NXR Podcast - THE LIVESTREAM - Why Gen Z Is Becoming A Problem For The Democratic Party
Aired: 2025-06-18
Duration: 01:24:26


=== Grassroots Politics and Debt (15:04) ===

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[00:00:28]  When a political party starts eating its young, it's not a sign of strength, it's a sign of fear.
[00:00:34]  This summer, the Democrat Party cracked down on one of its own.
[00:00:39]  David Hawke, a Gen Z reformer, was ousted after challenging the party's aging incumbents.
[00:00:47]  Meanwhile, younger voters on the left and right are pulling further apart.
[00:00:53]  Progressives want to rebuild the country from scratch.
[00:00:56]  Conservatives are looking to rebuild the family, the nation, and the faith.
[00:01:01]  But here's the problem for Democrats.
[00:01:03]  The party is not designed for ideological conflict.
[00:01:08]  It's designed to contain it.
[00:01:10]  For decades, the DNC has kept power not by persuasion, but by control, controlling debate access, rewriting rules, and sidelining dissent.
[00:01:22]  And it worked up until now.
[00:01:25]  Because Gen Z isn't buying the party line, they're not unifying around compromise.
[00:01:31]  They're entrenching, choosing sides, choosing intensity, choosing ideology over loyalty.
[00:01:39]  And when a generation does that, it doesn't join a party, it breaks it.
[00:01:44]  This episode is brought to you by our premier sponsors, Armored Republic and Reese Fund, as well as our Patreon members and our generous donors.
[00:01:54]  You can join our Patreon by going to patreon.com forward slash rightresponse ministries, or you can make a donation today by simply going to rightresponseministries.com forward slash donate.
[00:02:09]  So today we examine how the Democrat Party works to control dissent, why that's starting to fail, and what happens when the youngest Americans reject the oldest political party in the world.
[00:02:34]  All right, here we are.
[00:02:35]  This is an episode that's been outlined by our very own Michael Belch and talking about the Democrats basically hating and destroying Gen Z.
[00:02:46]  And Gen Z isn't having it.
[00:02:48]  All right, go ahead and lead us off.
[00:02:49]  This was an interesting one.
[00:02:50]  It started off because I realized I don't know actually a whole lot about how the Democratic Party actually works.
[00:02:56]  And if they are a political enemy, I thought, you know, we should know a little bit about how they work.
[00:03:01]  Well, then as I dove in, as I started kind of investigating it, It was interesting to me.
[00:03:10]  One of the theses for the episode, at least from my part today, is a lot of the future of, I'm not even sure the parties are right, the Republican Party, the Democratic Party, but for now, we'll just use those as the stand in words.
[00:03:24]  A lot of the future of the two parties in America will depend on how Gen Z perceives them.
[00:03:32]  So, for instance, by 2030, it's estimated that Gen Z will be the largest voting bloc.
[00:03:37]  In the US, which is crazy.
[00:03:40]  As the boomers are dying off, as millennials are getting older, et cetera.
[00:03:44]  So, Gen Z going forward is going to have a very important role and voice in terms of what goes on in the nation, which parties are elected, which, you know, the direction of the country.
[00:03:57]  So, it's really interesting to me that at the tails, you've got Gen Z who are more conservative than anything we've seen in a long time.
[00:04:08]  And we've got Gen Z who are also more progressive than anything we've seen in a long time.
[00:04:14]  Yeah, it's like the widest gap.
[00:04:15]  Yes, the gap is huge.
[00:04:16]  And that is a really interesting dynamic that I'm hoping to kind of develop here as we go along.
[00:04:22]  The question is first of all, what I want to do first is just give kind of a story that illustrates potentially what's going on in the Democratic Party.
[00:04:32]  The Democratic Party is the oldest political party in the world.
[00:04:37]  The Tories in England rebranded themselves.
[00:04:41]  And so while it's basically. the same thrust.
[00:04:45]  The party disbanded and rebranded quite a long time ago.
[00:04:49]  But the Democratic Party has existed in a continuous stream for the longest amount of time of any party in political history.
[00:04:56]  So that being the case, I think it would be a mistake to just assume the Democratic Party is done.
[00:05:05]  They have managed to rebrand themselves, to bring in dissidents, to pivot, to change and twist and turn many, many times, even through recent history since the 60s.
[00:05:18]  So it would be a mistake, I think, on our part to assume that they were dealt such a blow at the last election.
[00:05:26]  They're in total chaos, which all of this is true, but that they are done, that that's the end.
[00:05:33]  Yeah.
[00:05:33]  Okay.
[00:05:34]  So I want to read a quote from Nate.
[00:05:37]  This is going to be quote number one a quote from City Journal, which was talking about a Democratic representative shortly after the November election when Trump won so handily.
[00:05:52]  So here is what they say about this.
[00:05:55]  It says, Shortly after the election, Representative Seth Moulton of Massachusetts declared that the party needed to be, quote, brutally honest, unquote, about how out of step its position on transgender issues was with the American public.
[00:06:09]  As the father of two young daughters, Moulton told the New York Times he agreed with the eight and ten Americans who did not want schoolgirls, quote, getting run over on a playing field by a male or formerly male athlete." The blowback was severe.
[00:06:25]  Activists spurred on by local Democratic officials and national journalists and nonprofits accused Moulton of, quote, scapegoating trans people, descended on his office for a Neighbors Against Hate rally, and pledged to primary him in his next election.
[00:06:43]  Moulton's campaign manager and the director of his political action committee quit in protest of his remarks, and the chairwoman of the Salem Democratic City Committee denounced him in an email as a, quote, Nazi cooperator.
[00:06:57]  That's great.
[00:06:58]  That's great.
[00:06:59]  I mean, with enemies like that, who needs friends?
[00:07:01]  I know.
[00:07:02]  That's right.
[00:07:02]  You know?
[00:07:03]  Yeah.
[00:07:04]  I mean, that's all you can hope for.
[00:07:05]  The Democrats are very committed to winning.
[00:07:07]  Yes.
[00:07:08]  So he is, presumably, if he's got two daughters who are school age or, you know, we don't know how old they were, but he's a little bit older.
[00:07:15]  He's not going to be Gen Z, maybe not even Gen X, maybe Gen X.
[00:07:21]  But it shows the clash going on in the Democratic Party or in the progressive movement.
[00:07:26]  He, realizing they'd been drummed badly in the election, said, guys, let's pull back a little bit.
[00:07:31]  And the backlash was immediate.
[00:07:33]  I mean, really, really, really strong.
[00:07:35]  He got called the worst thing they could possibly imagine calling someone, usually referred for the reserve for the Republicans and conservatives, which was, of course, a neo Nazi for just wanting to question the party on that.
[00:07:47]  Democrats are getting a taste that once you turn that revolution spick it on, you get that revolutionary mindset into the youth.
[00:07:53]  There actually isn't an off button to it.
[00:07:55]  Gavin Newsom's going to run to the same problem.
[00:07:57]  He knows he has to run as a moderate, he knows he has to kind of hedge and say, look, at the end of the day, and he did this with Charlie Kirk, I don't know, maybe there's some limits.
[00:08:05]  But I think they're quickly realizing that when you radicalize young people, you tell them you need to join a revolution, you need to burn the system down.
[00:08:12]  That when you get to a certain point saying, like, hey, this is damaging, this is hurting our optics, I can't run on this platform.
[00:08:18]  That's a big part of it.
[00:08:19]  Like, I may privately agree with you, I can't run on this platform to get power.
[00:08:23]  They've been trained to be revolutionary, and they'll say, we'll accept nothing less.
[00:08:27]  I mean, this was communist China.
[00:08:29]  Someone wasn't revolutionary enough, their entire family line could be designated as blood traitors.
[00:08:34]  They weren't revolutionary enough, they didn't take it far enough.
[00:08:37]  They didn't agree with it.
[00:08:38]  And that's been the tactic of the left, at least in modern times, since the Enlightenment.
[00:08:43]  Yeah, that's true.
[00:08:44]  So, one of the things I wanted to do here in the first section was just show some of the differences between how the Democratic National Committee or Convention works and the GOP.
[00:08:55]  So, Nate, this is going to be the first image.
[00:08:59]  And to me, this was helpful because the two organizations, while they're both political parties, they actually run somewhat differently.
[00:09:06]  Okay, so here is a couple of the features their power structure.
[00:09:10]  The Democrats are very top-down, very centralized.
[00:09:14]  They can kind of flip a switch and everyone is going to fall in line.
[00:09:19]  There's a lot of power collected at the top with the Democrats, which is ironic because they've branded themselves as the movement of the people.
[00:09:26]  But even these protests that we're seeing, we all know they're not grassroots.
[00:09:31]  They are funded by people at the top.
[00:09:33]  They are organized by people at the top.
[00:09:36]  It's not the grassroots movement that people think it is.
[00:09:39]  The Republicans are looser.
[00:09:40]  They are a little bit more grassroots driven.
[00:09:42]  I think what I would say here is they are sadly just there's less strong leadership at the top, which we sorely lack.
[00:09:51]  Not as much organization.
[00:09:52]  Not as much organization.
[00:09:53]  Yep.
[00:09:54]  The coalition, this is the modern state of it in modern times.
[00:09:57]  This has not always been the case.
[00:09:59]  But the Democrats tend to be more ideological.
[00:10:02]  They have been the elites, the activists.
[00:10:04]  They have the academy, they have the schools.
[00:10:07]  For a long time, they've had the media.
[00:10:09]  For the Republicans, it's a little more cultural.
[00:10:11]  It's largely Christian or religious, populist, anti globalist.
[00:10:17]  So it's more of a cultural movement at this point, especially if you think about what MAGA is doing.
[00:10:23]  Their reach, their institutional reach.
[00:10:25]  The Democrats have been embedded in bureaucracy and media for a long time.
[00:10:30]  I mean, that was the whole scandal with the Hunter Biden laptop and going back a long time.
[00:10:35]  So the Republicans have, of late, the electoral power, but still they don't have the institutional control.
[00:10:43]  That's still the case.
[00:10:45]  Their tactics.
[00:10:46]  This is where what has been done is while I think this is an accurate representation of the tactics of the Democrats and the Republicans, in a lot of ways, it's been switched in the public perception.
[00:10:59]  So the tactics for the Democrats are to enforce the regulation and administrative law.
[00:11:04]  This is why we see so many judges willing to step up and, you know, kind of rule, quote unquote, rule against Trump and what he's doing or what their conservatives and Republicans are doing.
[00:11:15]  The Republican tactic has always been to negotiate and to kind of privately resist change.
[00:11:22]  And in that right there, I think is really a fundamental difference.
[00:11:26]  The Republicans want to negotiate.
[00:11:28]  They want to find compromise.
[00:11:30]  And Democrats, I'm painting with a really broad brush here, but by and large, it's our way or the highway, my way or the highway, and that's it.
[00:11:39]  Last, their feedback loops.
[00:11:41]  How does messaging get back up to the top?
[00:11:42]  And here the Democrats, this is what you were saying, Wes, are in trouble.
[00:11:47]  They message discipline, but it is kind of an echo chamber, as we saw with Blue Sky shutting down, basically, and being completely empty.
[00:11:55]  Which is a fantastic self owned.
[00:11:58]  The irony of the Democrats, and I said it earlier, is while they build themselves as the party of the people, they seem to be less interested in what the people on the ground are saying.
[00:12:10]  You look at Trump and the Republican Party that's in power right now, and sometimes I think, could you stop listening to the people so much?
[00:12:18]  Because it seems like there's a little micro poll of some sort that says this or that.
[00:12:23]  And he comes out and he's like, we're doing this, we're doing that.
[00:12:25]  And the irony is, I think that the Republican Party has.
[00:12:30]  Because it allows at this point more people into the coalition than the Democrats do, it's been more fractured.
[00:12:38]  And so there has to be a little bit more of a give and take compromise, willing to listen to other people's voices.
[00:12:43]  So, right.
[00:12:44]  Trump, especially, and like it's so funny that people think he's a totalitarian because I would agree with you, Michael, that if anything, he errs on listening to the plebes, you know, including myself, a little bit too much.
[00:12:57]  Now, I'm certainly not included in this particular class of.
[00:13:02]  Uh, people in Trump's ear that I'm about to use as an example, but uh, just recently we, you know, we saw Trump uh backing down on uh his rhetoric of deportations and saying, Well, you know, we're gonna um, we're gonna do you know, I mean,
[00:13:17]  he literally was elected on mass deportations, it's clearly what the majority wanted, uh, even some Democrats for that matter, um, certainly lots of independents, um, but that's that was a big part of his platform in his campaign, and now he's backing down saying, You know, well.
[00:13:32]  But we don't want to hurt our farmers.
[00:13:34]  And we also don't want to hurt, you know, this group and that group.
[00:13:37]  And it's kind of like, it reminds me of if you ever watched one of the Awesome Powers, I forget which one, but Awesome Powers, you know, with Mike Myers, one of those movies where Dr. Evil, he's like, everybody out, everybody, you know, clear the room.
[00:13:53]  And then like people are walking out and he's like, well, you can stay.
[00:13:55]  You can stay.
[00:13:57]  And he points at basically every single person in the room except for the one guy that he actually wants out.
[00:14:03]  And, you know, he's like, oh, I can't take a hint.
[00:14:05]  And I feel like, you know, I've said it before, I'll say it again.
[00:14:09]  I am struggling a little bit to trust the plan.
[00:14:12]  If we're still going to go into World War III, if we're still going to be fighting for Israel and all these kinds of things, plus we're also not going to get deportations.
[00:14:25]  And it's one thing if it's being held up because ICE needs funding and we need the big, beautiful bill to pass and those kinds of things.
[00:14:33]  I can play ball a little bit and make some concessions there as much as I don't want to see our debt increase.
[00:14:40]  I'm willing to increase the debt if it's to decrease the immigrants, which is a major cause for a lot of the debt.
[00:14:48]  But now it's like, well, you know, you can't help but think like, well, even if we get all the deportations, there's still all these different sectors within the workforce that are going to get a pass on immigrants.
[00:15:00]  You know, so we'll keep these immigrants, we'll keep these immigrants, we'll keep these immigrants.

