semitism at Harvard by taking away their money from the federal government, expelling students to criticize Israel or protest at Israel by revoking their visas.
[00:23:59]  It's the ascendancy of the neocons then is identical to this shift that happened in Israel a couple of years ago.
[00:24:06]  So that's a little bit of the history of the neocons.
[00:24:10]  That's really fascinating.
[00:24:13]  Who Paleocon?
[00:24:15]  Explain that.
[00:24:17]  Yeah.
[00:24:17]  So, and how did that die?
[00:24:19]  Was Buchanan like the last of the Paleocons?
[00:24:22]  He would be maybe the last prominent Paleocon, yes.
[00:24:26]  And it's interesting because Paleocon, that's a name that comes from Paul Gottfried, who's Jewish himself.
[00:24:33]  And he's an old intellectual.
[00:24:34]  He's been around forever.
[00:24:35]  He was a big critic of the Straussians, which we get into, the Neocons.
[00:24:40]  Paleocon was really reactive against the Neocons.
[00:24:44]  Okay.
[00:24:44]  And I would say that even before there were paleocons, there's an older tradition.
[00:24:49]  You have an old American right, which is very different than the post World War II American right.
[00:24:55]  And it is nativist and it is anti war and it is what you would call America first.
[00:25:00]  It is very Christian.
[00:25:01]  There is an old right in America.
[00:25:04]  After World War II, it starts to change a little bit, but you still have a remnant.
[00:25:08]  I would say that you have that in the House Committee on Un American Activities, I would say you have that in McCarthyism.
[00:25:16]  In the aftermath of World War II, in the 40s and 50s, you have the Red Scare, the Lavender Scare.
[00:25:24]  They're anti communist, against subversives, they're against gays.
[00:25:29]  So that's like an early iteration of what you might call paleocons.
[00:25:34]  Then you get some organizations in the 60s and 70s, the Council for Concerned Citizens.
[00:25:40]  You get some of these like neo Confederates, people in favor of segregation, some people from the South who are very right wing.
[00:25:49]  You could argue the John Birch Society is the same.
[00:25:53]  They never talk specifically, explicitly about Jews, but they were very conspiratorial.
[00:25:59]  And then it's really in the 70s and 80s that you get the first clash between the actual neocons and the paleocons.
[00:26:05]  And it does come down to these types of issues.
[00:26:08]  And the prominent paleocons are guys like Patrick Buchanan, Sam Francis, Peter Brimelow, Joseph Sobron, Paul Gottfried.
[00:26:18]  And they basically come around in response to the neocons, in response to the like, Israel worship, the Reaganite coalition that brings together the free market people and the pro war people, almost to the exclusion of the social conservatives.
[00:26:34]  And they say, wait a second.
[00:26:36]  We're against immigration.
[00:26:37]  We don't think Tel Aviv is the capital of the United States.
[00:26:41]  They say America is a white country.
[00:26:43]  It's a Christian country.
[00:26:45]  One of the big battles of the paleocons was against MLK Jr. Day when that was made a federal holiday in the 80s.
[00:26:52]  And what happens to the paleocons is that they are effectively hunted down and eliminated.
[00:26:58]  And this is something that almost nobody talks about that Joseph Sobron, for example, it's a name almost nobody knows, but he was one of the maybe the second most prominent conservative intellectual in America in the 80s.
[00:27:11]  Extremely prolific in almost all the magazines, very high profile.
[00:27:16]  But he, like Russell Kirk and some others, had some choice words about the Israeli infiltration of the right.
[00:27:23]  And for that, they called him an anti Semite, got him fired, buried his name, and he dies in ignominy.
[00:27:31]  Nobody even knows who he is.
[00:27:32]  Sam Francis is another one, one of the biggest columnists in the 80s and 90s.
[00:27:37]  He's at the Washington Examiner.
[00:27:39]  By all accounts, he's brilliant.
[00:27:41]  I mean, encyclopedic knowledge of history, of everything.
[00:27:45]  He attends the American Renaissance Conference hosted by Jared Taylor, the first of its kind in 93.
[00:27:52]  Dinesh D'Souza goes to the conference and he watches what happens.
[00:27:57]  He writes down his observations, he writes about it in a book, and he says, These guys are all Nazis and racists and Klansmen.
[00:28:05]  He lies.