=== Fracturing the Presidential Elite (11:35) ===

[00:15:04]  And so I say that just to say, in terms of listening, I think it is true that the right is absolutely fractured.
[00:15:11]  And it is not a totalitarian, it's just ironic.
[00:15:16]  It's not totalitarian at all.
[00:15:18]  Trump, if anything, I think he listens to people who are around him too much.
[00:15:23]  Trump can actually be fairly easily swayed.
[00:15:27]  It's not like we're just like, oh, who's this new guy on the stage?
[00:15:30]  It's been a decade at this point since he came down the golden escalator.
[00:15:34]  And I think that he is consistently modeled for 10 years that he listens and will even be massively driven.
[00:15:44]  By whoever's in his ear.
[00:15:45]  And there's a lot of people in his ear.
[00:15:48]  Yep.
[00:15:48]  And on the listening piece, it's a little bit cliche to say the actual, you know, like the real slave owners, the real pro slavery were these guys and turn it back.
[00:15:58]  But in the case of the Democrat Party, when it comes to, for example, like electing your presidential candidate, I mean, Bernie Sanders versus Hillary Clinton, there was very much so a concerted effort from the top because super delegates helped to choose the presidential nominees.
[00:16:12]  It's your regular delegates chosen by the voter.
[00:16:15]  And this huge slate, I think it might be up to a couple thousand superdelegates.
[00:16:18]  And Bernie Sanders was clearly the grassroots supported candidate.
[00:16:22]  This was in 2016.
[00:16:23]  Well, the uniparty there, they got Hillary Clinton, they got Joe Biden.
[00:16:27]  And then when Biden had to drop out, they very much so, this was before the convention.
[00:16:31]  So Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton, Biden, they could have all said, We want to honor the will of the people and have some type of voting apparatus.
[00:16:38]  They moved super efficiently.
[00:16:40]  You could tell how coordinated it was.
[00:16:42]  Kamala Harris is a candidate, literally to just steel man it and be like, You will not.
[00:16:48]  Bring to it a vote.
[00:16:49]  You will not put somebody else in.
[00:16:51]  So, I mean, you're talking the last 12 years of the presidential candidates of this party.
[00:16:56]  None of them have been what the actual members of the Democratic Party have wanted.
[00:17:01]  Yeah, Democrats have not had a choice, like you said, for 12 years.
[00:17:05]  They make a choice, and then the uniparty says, No, we're going to make the choice for you.
[00:17:11]  A lot of Democrats did not like Hillary Clinton, would not have picked Joe Biden.
[00:17:17]  But I think that, you know, to be fair, That's because the uniparty, because it's elite driven.
[00:17:21]  It's a few individuals that are making these decisions.
[00:17:23]  And the elites, as out of touch as they are, I think they still do understand that Bernie Sanders was too radical, or AOC or Ilhan Omar, that they're too radical.
[00:17:35]  But the problem is they've radicalized their base.
[00:17:39]  So they've radicalized their base in terms of who's going to vote.
[00:17:43]  There has not really been one candidate in 12 years that Democrats are like, We pick this guy.
[00:17:49]  We like this guy.
[00:17:51]  It's literally just the Republican on the GOP side and then everyone against.
[00:17:57]  We'll take Joe Biden.
[00:17:58]  You're telling me people weren't excited for Hillary Clinton, tripping over themselves to get to the polls?
[00:18:02]  Yeah.
[00:18:03]  Well, to your point, Joel, one of the frontrunners to be nominated as Joe Biden's vice presidential candidates was the current mayor of Los Angeles, who has just been a complete clown show over the last week.
[00:18:16]  Karen Bass?
[00:18:17]  Yes.
[00:18:18]  And the elites stepped in even there and said, look, guys, we don't have a lot of great options, but we cannot run her.
[00:18:25]  Like that would be the greatest disaster ever.
[00:18:28]  So they probably recognize, to be honest, and to your point, Joel, that people are bad at making decisions.
[00:18:34]  Right.
[00:18:34]  Like, straight up, they're like, we'll call ourselves the Democrat Party.
[00:18:36]  We'll tip our hat to democracy.
[00:18:38]  But these people are stupid.
[00:18:40]  We do not want them picking.
[00:18:41]  And the Democrat elites are, I think, perfectly aware of that.
[00:18:44]  You're absolutely right.
[00:18:45]  Yeah, I agree.
[00:18:45]  They know how to play ball.
[00:18:47]  I do think, personally, and I know this isn't really the theme of today's episode, but I do think that we're starting to see and we'll see more of that same phenomenon on the right, that there's going to be more and more on the right of a base that, Is radicalized, you know, the counter revolution that's going to say, look, this is who we want.
[00:19:11]  But the GOP, you know, and the elites, as we start to get more of them, are going to say, that guy can't win.
[00:19:20]  You can't win on that base.
[00:19:21]  And I'm not just talking about like neo Nazis or something like that.
[00:19:24]  Yeah, you'll have some on the right who are like, well, we want this guy because of his views on, you know, something super spicy.
[00:19:30]  But you also, it's not just that.
[00:19:32]  You also have like abolitionists, for instance.
[00:19:34]  It's like, we want, we will not vote.
[00:19:38]  For Donald Trump, unless he campaigns on there will not be a single abortion anywhere in the country and anybody who even attempts it will be put to death.
[00:19:51]  Yeah.
[00:19:52]  Well, the GOP is not going to run that guy, not anytime soon.
[00:19:55]  I'm not saying it could never happen.
[00:19:57]  I, you know, but, and so I, so this phenomenon, you know, it's, it's been, I guess what I'm saying is that it's, it's kind of been par for the course for the left.
[00:20:06]  Yeah.
[00:20:06]  And that's true.
[00:20:07]  And for a while, I, but it's not, It's not limited to the left.
[00:20:12]  I think that's what I'm saying.
[00:20:13]  It can exist on the right and very well may soon exist on the right.
[00:20:19]  In fact, I think that it has existed on the right.
[00:20:23]  And for some reason of divine providence, Trump upset the apple cart.
[00:20:29]  As much as we don't maybe like some of the things he's doing, the directions he's going, he was not supposed to be the one who won.
[00:20:36]  It was supposed to be Hillary.
[00:20:37]  It was supposed to be somebody else.
[00:20:38]  Even for the primary debates going into it, I mean, I think I remember he almost wasn't invited to some of the original primary debates.
[00:20:49]  He was not even at all in consideration going into the 2016 presidential election.
[00:20:54]  And I think the reason, too, with the Democrats, like a woman, like, oh, we're going to get excited for it.
[00:21:00]  People aren't just going to have that.
[00:21:02]  But a man who's built a billion dollar empire gets up and says, hey, you downtrodden American who had his job shipped overseas, I want to make America great again for you.
[00:21:11]  That's the type of thing that can push past the elites.
[00:21:15]  But it's Hillary Clinton.
[00:21:16]  I don't even know what she ran on.
[00:21:17]  It's like, come on, get out there with her nasally voice.
[00:21:20]  It's like, eh, eh.
[00:21:22]  Yep.
[00:21:23]  Yep.
[00:21:24]  I want to close this section by just reading a phrase that I came across while I was researching and thinking this through.
[00:21:32]  And it was this Democrats enforce or try to enforce their vision, Republicans negotiate with it.
[00:21:39]  And there's strengths and weaknesses right there.
[00:21:42]  We can't be ideological.
[00:21:43]  We know that politics is a game of compromise.
[00:21:46]  Trying to achieve the best ends possible with the best available tools.
[00:21:49]  But I thought that was insightful that for a long time, the reason the country, one of the reasons the country is in the state that it's in is that people on the left believe in their cause, they believe in their vision, and they believe in exercising political will to achieve it.
[00:22:06]  And the right has, maybe the right has actually behind the scenes had that as well.
[00:22:10]  Maybe that's the problem is their vision has been the post war globalists.
[00:22:15]  Like that probably is the case.
[00:22:18]  But at least the champions that the conservatives put forward.
[00:22:21]  They tend to very, they say one thing and then they very quickly back away from that and end up disappointing a lot of voters kind of over and over and over as a pattern.
[00:22:30]  And I think like you just, it's like playing chess.
[00:22:33]  You have to have different pieces on the board, bishops and rooks and knights.
[00:22:36]  And with the Democrats, like you do have the true bona fide ideologues that like they actually have conviction.
[00:22:45]  It's terrible, you know, but like you have your AOCs, your Omar's, and like I mean, they, like for them, it's not just winning, it's not just.
[00:22:54]  You know, like, what can I run that, you know, is within the Overton window?
[00:22:58]  Like, I mean, they're perfectly willing to be far outside of, you know, what would be publicly acceptable just strictly on the basis of ideology and their convictions.
[00:23:09]  And so, even if the American public aren't even close, they're like, well, like, we believe, we genuinely believe in our heart of hearts that, you know, gay furries are going to make America great again.
[00:23:20]  And we stand for gay furries.
[00:23:22]  And whereas on the right, you know, but my point is, you have that, but then you have Chuck Schumer, you know, and you have the Pelosi's and you have, You know, all the people, but on the right, it's like you only have the Chuck Schumer's and the Nancy Pelosi's.
[00:23:35]  Like, you don't, all you have on the right, I feel like, is the career politicians who are just like, what works?
[00:23:44]  You know, like, let's just, we just want to win an election and we don't care if we have to compromise every single one of our virtues to do it.
[00:23:52]  We just want to win.
[00:23:54]  And ironically, like, that kind of strategy has, you know, in many ways, all it's produced is losses because it's, You know, it's like, what do you stand for?
[00:24:05]  You know, and Trump is the first guy who actually had something that he was standing for, and it worked out, you know, and he won.
[00:24:12]  But when I think, you know, macro picture, at least the last 20, 30, 40 years, it seems like Democrats, there's the career politicians to be sure, and they're, you know, gonna, you know, they're gonna actually run a campaign, especially at a presidential level that's within the Overton.
[00:24:30]  But then there's also, you know, the squad, there's a section of the Democrat Party.
[00:24:36]  That truly functions on ideology and conviction and is constantly so you have one apparatus that's the mechanics, it's actually getting the W, getting the win.
[00:24:47]  But then there's the other side that's propagandizing and shaping the culture to push them perpetually further and further left.
[00:24:54]  On the right, it seems like it's only the career politicians, it's only the apparatus of just working the election and trying to win.
[00:25:03]  But no one within the right coalition until Trump.
[00:25:07]  That actually is saying, no, I'm actually trying to push the culture and shape the culture, influence the culture to move further right.
[00:25:14]  And that's something that we've lacked.
[00:25:16]  As we start to get that, though, and I don't think Trump is like the end all be all.
[00:25:20]  I think in many ways he's the prelude.
[00:25:22]  And I'm very happy.
[00:25:23]  Yeah, he just opened the door.
[00:25:24]  But he just opened the door, exactly.
[00:25:25]  And is kind of like the first example of an ideologue.
[00:25:30]  And he's really not that ideological, but a guy who had a positive vision, not just let's win an election, but a positive vision of what America could be.
[00:25:39]  The first guy in decades on the right to have that.
[00:25:43]  But now that we have, I'm hoping limitless, perpetual fracturing is not good for practically getting something done and winning elections.
[00:25:56]  But I'm hoping that we actually can have at least some fracturing in the sense of having some guys who can win elections and know what it takes and know where the American public is so that they can be shrewd, so that they can be strategic, but also having some guys.
[00:26:13]  Even further to the right of Trump with conviction and actually have a positive vision of trying to not just win the next election, but shape the public in such a way that the Overton is now actually moving towards the right.
[00:26:28]  Good.
[00:26:28]  Let's hit our first commercial break.
[00:26:30]  When we come back, we're going to talk about David Hogg and whether the establishment or what it says about the establishment versus the ideological youngsters.

=== On Ruling: A New Study (03:36) ===

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=== Ideological Reins Take Over (15:22) ===

[00:30:17]  Joel, one of the things you said at the end that got me thinking was how the parties deal with their more ideological people.
[00:30:26]  And for a long time, both parties have an establishment, right?
[00:30:29]  They've got the elite, the congressmen, the politicians, the career politicians.
[00:30:34]  But I think for a long time, the elite on the right has been dragged forward by the ideological.
[00:30:41]  I'm sorry, on the left.
[00:30:42]  The elite on the left have been dragged forward by the ideological on the left.
[00:30:45]  And the elite or the establishment on the right, the Republican Party, have been blocking the more ideological on the right.
[00:30:55]  And so I think what we see is kind of a, on this side, there's a funnel, right?
[00:31:01]  And this is actually why the Democratic Party has been able to stay in power for so long, because you've got a broad base.
[00:31:06]  And then it shoots its ideological people out of this funnel, but they're able to turn their funnel, right?
[00:31:14]  On the right, we have the GOP, and they're like a volcano, right?
[00:31:19]  And so it was flat, and there's ideological pressure, and it's starting to bubble and bubble and bubble.
[00:31:23]  And I think, I hope you're right.
[00:31:25]  I hope that Trump was the first kind of shoot of lava into the air that will open a crater that more can come out of.
[00:31:32]  So, yeah.
[00:31:34]  The question is going to be with the DNC whether the establishment is going to be able to rein in. the more ideological Gen Z members.
[00:31:43]  So something interesting, this was a couple weeks ago maybe, but David Hogg was appointed, he's the first Gen Z appointed to this sort of power.
[00:31:54]  He was appointed the vice president of the Democratic National Committee last year.
[00:31:59]  Now he has gained notoriety and fame.
[00:32:03]  He's been an influencer on the left for a number of years.
[00:32:06]  He was a survivor of the Parkland shooting in Florida in 2018.
[00:32:11]  And on the back of that, he started an organization for gun control and to stop gun violence and all of these things.
[00:32:17]  And so he's had a voice for a long time and has become really, really popular with the progressive younger Democrats or leftists.
[00:32:26]  And so the party, realizing that we've got people like Joe Biden and Bernie Sanders as our figureheads, they actually elected him as the vice president of the Democratic National Committee.
[00:32:41]  Wes, is it committee or convention?
[00:32:42]  I think it's convention.
[00:32:44]  Convention.
[00:32:44]  Convention.
[00:32:45]  I keep saying committee.
[00:32:48]  Now, he did something really interesting.
[00:32:50]  He took the $20 million budget that he had been given and he publicly came out and said, All right, thank you very much for the position.
[00:32:57]  Obviously, what you're telling me is you want younger, fresh ideas like I have.
[00:33:02]  So I'm going to be actively priming and campaigning against any Democrat who's up for reelection in the next election cycle who is too normie.
[00:33:12]  So he took his $20 million budget and just came out hard and made a list.
[00:33:17]  These are the people that we're going to primary.
[00:33:19]  We're going to get them out and we're going to get the real ideological purists in their place.
[00:33:26]  Worst first act of office, Rehoboam, David Hogg.
[00:33:31]  Probably that.
[00:33:32]  There's a good argument to be made.
[00:33:33]  Yep, absolutely.
[00:33:34]  So, this sent the Democrats into a panic.
[00:33:38]  And of course, all of these congressmen are contacting the Democratic National Convention and saying, wait, what's going on?
[00:33:45]  I'm going to lose my seat.
[00:33:47]  The vice president is actively campaigning against me.
[00:33:51]  You know, what about all the promises you made me?
[00:33:52]  What about, you know, all these deals we've had?
[00:33:54]  And so, this really threw the Democrats into a panic.
[00:34:01]  Situation because this garnered a lot of support from the younger Gen Z, more ideological people.
[00:34:06]  Yes, we're finally getting what we've actually wanted.
[00:34:08]  We're going to push past the old democratic positions.
[00:34:11]  We're going to finally get the new ones.
[00:34:13]  We're going to get some people in there who are aligned with us ideologically.
[00:34:17]  And so the question is, what happens?
[00:34:21]  Well, David Hogg came out just a week or two ago, maybe two weeks ago, and announced I will not be seeking a second term this summer when my term as vice president of the convention comes up.
[00:34:33]  And it seems very altruistic.
[00:34:35]  Well, the reality is, behind the scenes, the convention had already organized a vote that was already going to go against him.
[00:34:42]  And so he basically said, Don't oust me.
[00:34:46]  I'll just, I'll serve out my last couple of months.
[00:34:49]  I won't cause a ruckus.
[00:34:51]  And you can, I won't seek reelection.
[00:34:53]  You can put someone in.
[00:34:54]  The old Nixon play.
[00:34:55]  The old Nixon play.
[00:34:56]  That's right.
[00:34:56]  I was not fired.
[00:34:57]  I resigned.
[00:34:58]  That's right.
[00:35:00]  So that all seemed interesting.
[00:35:03]  But what really is interesting is an audio conversation.
[00:35:07]  Of this was a Zoom meeting, but there's a conversation between David Hogg, the vice president of the convention, and the president of the convention.
[00:35:18]  This conversation between the two of them was leaked recently.
[00:35:21]  So we're going to listen to this.
[00:35:22]  It's about just under two minutes.
[00:35:25]  And the first voice that you're going to hear is the president of the convention.
[00:35:29]  And then I don't know that we actually hear a lot from David Hogg, but this guy's just explaining the trouble that David Hogg and his kind of ideological fervor have caused for the party.
[00:35:39]  Okay, so Nate, let's go ahead and roll this.
[00:35:41]  It's not video.
[00:35:42]  So you'll just hear it.
[00:35:43]  And I'll say, look, it has plenty of warts, and we're all trying to change those for sure.
[00:35:49]  But the longer we continue this fight, the harder it is for us to actually do what we all want to do, which is make a difference in this country again.
[00:35:58]  So I deeply respect you, David.
[00:36:02]  I too was looking forward to working with you, but this has created a situation, and I'll be very honest with you, for the first time in my 100 days on this job, and Jessica knows this.
[00:36:20]  The other night, I said to myself for the first time, I don't know if I want to do this anymore.
[00:36:24]  And partly not because of the stress and all the naysayers, right?
[00:36:29]  I'm used to that.
[00:36:30]  I've spent 14 years as a chair.
[00:36:32]  I'm used to getting beat up on.
[00:36:33]  But this is really everything from this election, this credentials report, and how Malcolm's been treated in this to.
[00:36:46]  You know, the fact, the election itself, how Shasti and Gina were treated in this.
[00:36:52]  I'm just quite frustrated to be in this position because what you've done, whether you like it or not or know it or not, David, is I'm trying to, no one knows who the hell I am, right?
[00:37:05]  I'm trying to get my sea legs underneath of me and actually develop any amount of credibility so I can go out there and raise the money and do the job I need to to put ourselves in a position to win.
[00:37:16]  And again, I don't think you intended this, but you essentially destroyed any chance I have to show the leadership that I need to.
[00:37:25]  So it's really frustrating.
[00:37:32]  King.
[00:37:34]  That was from Politico.
[00:37:35]  And if you heard him cry.
[00:37:36]  Was he starting to cry?
[00:37:37]  He starts to get emotional, right?
[00:37:38]  To cry or.
[00:37:40]  Yeah.
[00:37:41]  Most masculine Democrat award.
[00:37:43]  Yeah.
[00:37:43]  No, it makes sense that he's a Democrat.
[00:37:45]  That seems like.
[00:37:46]  That's what.
[00:37:46]  When I think of Democrat men talking in private, I imagine crying.
[00:37:51]  Yeah.
[00:37:52]  So that was just a confirmation.
[00:37:53]  Checks out.
[00:37:54]  Yeah.
[00:37:55]  So, any comments from you two on that before I kind of draw a couple of thoughts out of it?
[00:38:00]  This crisis is incredible.
[00:38:02]  You'll get to some of it on the Gen Z stats.
[00:38:04]  But the crisis within the party apparatus now, there will always be like Republican does not, of course, encapsulate everyone that's on the right wing, that's for traditional values, all of that, nor does the Democrat party as an official party apparatus capture all the left wing.
[00:38:18]  But within the party itself, so the structure that gives funds to candidates, that allows you to caucus with them, that organizes a meeting every year, that puts forward the candidates.
[00:38:27]  They are in an incredible disarray.
[00:38:30]  And this is God's mercy that our enemies are being put to flight.
[00:38:33]  Their own radical ideology has left them in this space where the reason we all know David Hogg's name, for the record, was the Parkland School shooting in Florida.
[00:38:41]  So he was one of the survivors.
[00:38:43]  It's doubted whether he was anywhere close to what happened, even in the school at the time.
[00:38:47]  But we know his name because he went on a huge tour speaking up about gun violence.
[00:38:52]  And so that kind of radical ideology there then gave birth to this man that is not at all intelligent, not at all inspiring, but he is the.
[00:39:00]  It's the victim narrative.
[00:39:01]  It's probably the only white male that they somehow found a way to make into the victim.
[00:39:05]  But that own, that ideology is now the cancer that is literally, and you're hearing it on this call, destroying them alive.
[00:39:12]  They can't have a unified message.
[00:39:14]  They're torn up by infighting.
[00:39:15]  Like we have our problems in the Republican Party, too.
[00:39:17]  We need an America first, a Christian nationalist platform to come out of MAGA.
[00:39:22]  It needs to happen quickly.
[00:39:23]  So we have our problems.
[00:39:24]  But in their camp, they are in tatters.
[00:39:27]  And I think that is God's mercy that they will not be organized.
[00:39:30]  They will not have a coherent message.
[00:39:33]  I don't expect anything great out of them, anything powerful, anything populist for a long, long time until they remake it until it's something entirely new.
[00:39:43]  Wes, I didn't have a chance to research this.
[00:39:46]  So, from your listening or reading, did you see if there's been any fallout related to the announcement that he's not going to continue?
[00:39:54]  I would imagine that this would upset him and the more ideological young Gen Zers and ideological leftists who are part of the party.
[00:40:01]  But I should have.
[00:40:03]  I didn't take the time to look and see if there's been any fallout.
[00:40:05]  It's funny enough, the most radical elements that I've seen, they're celebrating it because he's a white male and they're celebrating him not coming back as an opportunity for more women and people of color to take lead in these spaces.
[00:40:16]  So I haven't seen, like, no, they got the best of us, but rather, hey, he did a good job.
[00:40:22]  We recognize he was a victim of gun violence.
[00:40:25]  But this is great because we can do more.
[00:40:27]  Well, to that point, the reason, the way that the convention was planning to oust him was on a procedure, which was that they realized that.
[00:40:39]  Having him, a white male in the position, meant that they weren't filling a quota that they had for DEI.
[00:40:48]  And so the way they were going to get rid of him was saying, oh, whoops, we recounted the numbers.
[00:40:54]  We forgot we're one woman or black person or minority or whatever short.
[00:40:59]  You've got to go.
[00:41:00]  So to your point, Wes, undoubtedly the person that replaces David Hogg will be a DEI hire of some sort.
[00:41:07]  Yep.
[00:41:08]  Yep.
[00:41:08]  Incredible.
[00:41:10]  Okay.
[00:41:10]  Yeah, they're in trouble.
[00:41:11]  Yeah.
[00:41:12]  So that to me is very interesting because we will see if the establishment is able to wriggle its way out or if they, like you said earlier, much earlier, Wes, have created a situation that they cannot pull out of where the ideological people have the reins.
[00:41:29]  Even Joel, as you were mentioning, like AOC, she's part of the squad, yes.
[00:41:32]  But what was so remarkable about her was she went within one election to being one of the most prominent voices in the Democratic Party.
[00:41:40]  You know, and she's one of the most ideological, most shrill.
[00:41:43]  So she leapfrogged ahead of a lot of career politicians.
[00:41:47]  Same with David Hogg, things like that.
[00:41:49]  So they do have a problem on their hands.
[00:41:51]  Yep.
[00:41:52]  Do you get into at all the whole find the Democrats Joe Rogan effect?
[00:41:56]  I don't talk about it now.
[00:41:58]  I've read some about that, but now might be a good time to talk about that if you want to bring it up.
[00:42:02]  Just to kind of illustrate the point that we're making in another sense Democrats, there's, I think, $20 million set aside into a fund, and it's for them to say, as they termed it, to find our Joe Rogan because they recognize.
[00:42:14]  That a lot of the voices, this would be on podcasting, this would be on shows, this would be on TV, and this would be on radio.
[00:42:19]  The big ones, your Theo Vaughn, your Joe Rogan, your Tucker Carlson, all of those, they're mostly men and they're mostly right wing coded.
[00:42:27]  And so they look at the landscape, and you've got a couple guys, you've got Young Turks, there's a couple other shows.
[00:42:33]  They're not household names.
[00:42:35]  And so they've realized, like, holy cow, the youth, like you said earlier, Gen Z is going to be a huge voting block, the biggest one.
[00:42:41]  And we have nobody out there that people are like, guys, babe, wake up, new Joe Rogan just dropped.
[00:42:46]  They don't have anyone like that.
[00:42:48]  And so they're literally spending $20 million, and the person they put in charge of it, she's leading, she's front facing, don't even know her name.
[00:42:55]  But it's an overweight woman that lectures young men about not being democratic.
[00:42:59]  You say, We have an image problem.
[00:43:01]  Young men aren't interested in us.
[00:43:03]  Young women, too.
[00:43:04]  Young women are really revolting against feminism.
[00:43:06]  We've got a big problem on our hands.
[00:43:08]  What should we do?
[00:43:09]  I've got a great idea.
[00:43:10]  We lecture them.
[00:43:12]  And just another example of how out of touch they are is they're shoveling cash just into a fire, like find us around Joe Rogan, find us someone more diverse.
[00:43:21]  And all that's happening is the ship is going down.
[00:43:23]  And as the ship's going down, it's also catching on fire.
[00:43:25]  Well, and that's also just the pattern of the Democrat Party and leftist, you know, Marxist for, you know, the last 80 years is the right builds institutions and then they co opt them.
[00:43:39]  Right.
[00:43:40]  Right.
[00:43:40]  And so if you think about it like this, yeah, so they don't have a Joe Rogan, they don't have a Theo Vaughn, you know, they don't have that equivalent.
[00:43:46]  And that's why you have Gavin Newsom, you know, going on Charlie Kirk and admitting like, yeah, we realize, you know, that we don't.
[00:43:53]  We don't really have any podcast platforms, not any that are legitimate.
[00:43:58]  And so we just get sound bites.
[00:44:00]  I go on NBC News or whatever, and it's a 30 second clip or a three minute clip.
[00:44:06]  Meanwhile, you're over here every single day for three hours podcasting.
[00:44:10]  And it's like, yeah, that's true.
[00:44:12]  But the way that that happened, lest we forget, is there was media, legacy media, news stations, shows, and in addition to that, entertainment, Hollywood, Disney, children's.
[00:44:26]  And they actually did co opt all of it.
[00:44:29]  Right.
[00:44:29]  All of it.
[00:44:30]  From every single children's program to every single Hollywood slop blockbuster production to every single news station.
[00:44:39]  And I'm going to kind of include.
[00:44:41]  I think talk radio is a good one.
[00:44:42]  I'm going to include Fox News in that too.
[00:44:43]  I mean, it's basically leftists.
[00:44:47]  It's certainly liberalism and borderline to the left.
[00:44:51]  So there's just some American flags once in a while.
[00:44:54]  Yeah, exactly.
[00:44:54]  So my point is they took everything.
[00:44:58]  And so it's not like when you think of podcasting, it was the right had nothing left.
[00:45:04]  There was nothing, there was nothing, there was no institution in terms of news and media and entertainment left to the right.
[00:45:11]  It was all co opted.
[00:45:13]  And so it's not like the right, from a strategic standpoint, got in the back room.
[00:45:17]  It was like, you know, what can we do that's more effective than, you know, than owning, you know, the three news stations in existence that are played on cable TV in everyone's living room?
[00:45:29]  Like it wasn't like a design, it was just, it was desperation.
[00:45:33]  It wasn't, so it wasn't like intention.
[00:45:37]  It was simply that we don't have any other options.