[00:28:06]  Jared Taylor threatens to sue the publisher for libel, and the publisher actually removes that chapter from the book because it was so dishonest.
[00:28:16]  It didn't matter.
[00:28:17]  Because D'Souza published that chapter independently as an article, and they got Sam Francis fired from the Examiner.
[00:28:24]  And for the rest of his life, he never achieved the same status.
[00:28:28]  And then Patrick Buchanan, he ran for president in 92.
[00:28:32]  And just before he ran for president, Bill Buckley writes this book.
[00:28:35]  It was an entire standalone issue of National Review, but then he publishes it as a book.
[00:28:40]  It's called In Search of Antisemitism.
[00:28:43]  And he talks about some comments Buchanan had made on the McLaughlin group about Israel and about the original war in Iraq, and says Buchanan's a Jew hater.
[00:28:52]  He's a conspiratorial Jew hater, anti Semite.
[00:28:55]  And the book doesn't succeed.
[00:28:57]  They tried to blackball him, but he's too famous.
[00:29:00]  He loses in 92 anyway, doesn't win in the primary.
[00:29:03]  But they do the same thing to him.
[00:29:05]  And for 20 years, even into the mid 2000s, they eventually get him fired from MSNBC because of what he wrote in Suicide of a Superpower, which is about how demographic change is making whites a minority.
[00:29:17]  And so it's interesting because when I did the Groyper War in 2019, It was the same battle lines.
[00:29:25]  It was this new generation of kids wearing MAGA hats, which is brand spanking new.
[00:29:31]  That's in 2016, and rosaries.
[00:29:33]  And we're saying we're socially conservative.
[00:29:36]  We're immigration restrictionist.
[00:29:39]  We are identitarian.
[00:29:41]  We're pro white.
[00:29:43]  It's the same battle lines as the paleocons and neocons.
[00:29:46]  Whereas, you know, Kirk and Shapiro, Charlie Kirk and Ben Shapiro are saying, well, you know, we're pro Israel.
[00:29:52]  We're pro gay.
[00:29:54]  We're in favor of 10 million.
[00:29:56]  H1Bs, F1 visas that will become green cards.
[00:30:00]  And it was interesting because none of us at that point had ever heard of this battle, but this is a battle that has been going on basically every generation since World War II between these different factions of the right wing.
[00:30:12]  And it's even playing out today.
[00:30:14]  Yes.
[00:30:15]  The post war consensus.
[00:30:17]  You've talked about that, right?
[00:30:19]  What's the post war consensus?
[00:30:20]  Because the last thing that you said just then, this battle has been continuing on and on since World War II.
[00:30:28]  If you were to define the post war consensus, how would you define it?
[00:30:32]  And what is it that, what was the major shift from before and after World War II?
[00:30:38]  Because America, the whole entire West has never been the same.
[00:30:42]  Well, I would say it's all basically a reaction to Nazism.
[00:30:47]  And it's this idea that never again, that's the mantra, never again, never again will we allow a Hitler to come to power and to prosecute a Holocaust against the Jews or the gypsies or the gays or the disabled or whoever, you know, the enemies of the state.
[00:31:04]  And so you start to get all these different books, like The Open Society.
[00:31:07]  You start to get books like The Authoritarian Personality.
[00:31:11]  And they start to try to dissect how did a country fall under the sway of a charismatic, totalitarian, fascist leader that not only committed a genocide and made death camps with gas chambers, so the story goes, but also the militarism.
[00:31:30]  They declared war on the entire world and brought the world to the brink of a catastrophe, or really, They killed 100 million people effectively.
[00:31:40]  And what they work out basically is we cannot have hierarchy.
[00:31:47]  We cannot have an exclusionary nationalism.
[00:31:50]  Cannot have the kind of unity that they had in Nazi Germany, they say, is what created that.
[00:31:56]  The kind of pride and race, nation, God, that kind of cohesion, that leads necessarily to exclusion, necessarily to persecution.
[00:32:07]  And so you get this consensus after World War II how do you prevent the Nazis from happening?
[00:32:12]  We have to open up society.
[00:32:14]  We have to make a society where tolerance, multiracialism, religious pluralism, that has to be the new doctrine.
[00:32:22]  And so that is the biggest shift because, I mean, you could say during World War II, you have the German American boon to take over Madison Square Garden with giant portraits of George Washington.
[00:32:36]  We didn't want to go to war with Germany, we wanted to stay out of it.