=== The Left Co-opts Podcasting (11:18) ===

[00:45:39]  So, like, all right, we're podcasting.
[00:45:41]  Well, you know, then podcasts started to, you know, to take on steam and become more popular.
[00:45:47]  But I don't think it's just because of the format.
[00:45:51]  I think the format, like, there certainly is a market for that.
[00:45:54]  But I think it's because ideas on the right are true.
[00:45:59]  And there's always going to be at least some sector of the population that is attracted towards the truth wherever you can find it.
[00:46:06]  I think if podcasts all become slop, you know, leftist garbage, And Sean Hannity, you know, like grows a pair and says some things that are true and right wing.
[00:46:19]  Then all of a sudden, people will be watching Sean Hannity again, and you'll have even Gen Z.
[00:46:22]  Well, they were watching Tucker.
[00:46:24]  Right.
[00:46:24]  And then he left and they took it.
[00:46:26]  And you would literally have Gen Z signing up, you know, like, how do I get cable TV?
[00:46:31]  And so, like, I don't think it's so much the format.
[00:46:34]  Yeah.
[00:46:34]  Right.
[00:46:35]  I don't think it's the messaging, it's the content.
[00:46:39]  There will always be.
[00:46:40]  Now, there are.
[00:46:41]  Times where many people are lying and suppressing the truth and works of unrighteousness, and therefore it's a remnant, it's a minority.
[00:46:48]  But in any given moment in God's providence, any different time period throughout this gospel age, there's always going to be a market for truth.
[00:46:58]  And so I think, you know, Democrats, again, I think they're going about it the wrong way, which is great, you know, and fully what I anticipated because you can count on them to, you know, to get things wrong.
[00:47:09]  But they're going to, oh, so the secret sauce for Trump winning the Popular vote in 2024 was the format, the platform of podcasting.
[00:47:21]  So we'll just do that.
[00:47:23]  Great.
[00:47:24]  I keep thinking that.
[00:47:25]  Please get Michelle Obama on more podcasts.
[00:47:29]  You're telling me Call Her Daddy didn't just cement Kamala's victory right there?
[00:47:33]  It's tough for me to believe.
[00:47:34]  Yeah.
[00:47:35]  So I think that's basically the right starts something, the left takes it.
[00:47:40]  There's always this perpetual leftward drift unless they're absolutely committed and there have to be all these mechanisms.
[00:47:49]  Otherwise, it's just compromise, a leftward drift, and eventually they co opt it entirely.
[00:47:54]  They take it, and then that's not left to you.
[00:47:59]  There's no chance if you're on the right of getting into MSNBC or something.
[00:48:05]  And so then you start a podcast with seven followers.
[00:48:09]  But eventually, over the course of a decade, that becomes a big thing, and then the left's going to come for that too.
[00:48:16]  This $20 million going towards pocket is, I think it's great.
[00:48:24]  I wish they had designated as a line item $200 million.
[00:48:29]  I know.
[00:48:29]  The whole world.
[00:48:30]  It's literally like, I mean, it might as well say $20 million in the garbage because it is going to do nothing.
[00:48:38]  Well, something else happened though.
[00:48:40]  I mean, everything that we've said so far I think is right.
[00:48:43]  But one other thing happened that I think is to the point that you made, Joel, that.
[00:48:49]  What really is going on here is people are saying true things.
[00:48:53]  And the thing that happened was some existing podcasts, like Rogan and like Russell Brand, started not they themselves becoming right wing, but they started entertaining right wing or truthful ideas, having guests on.
[00:49:09]  That's what it was.
[00:49:10]  And that didn't tank their numbers.
[00:49:12]  In fact, if anything, it helped.
[00:49:14]  And so, to your point, it was this idea that truth had been suppressed.
[00:49:18]  And so, a conservative would even go listen to Russell Brand if he had some.
[00:49:22]  Guest on, even though he's a new agey, weird, druggy, you know, and I'll listen to him.
[00:49:29]  Just whatever the platform, I think, in many ways is irrelevant.
[00:49:32]  It's just, it's the messaging.
[00:49:34]  Where can I find truth?
[00:49:35]  So, like, even now, like, there's already, again, there's a transition in terms of the technology itself.
[00:49:41]  I think that's less relevant.
[00:49:42]  So, like, right now, there's a transition to like, there's all these guys going viral on TikTok with, you know, like 45 second little videos where they watch something and then they react to it.
[00:49:53]  And They're not giving some deep, thought out analysis.
[00:49:56]  They're literally saying like three sentences, but the three sentences they're saying is what everyone's thinking, and they're willing to say it out loud.
[00:50:03]  It's true.
[00:50:04]  And so then what happens?
[00:50:05]  Their little TikTok channel blows up into the stratosphere.
[00:50:08]  It's like, what in depth, brilliant cultural analysis is being offered by this prestigious individual?
[00:50:17]  And it turns out the dude, it's like a 22 year old single white guy who's just watching a video and then saying, Um, yeah, that's ridiculous.
[00:50:26]  Round all these people up and throw them in prison, right?
[00:50:29]  And everyone's like, Yes, well, the left has their 20 million dollar chest, the right has a former you guys know, Twitch, these are guys who play video games.
[00:50:40]  So, Asmongold, he was a big Twitch guy, but he was just games now.
[00:50:45]  His are the little clips, right?
[00:50:48]  That you can't fabricate that sort of thing, right?
[00:50:50]  The 20 million dollars is not going to create an environment where young men.
[00:50:56]  Who play video games and then hear this guy getting mad about something conservative, keep clicking on his hot takes, his 30 second hot takes.
[00:51:03]  Because right wing thought is concise and simple.
[00:51:08]  It's a joke, but it's true.
[00:51:09]  Well, the left can't meme.
[00:51:10]  Why can't they?
[00:51:11]  Because their ideas, be it about white privilege, be it about structural racism, be it about the patriarchy, none of that is simple.
[00:51:20]  You have to say, like, well, actually, if you read the critical race theories and you go back and it's worked into the structures such that racism is an unconscious bias that's learned from.
[00:51:30]  That is so much longer than simply saying, Hey, some people are different.
[00:51:33]  Right.
[00:51:34]  Yeah, it takes more words to lie.
[00:51:35]  Yep.
[00:51:36]  And it takes more time.
[00:51:37]  And it takes fewer words.
[00:51:38]  And in an attention span world, people do not have that long to say that.
[00:51:42]  Like if we go outside and I say, You see that?
[00:51:44]  The sky, it's blue.
[00:51:45]  Right.
[00:51:46]  And there's just immediate consensus.
[00:51:49]  But the guy who wants to say, Well, actually, it's green, he can't just say, There's actually a spectrum of colors that this is.
[00:51:55]  And then explain why this thing that's so blatantly untrue is actually true.
[00:52:01]  So he has to explain why your eyes are lying to you.
[00:52:04]  You know, and why it's actually green, and that just simply takes more time and more words.
[00:52:10]  And so, like, yeah, so the right is always at an advantage in the sense that, um, truth is you're right, it like it takes fewer words, it's simpler.
[00:52:21]  Um, and it also doesn't take somebody who's PhD.
[00:52:24]  I mean, it's great, like, the right needs our intellectuals, we need our academics, uh, we need institutions and think tanks, and we're going to have to build a lot of that up again.
[00:52:33]  We have some of that, but.
[00:52:34]  Very little by comparison to the left and everything that they've co opted and hijacked over the last four or five decades.
[00:52:40]  And it'll be imperative that we seek to build those things up again in the future.
[00:52:45]  But at the same time, like you'll see the memes, you know, on X, where it's like, it's like some, you know, it's like from like a video game or something.
[00:52:51]  It's like some giant, like colossal Titan, you know, and it's the size of a mountain.
[00:52:57]  And then it's this tiny little warrior, you know, like human size standing in front of it.
[00:53:01]  And it's almost a joke.
[00:53:02]  It's like David and Goliath, but on steroids, you know, like not just like this guy's twice my size, but like a thousand times.
[00:53:08]  And then for the colossal Titan monster, whatever, it's like, You know, it's like all of legacy media, you know, and all, uh, every, you know, Ivy League, you know, uh, university, and this, and that, and blah, and 20 million dollars towards podcasting.
[00:53:25]  And it lists all these.
[00:53:26]  And, and then, uh, the other guy over here, it's, um, it's, you know, the kid who says the emperor has no clothes.
[00:53:32]  It's like, and so, like, who's facing him?
[00:53:35]  Uh, it's, uh, Bubba, you know, who's 17 years old and works with his dad on, you know, um, on a shrimp boat, you know, uh, saying, uh, well, actually, uh, we shouldn't have a foreign invasion.
[00:53:46]  At our southern border.
[00:53:48]  And it's like, and you can't stop Bubba because he has the truth on his side.
[00:53:53]  So now that does, to me, that begs the question though, then why was the left so successful for so long?
[00:54:02]  You know, because they've been lying all along.
[00:54:04]  But I think this kind of gets back to just the heart of this entire episode is at first, it maybe didn't require as many words and it didn't require such.
[00:54:13]  The lies were smaller.
[00:54:13]  Yeah, you didn't exactly.
[00:54:14]  You didn't need, because now we're talking about, you know, multi, multi billion dollar.
[00:54:20]  Propaganda machine, right?
[00:54:21]  Because when you're trying to get people to believe that boys are girls, right?
[00:54:25]  The complete opposite of truth that takes a lot of indoctrination.
[00:54:30]  That takes, like, it's like we're never like everyone's gonna have to get a PhD and we're gonna have to fund everyone getting a PhD, you know, because it's gonna take literally seven years of 40 hours a week in the classroom to convince someone that a boy is actually a girl and a girl is actually a boy.
[00:54:46]  But at first, you know, what you're right, Michael, that's that's what I was gonna say is that.
[00:54:51]  At first, if it's just, if it's just, you know, if you're actually more conservative and traditional and in line with the Christian faith and all these kinds of things, you're in line with truth.
[00:55:02]  And at first, you're just trying to get people to compromise an inch.
[00:55:05]  Yeah.
[00:55:06]  Well, then that doesn't necessarily require, you know, the meme where it's just a wall of text, you know, that requires two sentences instead of one.
[00:55:13]  Right.
[00:55:13]  And then it's three to one.
[00:55:15]  And then it's four to one.
[00:55:16]  But by the time you're saying four, people know the three already.
[00:55:18]  At least they've heard the three.
[00:55:20]  Sure.
[00:55:20]  Exactly.
[00:55:20]  Yes.
[00:55:21]  And it compounds and you're building on.
[00:55:23]  Yeah.
[00:55:23]  So, I think, you know, because I was just, you know, that question was starting to rise in my own mind.
[00:55:29]  I was thinking, if everything we're saying is true, that the truth is just so much more effective than lies, then how did the lies win out in the first place?
[00:55:38]  And we know theologically, because people are sinners, that's a big part of it.
[00:55:43]  But also, I think at first they didn't have to lie as much.
[00:55:47]  And now they're lying more and eventually it kind of reaches a tipping point where it's just, It's not viable.
[00:55:55]  It's not sustainable.
[00:55:56]  If you read the 2004 Democratic Party platform, I reread it recently for an episode.
[00:56:01]  It's very straightforward because at that point, you're not talking gender ideology.
[00:56:04]  You're not talking homosexuality.
[00:56:06]  It's mostly focused on the American family and cutting taxes.
[00:56:10]  And probably unions or labor parties.
[00:56:12]  Yep.
[00:56:12]  So strong protections and then expansion of health care.
[00:56:15]  And there are problems with that.
[00:56:16]  And you would get into the details.
[00:56:17]  But to your point, those big lies, they came along and they didn't really live very long.
[00:56:22]  They had a shelf life of about five to 10 years.
[00:56:24]  That's true.
[00:56:24]  But with billions of dollars of propaganda, It got about seven to ten years and the elite institutions.
[00:56:31]  Yep.
[00:56:31]  Not a good ROI.
[00:56:32]  Yeah.
[00:56:33]  That's true.
[00:56:34]  And that's all it was ever going to be able to afford.
[00:56:36]  They're not coming back from this.
[00:56:37]  No, they're not coming back.
[00:56:38]  Good.
[00:56:39]  All right.
[00:56:39]  Well, we want to conclude the episode with some interesting data about Gen Z itself.
[00:56:44]  So we'll hit our last commercial break, and then when we come back, we'll tease that out a little bit, and then we'll wrap up.
[00:56:50]  The danger of centralized power is often represented by the word king.
[00:56:55]  As Americans, we hate the word king.