[00:32:39]  You know, the idea that we wanted to go to war with Germany to stop fascism, we got bombed at Pearl Harbor.
[00:32:46]  That's why we went to war.
[00:32:48]  America did not want the war, and certainly not for ideological reasons, certainly not to free the world from racism, but yet they used that as a founding myth to kind of create this new world based on these sort of Atlantic liberal principles.

=== Hitler Reminiscent of Napoleon (09:04) ===

[00:33:03]  Right.
[00:33:04]  What you were describing of giving way to inclusivism and diversity and open borders and all those kinds of things.
[00:33:14]  Did you ever read Reno?
[00:33:17]  R.R. Reno, yeah.
[00:33:17]  Yeah, Return of the Strong Gods.
[00:33:19]  Mm hmm.
[00:33:19]  Did you read it?
[00:33:20]  No, but I'm familiar with the argument.
[00:33:22]  Yeah.
[00:33:22]  What do you think about that concept?
[00:33:24]  I think it's totally true.
[00:33:26]  I think it's true too.
[00:33:27]  Yeah.
[00:33:27]  It was one of the better books that I, that was kind of my introduction to the post war consensus.
[00:33:32]  Right.
[00:33:32]  It's basically when people, you know, they're like, what, you know, what's this magical word?
[00:33:37]  You know, like the James Lindsay's of the world, you know, they don't like it.
[00:33:41]  You know, what's the post war consensus?
[00:33:42]  And it's like, it's the answer to why America can't have nice things.
[00:33:47]  Right.
[00:33:48]  Why can't we have nice things?
[00:33:49]  Because Hitler.
[00:33:51]  Right.
[00:33:51]  And that's pretty much it.
[00:33:52]  That's about as far as it goes is that if we actually care for the native citizens of the country, if we actually want to promote their welfare for the good of us and our posterity, right?
[00:34:07]  The founders didn't do it for India.
[00:34:09]  They did it for their children's children.
[00:34:11]  And if we actually keep the wishes of the founders and we keep the demographics of America to actually be Americans, then somehow that, you know, Automatically just lends towards gas chambers, right?
[00:34:27]  Which is insane.
[00:34:29]  But that's become like the founding myth that everything else has been built upon.
[00:34:35]  I mean, you think of just the number of Hollywood films, you know, in the last 80 years surrounding, you know, the Holocaust or World War II.
[00:34:44]  And I mean, it's a lot of money, a lot of time, a lot of writing, a lot of effort has gone into, you know, really building upon, you know, and solidifying this myth that Hitler was the worst person to ever live.
[00:35:01]  Sure.
[00:35:03]  And that fascism is the scariest thing that there's ever been.
[00:35:07]  And I, you know, you and I probably differ on that.
[00:35:11]  Like, I don't think Hitler was a Christian.
[00:35:12]  Do you think he was a Christian?
[00:35:13]  No, I don't.
[00:35:14]  Okay.
[00:35:14]  Yeah.
[00:35:15]  I don't think that he was a Christian.
[00:35:16]  I think he used a lot of Christian rhetoric, which makes sense because I think most of Germany was Christian at the time.
[00:35:22]  And Lutherans, you know, Martin Luther being a German.
[00:35:27]  But I think that Germany was a great nation.
[00:35:31]  I mean, but you look at like Weimar Germany in the 1930s and it's like, You know, such a terrible place.
[00:35:37]  Uh, they honor women who are mothers, you know, and you get property taxes shaved off if you're bearing to.
[00:35:42]  I mean, it's like it's actually pretty good, you know, and like we won't tolerate pornography in our schools, you know, those kinds of things.
[00:35:50]  Um, and I think you know, Hitler capitalized on a lot of what was already there, groundswell.
[00:35:56]  Um, you know, like this sense of like by God, we'll have our home again.
[00:36:00]  That was kind of what was going on.
[00:36:02]  Um, so I don't think he was a Christian, I don't think he was the last Christian prince, but at the same time, I, um, I just don't find it compelling that he's the worst guy ever.
[00:36:14]  And I also think that just because I'm old enough at this point, I know just from things that are said about me.
[00:36:22]  I think, one, the atrocities that happened, I think that they were probably not as bad as we've been told.