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=== Music Imprints on Teenagers (05:05) ===

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[01:00:42]  All right, welcome back.
[01:00:44]  All right.
[01:00:44]  So, we're going to wrap up here with some data from, I will admit, it is a liberal source.
[01:00:51]  It's from Vox.com.
[01:00:53]  I almost said docs.com, which actually is kind of true too.
[01:00:56]  No, Vox.com.
[01:00:57]  So, take it for what it's worth, but I think it's some interesting observations, and they're pulling.
[01:01:04]  Some polls together that Harvard did and that Yale did, and a couple other places.
[01:01:08]  So they're looking through some larger polls from various sources.
[01:01:12]  They were very clear in the article to say they're nonpartisan sources like Harvard and Yale.
[01:01:18]  So just, you know, I'm sure we're all relieved to hear that.
[01:01:22]  But they point out, the Vox article points out that the data seem to reflect that when we talk about Gen Z, which a lot of people are looking at right now for reasons that we said earlier in the episode, there actually are kind of two Gen Zs right now.
[01:01:37]  So I'm just going to read some quotes.
[01:01:39]  Both men and women.
[01:01:40]  That is true, and that's going to come through, but it's also by age.
[01:01:45]  No, you're right.
[01:01:45]  Yep.
[01:01:46]  So I'm going to read these two quotes, and then we'll give our commentary on it, and then we'll wind things down.
[01:01:52]  So this is the first quote from the Vox article.
[01:01:55]  It says this, according to the Spring Yale Youth Poll, younger Gen Z men and women tend to have more Republican-coded opinions than their older Gen Z peers on a range of policy issues.
[01:02:07]  They tend to view Trump more favorably, side with the Republican position on some policies like immigration, trans women in college sports. and Ukraine by higher margins and are more likely to consider casting a vote for a generic Republican candidate than older Gen Z members.
[01:02:23]  Younger Gen Z is also the segment of Americans where religiosity seems to be holding steady, if not outright increasing.
[01:02:31]  As I've reported before, young Gen Z, this is an incredible statement, young Gen Z men are holding on or returning to organized religion in rates high enough to slow down a decades long trend towards religious dissociation in America.
[01:02:46]  Wow.
[01:02:47]  Which is quite remarkable.
[01:02:49]  But it's all something we've talked about on this show before.
[01:02:51]  Right.
[01:02:51]  Real quick, what is young Gen Z?
[01:02:54]  Like, what age are we talking about?
[01:02:55]  18 to 34 is the demographic.
[01:02:57]  Okay.
[01:02:57]  So this is going to be 18 to maybe mid 20s.
[01:03:00]  Oh, I count as Gen Z then.
[01:03:01]  You are?
[01:03:02]  Yes.
[01:03:02]  Yes.
[01:03:02]  Like, I'm 30, and most of the time I'm counting millennial, but according to this estimation, I'm part of the older Gen Z.
[01:03:08]  I guess it depends on the.
[01:03:09]  Yeah, I guess you would be.
[01:03:11]  But you're older Gen Z, which means you're gay.
[01:03:14]  Well, and that's actually kind of interesting because.
[01:03:18]  I didn't look at all the data, but I'm just going from memory here.
[01:03:21]  It seems like the older Gen Z are actually quite radicalized towards the left, right?
[01:03:26]  Like more than maybe millennials or something like that.
[01:03:29]  They're really the true believers in what was going on during the gender ideology, during the BLM, things like that.
[01:03:35]  And that's when they were teenagers, that's what was capturing their imagination.
[01:03:39]  And to some degree, this makes sense because really all of us want a cause to live for, right?
[01:03:48]  Things imprint on you in your teenage years that are almost impossible to get rid of your location, the kind of music that you heard.
[01:03:54]  Like, it really is true that music that you listen to in your teenage years has a dopamine effect on you all through the rest of your life.
[01:04:03]  Doesn't matter if there's superior music or objectively better music, the fact that it printed on you in your teenage years really sticks with you for a long time.
[01:04:12]  It really, I can confirm, it does not matter if it's objectively superior music because still to this day, Dave Matthews.
[01:04:21]  I am right there with you.
[01:04:22]  And I'm like, I hear like, boom, bum, bum, bum.
[01:04:25]  And I'm like, this is so good.
[01:04:27]  And anybody who's not like in my age range is like, but is it?