[00:36:28]  And two, the real atrocities, the things that happened that were valid or legitimate, some of them may be directly tied to Hitler, but then some of them were probably also instances where Hitler was like, Yeah, you need to banish these people.
[00:36:42]  And then someone close to it was like, banish, wink, wink, you know, like, and then they go off and, you know, like, I mean, it's entirely plausible that he didn't even know necessarily some of the things that were going on.
[00:36:55]  But regardless of all of that, the point is to make the entire foundation, like the founding, the foundation for the West was Christianity.
[00:37:09]  And I think that's what I want my listeners to understand.
[00:37:12]  Is that that really was replaced by instead of for Christ, it became against Hitler.
[00:37:20]  And I think that the spell is breaking.
[00:37:23]  Do you sense that?
[00:37:24]  I do.
[00:37:25]  I feel like the spell is breaking.
[00:37:26]  I think part of it is freedom of speech and social media platforms, the internet, you know, and all this, you know, 4chan, you know, like all these things.
[00:37:34]  But I think part of it also is just time.
[00:37:36]  You know, like time has to go by.
[00:37:38]  And it's kind of like Hitler reminds me of Napoleon a little bit, right?
[00:37:41]  There's like, With certain figures like that, that really did do some bad things.
[00:37:46]  Like, I'm not a Hitler apologist.
[00:37:50]  I think that Hitler did some bad things.
[00:37:52]  But right on the heels of that, it's usually demonizing.
[00:37:58]  And then, you know, you'll start to kind of get pushed back, you know, because there'll be a new generation that doesn't have any of the nostalgia or the sentiment.
[00:38:08]  I think of like Gen Z, I think we're kind of like right there.
[00:38:10]  And so you go from like demonizing, and then you usually have a brief moment of lionizing.
[00:38:15]  You know, like, you know, Hitler's our guy.
[00:38:17]  He's the best, you know, like pictures of like Jesus and Hitler hugging each other, you know, and having like, and, but then what eventually happens kind of inevitably in history is humanizing, right?
[00:38:29]  So demonizing, lionizing, humanizing.
[00:38:32]  And tales oldest time just rinse and repeat.
[00:38:35]  And I feel like that happened with Napoleon.
[00:38:37]  Like we can now talk about Napoleon and nobody's like gonna threaten, you know, Napoleon laws to throw you in prison because you said something positive about Napoleon.
[00:38:47]  And, but at the same time, you don't have like a ton of like, You know, young people, you know, with like Napoleon t shirts and like Napoleon is the last Christian prince.
[00:38:56]  Like, you don't have either.
[00:38:56]  You can just, you can, you're removed enough to where you can be objective.
[00:39:00]  It's hard to be objective when you literally, you still have, you know, living remnants of people who were there, you know.
[00:39:08]  Now, as far as it pertains to the Holocaust, I think we'll always have living remnants.
[00:39:13]  I feel like every year there's more Holocaust survivors.
[00:39:16]  So I don't know if that generation will ever die.
[00:39:19]  They keep cropping up, you know, but.
[00:39:21]  Eventually, you know, I've been reliably informed that eventually nobody will remember firsthand.
[00:39:27]  And you might have a brief, you know, lionizing spell where people are just kind of because they're just sick of it and they're angry, you know, they're just mad.
[00:39:35]  And I get that.
[00:39:36]  It's like, really?
[00:39:37]  Like, I can't own a home because of this guy on the other side of the world from 80 years ago?
[00:39:42]  Well, then that's my favorite kind, you know, like, right, right.
[00:39:44]  You know, and you're just kind of like a rebellion thing.
[00:39:46]  But I think we're close.
[00:39:47]  I think we're maybe, you know, 10, 20 years out from.
[00:39:52]  Being able to talk about Adolf Hitler in a humanizing, not demonizing, not lionizing, and being objective and saying, yeah, this was really bad, really bad.
[00:40:01]  Also, yeah, this guy over here was way worse.
[00:40:04]  Stalin was way worse.
[00:40:07]  And I think that we have to get there, not because Hitler needs to be memorialized, but because we need to be able to have nice things again.
[00:40:19]  You know, like the West needs to be allowed to have nice things.
[00:40:21]  And we can't, you can have nice things and not like Hitler, but you can't have nice things.
[00:40:26]  And think that hierarchy, authority, heritage, you can't hate those things and have, like, you can't have a country.
[00:40:36]  Right.