=== Illegals Clear Out a Town (04:36) ===

[01:04:32]  No, no, we're not going to go down that road, Joel.
[01:04:35]  I'm like, yes.
[01:04:35]  I do think to your point, though, the tail end of millennials, because they were the last kind of group that had it good.
[01:04:40]  They were generally, if they came of age here in about 2015 to 2020, they had a decent job and they were probably able to afford a home prior to the COVID housing crisis.
[01:04:49]  So they got the house.
[01:04:50]  They probably got a decent job.
[01:04:51]  They're probably making mid 100,000s.
[01:04:53]  On average, so they're not feeling it the way Gen Z is, right?
[01:04:56]  And I don't think that's really going to change.
[01:04:57]  Like, Gen Z has a lot of incentive to upset the apple cart.
[01:05:00]  Young men, I mean, the options for dating are either women that are older and have been ran through, or women that are younger and are feminists, so they don't have great options for dating, or they're furries, or they're other men.
[01:05:11]  Goodness gracious, terrible options for dating, terrible options for jobs taken by all the illegal immigrants.
[01:05:15]  Tech is downsizing with AI.
[01:05:16]  They'll never own a house, they'll never own a home, they'll never even own a condo.
[01:05:21]  Right?
[01:05:21]  Of course, they're going to burn the system down, right?
[01:05:23]  They don't have anything to lose, really, really hard.
[01:05:25]  Their entire life.
[01:05:26]  Yep.
[01:05:27]  They might be able to mow my backyard.
[01:05:31]  Although, with not your backyard, I want to be clear not to say your backyard, but with the, I did see, I know we're ripping on Trump for the illegals, but I saw an article today about a town in Nebraska where basically the entire population of illegals cleared out.
[01:05:46]  And the, oh yeah, I saw that.
[01:05:48]  And all the Americans, Americans don't even want these jobs.
[01:05:51]  They're not, they're too high and mighty and not willing.
[01:05:53]  And literally the next day, there was a line out the door with a bunch of, you know, salt of the earth, Americana people, you know, obviously a little bit, you know, Economically lower class, but they're literally saying, please, we would have applied sooner, but you weren't hiring us because you were picking the illegals over us.
[01:06:14]  And now that there's the option, turns out Americans actually are willing to work these jobs.
[01:06:19]  We've been lied to this entire time.
[01:06:20]  The whole time, Americans actually would have been willing to work those jobs.
[01:06:25]  And we need to do an episode on propaganda.
[01:06:27]  It is so powerful.
[01:06:29]  And you can use it for good.
[01:06:30]  It's like propaganda is bad.
[01:06:31]  No, we need our own propaganda for good ends that's even better than theirs.
[01:06:35]  And shockingly, The wages for those jobs increased from what they had been paying the illegals to what they had to then pay, um, you know, because they needed work.
[01:06:45]  Number one, so they had to pay more and they had to follow wage laws and you know, things like that.
[01:06:50]  But here's the thing it's like, okay, so one, but you're actually paying a real American, it's like it is a service to your country.
[01:06:57]  Like you can sleep at night, it's like, oh, well, I'm having to pay three more dollars an hour, yeah, but like, but to my fellow kin, like my countrymen, that's that's good in its own right, but then secondly.
[01:07:10]  I bet you know this will take more time for the verdict to come back in.
[01:07:13]  We see the results, but I bet you they end up getting more business too because now it's like everyone who's patroning your business.
[01:07:19]  Um, like one benefit is like, oh, I can actually speak English, I can actually talk to you.
[01:07:25]  You know, that's kind of nice.
[01:07:26]  And so, if I go to a grocery store and it's a bunch of people who look like Americans and they speak English and they're polite and they're waving hello, um, I'm going to be far more likely, even if the prices are slightly higher, to want to go and shop there again than going down to, you know, um.
[01:07:44]  You know, whatever Quickie Mart, you know, run by Ubar, you know, like who can't even speak my language?
[01:07:51]  We do have a heritage American only grocery store.
[01:07:53]  It's called Whole Foods, but it's not Costco and it's not HEV.
[01:07:57]  But that place is also a lib paradise.
[01:08:00]  But yeah, that's what I was going to say.
[01:08:01]  It's like, are those Americans?
[01:08:04]  Can you imagine if businesses.
[01:08:05]  They speak English barely.
[01:08:07]  If businesses started saying, you know what, we're going to level with you.
[01:08:10]  We've had 10% of our labor force have been illegals.
[01:08:15]  And it was for economic reasons, and it was in, but we are ending that.
[01:08:19]  And we want you to know our local town, we're high, we're replacing all of them with people from this town because we were sorry, we want to love this town.
[01:08:28]  Like that would garner so much goodwill.
[01:08:31]  You'd get so much business.
[01:08:32]  The whole town would be like, all right, like all the prices are 15% higher, and I'm coming.
[01:08:38]  Yep.
[01:08:39]  Yeah, it's amazing.
[01:08:40]  It's not that hard.
[01:08:42]  Yep.
[01:08:43]  You just, like, here's the prerequisite you have to not have an undying hatred towards your own people.
[01:08:48]  Yep.
[01:08:49]  So, you know, it's fairly high.
[01:08:51]  Bar is high.
[01:08:51]  Bar is high, you know, for Americans that specialize in hating their own people, but that's all it takes.
[01:08:57]  Yeah.
[01:08:58]  Let's hit this second quote about the divide in Gen Z.
[01:09:02]  So, Nate, this is going to be quote number three.