[00:40:36]  You know, so we have to get to the point where we're able to be objective and say, hey, you know what?
[00:40:41]  These things that the German people were after, not just Hitler, but the German people, they weren't stupid.
[00:40:47]  Right.
[00:40:48]  Like, they got behind him for a reason.
[00:40:51]  They weren't stupid and they weren't just bamboozled.
[00:40:55]  There were real atrocities going on.
[00:40:58]  And they were on the brink of like losing their society, losing their people.
[00:41:03]  And they said, enough.
[00:41:05]  And I'm like, yeah, there's a lot.
[00:41:07]  I see the similarities.
[00:41:09]  Of course, this is coming back up as a conversation.
[00:41:12]  And I think we need to be able to have it.
[00:41:14]  And I think we should be able to look at Weimar Germany and say, what did they do right?
[00:41:19]  Anything that's good.
[00:41:20]  Like I said one time in a podcast, I was like, you know, here's my take crazy.
[00:41:25]  I support everything that Hitler did that was biblical.
[00:41:30]  And I do not support everything he did.
[00:41:32]  I can say that for Stalin.
[00:41:34]  I can say that for Genghis Khan.
[00:41:36]  That's my position for everyone in the world.
[00:41:38]  You can look at someone and say, this was good, and we're not going to throw the baby out with the bathwater.
[00:41:42]  And I think for 80 years, that's what we've done.
[00:41:44]  We've thrown the baby out with the bathwater because Hitler did some things that really were bad.
[00:41:50]  We've decided, and therefore, we need to have infinite immigration.
[00:41:57]  And if you're white, you're kind of a monster.
[00:42:01]  And we're going to ruin our economy and rack up the debt and do this and do that.

=== Virtue of Nationalism Doctrine (05:49) ===

[00:42:07]  And so we've got to be able to break the spell.
[00:42:10]  But the neocons, the left is terrible.
[00:42:14]  But I don't know.
[00:42:16]  In some sense, the enemy that you know, the enemy that's obvious, is less threatening in some ways.
[00:42:23]  But the enemy that's in the house with you, smiling, and then you go to sleep and they're standing over your bed with a knife, that enemy is really daunting.
[00:42:33]  And I feel like neoconservatism, that's what it is.
[00:42:36]  It's the enemy that poses as your friend.
[00:42:40]  Yeah.
[00:42:41]  But.
[00:42:42]  Maybe I should say that's what it was recently.
[00:42:45]  Not so much today.
[00:42:46]  I feel like they really are showing their colors.
[00:42:50]  I would say that it's a little bit more subtle now because what I will give them credit for is they're very crafty, they're very capable.
[00:43:00]  And because you're right, no one would identify as a neocon today unless they're being edgy, unless they're trying to be provocative and say, I am a neocon.
[00:43:10]  I think Bush was good, actually.
[00:43:12]  And I've seen that.
[00:43:13]  I've seen that from centrist liberals.
[00:43:16]  I've seen that from some on the right, but they know what they're doing.
[00:43:20]  They know it's a negative connotation.
[00:43:23]  So no one is really identifying as like a proud neocon.
[00:43:26]  There's no neocon conference.
[00:43:28]  But if you look at what the neocons did in every generation, they married the pro Israel interest with the conservative cause.
[00:43:38]  It's like in the 80s, did they say we need to defeat the Soviet Union because they support Egypt?
[00:43:43]  No, they said the Soviet Union is an empire of gulags and slavery, and we need freedom to ring everywhere.
[00:43:50]  And that was the basis in the 2000s.
[00:43:54]  Did they say we need to go to war with the Palestinians to make Israel safe and destroy Saddam Hussein because he's going to bomb Israel again?
[00:44:04]  No, they said this is a clash of civilizations.
[00:44:07]  America's a crusader state, and we have these adversaries.
[00:44:11]  They're non state actors, they're terrorists, and we need to fight the terrorists.
[00:44:16]  We need to go over there and fight them there so we don't have to fight them here.
[00:44:19]  And it mirrored, think about like in the 80s.
[00:44:22]  The aesthetic was the city on a hill, the liberal empire versus the evil empire, Soviet Union.
[00:44:31]  In the 2000s, think about the imagery.
[00:44:34]  It was the crusader state.
[00:44:35]  We had the unipolar moment.
[00:44:37]  We're the most powerful country.
[00:44:39]  We're going to be this like benevolent crusader that goes to the Middle East and liberates the Muslims from their tyrannical leaders.
[00:44:46]  In the 2020s, we're getting a new version of that.
[00:44:50]  And what it is, is Yoram Hazoni's virtue of nationalism.
[00:44:54]  I was going to say it's not the neocons anymore, but when you described it for a moment and said, nobody's proudly labeling themselves a neocon, but it's those who marry American interests with Israeli interests.
[00:45:06]  Yes.
[00:45:07]  And I was thinking, you are almost being more specific, but in a general sense, you could say, yeah, it's not the neocons anymore because they're not needed.
[00:45:15]  It's MAGA.
[00:45:17]  Yes.
[00:45:19]  And specifically, because MAGA is not a properly defined ideology, it doesn't really mean anything.
[00:45:25]  So, who is left the task of defining it?
[00:45:28]  It's like the think tanks, intellectuals, usual suspects.
[00:45:32]  And so you get someone like Yoram Hazzoni, who he founds the National Conservatism Conference.
[00:45:37]  Okay, so now it has a name.
[00:45:38]  We're national conservatives.
[00:45:41]  And that kind of thing, they're trying to capture the mood of the moment.
[00:45:44]  Because what do you call a Trumpist, a MAGAite?
[00:45:47]  Like there's not a demonym, there's not a name for it.
[00:45:50]  So they said, well, we're national.
[00:45:51]  They don't want to say nationalist because they don't like that.
[00:45:54]  They don't want to say America first for obvious reasons.
[00:45:58]  So they say, We're national conservatives.
[00:46:01]  We're going to give it a label.
[00:46:02]  And people like the label because they say, yeah, I'm like a nationalist.
[00:46:05]  I guess I'm a national conservative.
[00:46:07]  I support industrial policy.
[00:46:09]  I support the Jacksonian foreign policy of Trump.
[00:46:13]  And so Yoram founds the conference.
[00:46:17]  They have a name.
[00:46:18]  They've got a conference.
[00:46:20]  He writes the book.
[00:46:21]  They've got a book with the doctrine, the virtue of nationalism.
[00:46:24]  And nationalism is still like a dirty word.
[00:46:26]  People equate that with World War II and like chauvinism or racism or colonialism or militarism or jingoism.
[00:46:35]  And Yoram is only says, well, no, there's something good about nationalism.
[00:46:39]  He's coming at it from the point of view, of course, he's a Jewish nationalist.
[00:46:42]  He's an Israeli.
[00:46:44]  He lives in Israel.
[00:46:44]  He's a Jew.
[00:46:46]  He's a follower of Meyer Kahana, who's a rabbi that says that all Goyim should be enslaved or killed.
[00:46:52]  He's a fan.
[00:46:52]  He's a Kahanist.
[00:46:53]  He's a fan of this guy.
[00:46:55]  And so when he says he's a Jewish nationalist, he means that there should be an Israeli state explicitly Jewish, demographically Jewish.
[00:47:03]  It should be like a Jewish fascist state.
[00:47:06]  And if you know the history, many of the early Zionists, some of them were sympathetic to the Nazis.
[00:47:13]  They were national socialists and they wanted for Israel what the Nazis had in Germany.
[00:47:17]  They wanted an aggressive, militant, chauvinistic Jewish nationalism in Israel.
[00:47:23]  Guys like Zeev Jabotinsky, who knew Leo Strauss.
[00:47:27]  They founded the Ergun, the Haggadah, the original security apparatus that preceded the state of Israel.
[00:47:35]  And anyway, so Hazoni puts out this Virtue of Nationalism book, National Conservatism Conference, and it hosts.
[00:47:44]  All of the like Trumpist Republicans, like Josh Hawley, who's railing against like porn companies and like high interest credit cards, and they invite Marco Rubio and JD Vance and Ron DeSantis.

=== NatCon Ideology Playbook (02:30) ===

[00:47:57]  And hold up real quick.
[00:47:58]  You say, you say like he's railing against, I like that.
[00:48:02]  I do too.
[00:48:02]  Okay.
[00:48:03]  But here's what I'm saying.
[00:48:04]  I'm hearing like porn and usury.
[00:48:06]  He's against that.
[00:48:07]  That sounds good.
[00:48:08]  No, and I like it.
[00:48:09]  But what I mean is, there, but who owns the stage?