=== Switching Teams in Politics (15:17) ===

[01:09:08]  This says The data we have found from the last election suggests broadly at least two types of young voters old Gen Z, more Democratic, more progressive, and young Gen Z, more Trump curious and more.
[01:09:23]  Skeptical of the status quo.
[01:09:24]  That internal split roughly between, here it is, those aged 18 to 24 and in the latter camp and 25 to 29 in the former.
[01:09:33]  So this is actually capping it.
[01:09:36]  Wes, maybe you're not Gen Z.
[01:09:37]  Oh, so then that puts you right.
[01:09:38]  Vindicated again.
[01:09:39]  I knew I was millennial, but I allowed it.
[01:09:42]  It hasn't dissipated post-election.
[01:09:43]  So that's since the election to this spring.
[01:09:47]  It is still showing up in polling and surveys.
[01:09:50]  The point that the article was making here was this was not just pre-election hype.
[01:09:54]  It seems to be bearing out.
[01:09:56]  Even after the election, as it would be one thing if it was only oriented toward Trump and that particular election, but if it's like now we're starting to pull them on other candidates or other issues or whatever, and the trend is still holding, yeah, and that actually says something about the people themselves that this 18 to 24 year old group might actually be a little bit based.
[01:10:19]  I'll give you a data point too Instagram, which is a very young, skewed platform, and I'm not, I don't even have the app on my phone, but I spend a little bit of time on it.
[01:10:27]  And my goodness, you should see.
[01:10:29]  And I'm not talking like a very small account put something up that's edgy.
[01:10:33]  We're talking hundreds of thousands, not of views, of likes on some of the greatest disrespect to the post war consensus I've ever seen.
[01:10:40]  So it's a young platform full of young people in the hundreds of thousands with their full name, most of them, just being like, yeah, like that.
[01:10:48]  Well, that's because they don't have anything to lose.
[01:10:51]  Like they do.
[01:10:51]  So if I have a friend and follow them, I could just say, oh, my friend likes this.
[01:10:55]  So it's anonymous.
[01:10:56]  Like if you like something, you know.
[01:10:57]  Yeah, yeah.
[01:10:58]  But so you're saying, which.
[01:10:59]  Your full name in the profile and your like is going to be seen by other people.
[01:11:04]  And I, I think those that follow me, there's a lot of different content that you're referencing, but there was one in particular that you and I both, you know, for the purpose of cultural research, we looked into.
[01:11:12]  But it was like this short little, like 15 second clip, Michael.
[01:11:16]  And it was like a clip of like, um, uh, of the planet, like Earth, you know, zoomed out from like a satellite viewpoint and just missiles shooting, you know, from one nation to the other.
[01:11:25]  Like it's just surrounded by missions, nuclear holocaust, and nuclear holocaust.
[01:11:29]  And it's all like every country is just exploding and lighting up.
[01:11:32]  And then the caption was all because the Austrian painter didn't finish the job.
[01:11:38]  470,000 likes.
[01:11:40]  The point is not whether or not, like, oh, and I agree with that.
[01:11:43]  The point is 470,000 likes with people's names showing.
[01:11:46]  Right, right.
[01:11:48]  I've talked to friends from church who say that friends from college, they'll be scrolling through and they'll see, oh, he liked this.
[01:11:53]  Wow.
[01:11:54]  Like completely unrelated.
[01:11:55]  They're not talking or trying to rebuild them.
[01:11:57]  Oh, my goodness.
[01:11:59]  Everywhere that's happening.
[01:12:00]  It's crazy.
[01:12:00]  Well, you know what I noticed about that age group, that demographic, 18 to 24?
[01:12:05]  By 24, you presumably college, but a lot of these guys are they're pre college, right?
[01:12:11]  And by the time you're the 24 to 29 or 30, like they went through college four years ago.
[01:12:18]  That's a good point.
[01:12:18]  Yeah.
[01:12:19]  So, yeah, I bet you, yeah, I didn't think of that.
[01:12:22]  So, I bet college is certainly probably a factor.
[01:12:25]  But then I also think you're right.
[01:12:27]  And just the sense of at the time for the 25 to 29 year olds, at the time that they were teenagers and in these formative years, that's that was the time where it's like, You really were at kind of the left's high watermark.
[01:12:40]  Yeah.
[01:12:40]  Where they were, you know, they were really.
[01:12:42]  They were as light as crazy, but they had tons of power.
[01:12:45]  Yep.
[01:12:46]  But the basic seed of like expressing yourself, you know, and people want to tie you down, make you something that you're not and blah, blah, like that was kind of at its zenith.
[01:12:56]  Whereas, you know, the 18 to 24 year olds, you think of like when the left's high watermark was, I think of like 2013 to like 2020.
[01:13:06]  You know, so for them, if my math is right, that'd be like, You know, anywhere from five to 13 years ago, let's split the difference and call it, you know, eight or nine years ago.
[01:13:15]  So if you're, you know, 18 to 24 today, and let's split the difference there and say you're 21, and now you're going back nine years, you were 12.
[01:13:22]  Yep.
[01:13:22]  And you probably, you know what I mean?
[01:13:24]  Like you just, you probably weren't quite old enough for that to be ingrained as your ethos, your mantra in all of life.
[01:13:32]  But you witnessed firsthand COVID.
[01:13:34]  So I know many young men, they're about 25 now.
[01:13:36]  So they're finishing up college, their last year of golf, their last year of in person studies, their graduation was robbed from you.
[01:13:43]  Your graduation got canceled.
[01:13:44]  Yeah.
[01:13:45]  And then they opened the blind and they watched as Black Lives Matter proceeded uninterrupted to burn the city down.
[01:13:50]  So they locked all these kids home, brought them back.
[01:13:53]  They sat at home getting radicalized.
[01:13:55]  Watched and got even more radicalized with the riots.
[01:13:57]  I would think that's a big part too if you're 18 to 24.
[01:14:00]  You're like, I want nothing to do with this.
[01:14:03]  And that demographic, because of the condition of the economy and just because they're young, I would imagine that they don't mind having their real names on Instagram because they don't have anything to lose.
[01:14:15]  They don't have a career that they can get fired from.
[01:14:19]  They're done.
[01:14:20]  They're done with it.
[01:14:21]  Yep.
[01:14:21]  Good points.
[01:14:23]  Any final thoughts?
[01:14:24]  This is a great episode.
[01:14:24]  Nope.
[01:14:25]  The only thing that I'll say, and then I'll Hand it over to you guys for any last thoughts.
[01:14:29]  Is just, I am very interested to see what happens with both parties.
[01:14:35]  The focus in this episode was the Democratic Party.
[01:14:38]  What, who will win out?
[01:14:40]  Whether the establishment will be able to quell the young, kind of rowdy folk, or whether the ideological, the younger groups in each party are going to kind of win the day, hold sway.
[01:14:53]  If they do, this is my last comment.
[01:14:56]  I don't know that like the 18 to 24 year olds and the 24 year old to 29 year olds.
[01:15:03]  Have a lot of loyalty to the party.
[01:15:06]  Yep.
[01:15:07]  And what is interesting to me is the idea that possibly if the ideologues win, and I'm not trying to use that term pejoratively, just as a shorthand, if the more ideological young Gen Z people win in the Republican Party or in the Democratic Party, I actually don't know that there's going to be a lot of interest in holding one monolithic party together.
[01:15:27]  So it'll be interesting to see what happens going forward.
[01:15:30]  Yeah.
[01:15:30]  Here's my prediction.
[01:15:32]  I've been thinking about it for a while.
[01:15:34]  Donald Trump is actually a great example because he's a 1990s liberal Democrat from New York.
[01:15:39]  He was a Democrat forever and only joined the GOP later in life.
[01:15:48]  I think he's like 130, 140 years old.
[01:15:53]  He was a Democrat for 120 years and just became a Republican in the last decade.
[01:16:00]  I'm pretty sure that is in the Constitution.
[01:16:02]  I assume that's in the Constitution.
[01:16:04]  There shall be no president of these United States who's not over 100 years old.
[01:16:08]  Something like that.
[01:16:09]  I'm pretty sure.
[01:16:09]  Now, that said, I appreciate Trump, and he's the most vigorous 130 year old I've ever seen, certainly more than Joe Biden.
[01:16:16]  But Joe Biden was like 190 years old.
[01:16:18]  So, anyways, all that being said, my point is you can switch teams.
[01:16:22]  That's my point of bringing up Trump.
[01:16:23]  I think that's well established.
[01:16:24]  You can be the Democrat team for, you know, I'll speak accurately now for 70 years or 60 years and then switch over, you know, for your last couple decades of life.
[01:16:35]  And so we know that you can switch teams, whether it's Trump or whether it's Elon Musk or whether it's this person or that person.
[01:16:41]  There's so many examples of that.