[00:48:13]  Who owns the venue?
[00:48:14]  It's like, just like with Reagan, just like with Bush.
[00:48:19]  The Israelis are sort of drafting behind the tip of the spear, which is led by like the far right conservatives.
[00:48:29]  In terms of drafting, I can speak to that a little bit.
[00:48:32]  It does seem like, just practically speaking, the play is kind of, it's not overt and it's not even inherently wrong, but it does seem like there's an intention.
[00:48:46]  It's kind of like scouting.
[00:48:47]  It really is drafting, it's a good word, but like, Kind of scouting, but exclusively on the right and looking for kind of rising stars and guys who might be key players and have some potential.
[00:48:57]  And they're starting to build, you know, get a little traction, build a following.
[00:49:00]  And so then, you know, it's a phone call, you know, or, you know, you reach out and email, hey, can we do a phone call, something like that?
[00:49:07]  And then the next stage is an all expenses trip paid to Israel, these sponsored trips.
[00:49:15]  And I know guys that, you know, that I like who have been on the trips and some of them come back and, Been all of a sudden positive about Israel.
[00:49:22]  Others have come back and haven't appeared to change at all.
[00:49:25]  And a couple have come back and, you know, just kept right on Jay posting, Calvin Robinson.
[00:49:31]  God bless him.
[00:49:32]  Yeah, right.
[00:49:33]  He was like, I'll take this, the pay trip.
[00:49:35]  And then came back and, like, that's you.
[00:49:37]  And I was like, my man.
[00:49:39]  You know, but I have noticed it's kind of like if you're kind of a rising star on the right, you get a phone call.
[00:49:47]  He got the call is a real thing.
[00:49:49]  You get the call.
[00:49:50]  Then you get the trip and then you get the invite to speak at NatCon.
[00:49:57]  And that doesn't mean that all of, so therefore anyone who's ever spoken at NatCon is bad.
[00:50:04]  But my point is that, but it does seem like an intentional play to kind of capture, or at least so that we just at least want to keep an eye on him, you know, like so that every potential right wing, you know, guy who could end up being like America first, who could end up being like you, we have our hand on him.

=== Intentional Right Wing Capture (03:56) ===

[00:50:27]  Yes.
[00:50:28]  And they do that.
[00:50:29]  But I'm speaking specifically like to their ideology, the way they craft the ideology, like, My point is, they recognize that nationalism is in vogue.
[00:50:40]  Like everyone knows the evangelical dispensationalists are not cool.
[00:50:44]  Yeah.
[00:50:45]  There's no young people that are into that that are like, we love Israel at like the mega church.
[00:50:50]  Like that's out.
[00:50:51]  Yes.
[00:50:51]  And the neocons are out.
[00:50:52]  The like cowboy, we're going to kill us some terrorists.
[00:50:55]  Like that's out too.
[00:50:57]  What's in is like Nietzsche, nationalism, vitalism, like bodybuilding, aesthetics.
[00:51:04]  Like they know, in some ways, they've created that too, but they know that's the mood of the moment around Trump.
[00:51:11]  And so, what they're doing is they're identifying, like they have in the past, the pro Jewish politics with the mood of the moment.
[00:51:18]  And so, for example, when Israel was bombing Hamas, I saw Darren Beatty, who is Jewish.
[00:51:26]  And I probably agree with him on most things, maybe, because he's pretty based generally.
[00:51:31]  Darren Beatty's also a Jew and, like, he's got a weird background.
[00:51:34]  Like, he grew up on Kiribati or one of these islands in the Pacific.
[00:51:39]  They're always international, they're never, like, born in America, you know, or like Iowa.
[00:51:43]  But Darren Beatty, That's just like a little disclaimer.
[00:51:48]  Jewish guy, he runs Revolver.
[00:51:50]  He's in the State Department now.
[00:51:51]  He wasn't the first Trump admin.
[00:51:53]  Beatty said, Well, Hamas is like the BLM of Israel.
[00:51:58]  And so when Israel's bombing the hell out of Hamas, we should like that because they're like BLM.
[00:52:04]  And then he said, We need to kick out all these students protesting Israel because the students protesting against Israel were the same ones doing BLM.
[00:52:14]  And you see how it's like, Oh, if I hate BLM, I hate Hamas too.
[00:52:19]  I'm an anti BLM and Hamas conservative.