[01:16:42]  Glenn Youngkin, wasn't he, you know, like a Democrat for a long time?
[01:16:46]  And I think he switched over.
[01:16:47]  Interesting.
[01:16:48]  He was a governor in Virginia.
[01:16:49]  Yeah, I'm not sure if he was a former Democrat, though.
[01:16:51]  But there have been cases of RFK, Tulsi Gambler.
[01:16:54]  Exactly.
[01:16:55]  So, plenty of examples.
[01:16:56]  So, my prediction with that being the case, and I think it's pretty well established, especially as of late, that you can switch teams from, you know, Democrat to Republican.
[01:17:06]  I think if that's the case, I think we could eventually see, you know, the reverse effect.
[01:17:11]  And so, what I mean is, I think that the tide is turning.
[01:17:16]  I think that leftists, Democrats, they didn't shoot the radicals.
[01:17:26]  We always talk about how, in a lot of ways, that was a strength for a while.
[01:17:30]  But ultimately, the fact that they were not willing to turn on their radicals, the radicals have now made them untouchable.
[01:17:37]  And I don't think that it's one thing to use your radicals, but at this point, the radicals are actually steering the ship.
[01:17:44]  And I don't think they get it back.
[01:17:46]  So, what I. Predict is, I really think that like it's, I think it's kind of like MAGA has won the day.
[01:17:53]  I mean, it's just, it's MAGA, you know.
[01:17:55]  And so I think what you'll probably get is, because what we established at the outset, I think you're right, Michael, the Democrat Party, you know, the oldest party in the world is not going to go away in terms of just its label, its name, our two party system, those kinds of things.
[01:18:08]  I don't think we're getting a third party.
[01:18:10]  I think that's, that's a little naive and even a waste of time to work towards that, you know, like get your 3%, you know, with the libertarian, you know.
[01:18:19]  Tranny party or whatever, you know, as long as they stay off my lawn.
[01:18:23]  So I think we're going to stick to the two party system.
[01:18:25]  It's going to be Democrats, it's going to be GOP, and that's not going to change.
[01:18:30]  But I got a feeling that MAGA just was kind of like this all encompassing black hole that just has sucked everything into and is continuing to do so.
[01:18:40]  And so I've got a feeling.
[01:18:41]  You and Fetterman, kind of.
[01:18:42]  Yeah.
[01:18:43]  So I got a feeling that you're probably what Democrats will, maybe not this next cycle, because they're a little slow on the uptake, but eventually I think what they will probably end up running on.
[01:18:53]  Is kind of the left wing of MAGA that will be there, so they'll be running on Sikh prayers, you know, and uh, and uh, gay lower taxes, but not too gay, you know, like we love gays, you know, and just be kind of quiet, LGB, tranny thing, LGB, right, you know, and yeah, exactly.
[01:19:13]  So it'll, which let's be honest, that's part of MAGA, yep, you know, like I'm it's obviously not our favorite part, but that is we can't we can't pretend like like Trump has not allowed that and even supported that, you know, gays for Trump and those kinds of things.
[01:19:27]  So, I think it'll be, it's basically, I think in America, Trump has been such a historical figure.
[01:19:34]  Like, I think we still have not fully processed how significant of a political figure Trump, like a once in a hundred years, definitely last 50 years, but arguably 100 years.
[01:19:43]  England has not gotten their Trump political figure.
[01:19:45]  They're in worse straits, and a man has not risen to the task.
[01:19:47]  Right.
[01:19:47]  Yeah.
[01:19:48]  So, I think that Trump is so significant.
[01:19:50]  My point is, I think the two parties will continue to be GOP and Democrat, but they will simply be two different sides of Trump.
[01:19:59]  The gay side of Trump and the less gay side of Trump.
[01:20:02]  And so, what I'm hoping is that out of MAGA, the worst of MAGA becomes the new assumed center that the Democrats are forced to have to own as their own and run on.
[01:20:15]  And then the best of MAGA, that's even more right, that actually did want the mass deportations and actually does believe in traditional marriage.
[01:20:24]  And actually, what they loved about Trump the most was that he did the March for Life, first president in a very long time.
[01:20:30]  Or when he had his slip of the tongue, whether it was intentional or an accident, when he was like, Well, yeah, I think there's got to be some penalty for the woman who commits an abortion.
[01:20:38]  They're like, Love that.
[01:20:39]  That's my favorite part of Trump.
[01:20:40]  Where's that?
[01:20:41]  Let's bring that back.
[01:20:42]  I think that's still also kind of in the MAGA orbit.
[01:20:46]  And so I'm thinking that that's kind of what you get.
[01:20:48]  You get gay Trump, good Trump, but you're getting Trump.
[01:20:52]  You get gay Trump, Democrat, the new Democrat, and good Trump, the new GOP.
[01:20:58]  I don't think that necessarily is.
[01:20:59]  You're still getting war with both of them, though.
[01:21:01]  Yeah, but you're still going to get a war in the Middle East.
[01:21:04]  Hopefully not.
[01:21:06]  But my point is, I think that's what you get.
[01:21:08]  And I'm not saying you get it in 2028.
[01:21:10]  Right.
[01:21:11]  But I think it's possible you get it maybe as early as 2032.
[01:21:18]  You know, Trump finishing this term, and then maybe you have eight years of Vance or whatever.
[01:21:22]  But then that kind of becomes the two bookends.
[01:21:25]  It will depend on how to the right the next Republican or MAGA candidate is.
[01:21:34]  You know, if it's JD Vance and he really occupies that more right leaning, then that'll leave a bit of a void on the left.
[01:21:41]  But if the next one is kind of middle, like Trump, Then the Democrats won't have a lot of room.
[01:21:45]  I think you're right, but I think ironically, there's one other factor that's pretty significant as well.
[01:21:51]  It also depends on how much the Democrats course correct.
[01:21:56]  That's true.
[01:21:56]  So if you get like a Vance versus Gavin, for instance, and Gavin continues playing out this strategy that he started by going on Charlie Kirk, and if the Democrats got beat as bad as we think they did, and I think they did, and if they just recognize, and I think they are having some recognition, But if they recognize even half of how bad it is and course correct even just some and run like a Gavin,
[01:22:23]  but it's Gavin talking to America on the debate stage like he talked to Charlie Kirk, then that now, that's true.
[01:22:31]  That will influence because now Vance is going to need to distinguish himself from that.
[01:22:36]  And so this now becomes your new kind of bookend on the left.
[01:22:40]  And so then Vance is like, well, Gavin already covered.
[01:22:43]  There's like Trump is expansive, right?
[01:22:46]  So think like Trump is really broad, Mag is broad.
[01:22:49]  Well, Gavin, because he just moved right, he just covered gay Trump.
[01:22:52]  So then all that's left to me is good Trump.
[01:22:54]  That's right.
[01:22:55]  And so I think that's possible.
[01:22:57]  Any final thoughts from the U.S.?
[01:22:59]  I think the takeaway is not so it's very easy, and I think they are in disarray, but we are not rolling into San Francisco and getting a base city council.
[01:23:06]  So there's still billions of dollars.
[01:23:09]  There's still a lot of infrastructure, and they're going to keep blue parts of the nation blue.
[01:23:13]  But practically, then, so what's the play then?
[01:23:15]  If we can't take these back, when do we do it?
[01:23:17]  The play is to make the red parts.
[01:23:20]  As red as possible.
[01:23:21]  This is where I think it's on the horizon in 2028, maybe 2030, in your governor races.
[01:23:26]  You could establish the first Christian nationalist state in the union.
[01:23:31]  So it's not we elected a Christian nationalist president, maybe not even a Christian nationalist senator, but in the reddest state in the union, we managed to run a guy that's a Christian, that's a godly man, and says, I want America and I want Kansas or I want Oklahoma to be Christian.
[01:23:46]  And it's no to this.
[01:23:47]  And I'm going to call the legislator into session again and again until we ban abortion, we ban pornography, we kick Palantir out.
[01:23:54]  That's the play.
[01:23:55]  So it's not LA is on the cusp.
[01:23:57]  We've got them on the ropes.
[01:23:59]  No, they're going to be a force for decades still.
[01:24:02]  But on the rest of it, the infrastructure they had there that was maybe holding back a little bit so the true right wing could come out, that's been even weakened even more.
[01:24:11]  And you run up the score.
[01:24:13]  And so that's the play make the red parts of the country as red as possible while they're on their heels, while they have no message, while they're struggling to fund candidates.
[01:24:21]  That's what you do.
[01:24:22]  Yeah.
[01:24:22]  Well said.
[01:24:23]  Good strategy.
[01:24:24]  Thanks for tuning in, and we will see you next time.