[00:52:22]  Just like how back then you'd say, oh, if you hate Al Qaeda, you need to be against the Palestinians.
[00:52:27]  If you're against the Soviet Union, you need to be against Egypt.
[00:52:29]  Like it plays out this way.
[00:52:32]  And it's so subtle because they're good at this.
[00:52:35]  And this is where you have people, even when Trump was bombing Iran, you had all of these national conservatives, many of them saying, I think it's good that we're bombing Iran.
[00:52:46]  We should bring back the Persian monarchy.
[00:52:48]  That would be based.
[00:52:50]  And it's like you're advocating for the most neocon, like pro Israel.
[00:52:55]  I talk about a pro Israel policy regime change in Iran.
[00:52:59]  That's like the definition of like an ambitious pro Israel policy.
[00:53:04]  But they're not calling it neocon.
[00:53:06]  They're pretending it's based.
[00:53:07]  And here were some of the qualifications.
[00:53:09]  They said, well, strictly speaking, the neocon ideology, properly understood as like democratic globalism, as Charles Krauthammer said.
[00:53:20]  He said, we're going to confront.
[00:53:21]  Anti democratic regimes where it counts and when it's in our interest.
[00:53:26]  And coincidentally, that was in Iraq.
[00:53:28]  But the idea behind neoconservatism was we're going to plan a democracy, we're going to do regime change, and then we're going to nation build and make Iraq a democracy because then they'd be our ally.
[00:53:40]  And then other countries would be democracies and so on.
[00:53:43]  So when they agitate for war in Iran, they're saying it's not neocon because we're not going to make them a democracy and we're not going to nation build.
[00:53:51]  We're just going to regime change into a based Persian monarchy.
[00:53:55]  And it's like, okay, but it's the same thing, like realistically.
[00:53:59]  So, this is how they evolve over time.
[00:54:02]  And that's why I say it's kind of important to understand the kind of genealogy and some of the pedigree here of the neocons because it's not the same, but it rhymes, it echoes.
[00:54:14]  It's a sort of what's the word for it in music?
[00:54:19]  I don't remember it, but it's the same bit played over and over again.

=== America as Leftovers (02:20) ===

[00:54:24]  Yeah, a tag.
[00:54:26]  Yeah, it seems like it changes, but the common denominator from what I hear you saying is at its heart, it's still Israel first.
[00:54:34]  Yes.
[00:54:35]  It's whatever, you know, and trying to make it sound like it'll also be good for America, but it's America is still the leftovers.
[00:54:44]  Right.
[00:54:44]  We'll make this as good for America as it possibly can be so long as Israel gets what it needs, what it wants.
[00:54:50]  Yeah.
[00:54:51]  All right.
[00:54:52]  Well, great episode.
[00:54:53]  I appreciate your time.
[00:54:54]  I appreciate the history lesson.
[00:54:56]  There's a lot to unpack there.
[00:54:58]  I'll probably go back and watch this one.
[00:55:00]  Hope that the listeners enjoyed it, and we'll see you again in the next episode.
[00:55:04]  Thanks.
[00:55:05]  Thanks.
[00:55:05]  For those of you who may not be aware, I have the immense privilege of also serving as president for a sister organization to NXR Studios, which is a nonprofit 501c3 Christian organization called Right Response Ministries.
[00:55:22]  Our focus with this organization is to train and equip pastors and congregants in the Protestant church, primarily the evangelical church, right here in America.
[00:55:35]  What are we trying to train them in?
[00:55:37]  Well, let's just say we're trying to help.
[00:55:39]  Evangelical Protestant churches in America to stop being so insufferable, to stop being Zionist shills, to be engaged, not apathetic, but activated in the realm of politics and culture.
[00:55:54]  The things that you've been hearing in this series that myself and Nick Fuentes are talking about, we want to see Protestant churches right here in America apply these things to get in the game, to win our country back.
[00:56:08]  We want to see evangelicals and Protestants in America.
[00:56:12]  Actually, be America first, not serving a foreign country at the expense of our own interest, but serving Christ and serving Americans.
[00:56:23]  If you'd like to support us in this mission, we could greatly use your help.
[00:56:28]  You can give a tax deductible donation by simply going to Right Response Ministries.com forward slash donate.
[00:56:37]  Again, that's Right Response Ministries.com forward slash donate.
[00:56:43]  God bless.