Andrew Clavin dissects the left’s "peak leftism" strategy—using Trump’s personal flaws to distract from economic gains—while exposing Khashoggi’s ties to Saudi Islamists and MBS’s calculated elimination of critics. He warns against framing immigration as humanitarian, calling caravans a midterm weapon, and mocks leftist outrage over Trump’s gender policies as performative. At Politicon, he praises Another Kingdom’s defiance of Hollywood suppression while clashing with leftists like Kulinski, dismissing their ad hominems as intellectually hollow. Clavin frames the "Cold Civil War" as a conservative victory, mocking Sinema’s attack on stay-at-home moms and defending traditional values against leftist materialism. [Automatically generated summary]
With the midterms, fast-approaching Democrats are searching for new ways to convince voters to reject Republican peace and prosperity in favor of hysterical panic.
The Democrats have been testing out new campaign slogans like, sure, you have a job now, but Trump called a porn store horse face.
And yes, you can afford a vacation this year, but look, there's a crying Mexican baby.
Democrat spokesman Cannie Navish told reporters, quote, we feel we have a secret weapon this year in Donald Trump, who's rude, borish, insulting, and doing an absolutely spectacular job as president of the United States.
Of course, we're hoping people will overlook that last part, unquote.
Navish says if he can get voters to concentrate on Trump's personal failings, he should be able to make them give up the excellent economy, rational foreign policy, and dedication to the rule of law that has marked this administration.
After that, they hope to get people to give up their iPhones because Steve Jobs was a jerk, give up their cars because Henry Ford was a bigot, and tear up the Constitution because Thomas Jefferson slept with one of his slaves.
In a memo to his staff, spokesman Navish wrote, quote, if we can convince Americans to judge people by their flaws instead of their accomplishments, we will ultimately find ourselves without prosperity, technology, and freedom.
Then we'll have reached peak leftism, unquote.
Democrat insiders say their strategy is meant to appeal mostly to women who are overly emotional, easy to frighten, and immune to reason once they get upset.
Of course, that's only true of left-wing women.
And of course, it's also true of left-wing men.
So maybe the whole man-woman thing is not the point here.
As Navish said in a pep talk to his campaign workers, quote, the country is doing great, but we're not in power.
So let's get out there and spread some hysteria so people will make the mistake of voting for us, unquote.
Come to think of it, that statement might make a good Democrat campaign slogan in itself.
Trigger warning, I'm Andrew Clavin, and this is the Andrew Clavin Show.
I'm the hunky-dunky.
Life is tickety-boom.
Birds are wingy, also singing hunky-dunky beam.
Ship-shaped hipsy-topsy, the world is a bitty-zing.
Spread Hysteria, Gain Power00:02:37
It's a wonderful day.
Hoorah, hooray!
It makes me want to sing.
Oh, hoorah, hooray.
Oh, hooray, hoorah.
All right, we are back after a sort of non-clavenless, clavenless weekend.
I hope you were listening to Another Kingdom, which was available on Friday for everybody.
The new one is out today for subscribers and will be available for everyone next Friday.
And if you missed Politicon this weekend, we have got you covered.
Subscribers get to watch all Daily Wire events for free on the website.
So head over to dailywire.com slash subscribe and you can enjoy all the leftist tears that we produce over the weekend.
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So Politicon, we're going to talk to Knowles later about Politicon.
We've got a couple, we got Michael Duran coming on from the Hudson Institute.
He wrote a great piece in the New York Post over the weekend about Khashoggi, who he is, how he should react to his obviously being murdered by the crown prince of Saudi Arabia.
Now they're lying about it.
They're saying he died in a fight.
He was fighting.
He's like a 59-year-old journalist fighting against 18 hired killers.
But they're saying he died in a fight.
Why Pelosi's Supporters Are Quiet00:10:46
Trump is ticked off.
Everybody's ticked off.
But Duran had just a great piece on it.
We'll talk to Knowles about Politicon.
Politicon, I have to say, the one thing I really like about Politicon is they actually have right-wingers and left-wingers there.
It's not one of these events.
This has become all right-wing all the time.
So you have like, you know, both sides coming together for civilized intellectual discourse like this moment.
This, you know, beautiful exchange between Charlie Kirk and Chenk Unger.
I live like a capitalist every single day, Chenk.
Okay, I live when I believe.
What do I do?
I get charity every single year.
Hold on, hold on.
Let's hide salary.
Less than this.
Charlie, come on, take a second.
Come on, Chenk, let's go.
Charlie, what are you doing?
Take a seat.
Take a seat.
All right, no, no.
Take a seat.
You're going to take a seat.
Can't we all just get along?
No, we can't.
This is not going to happen.
Things are getting intense because we're reaching the midterms.
And the thing about the midterms, as the midterms approach, it is the right way to read the news, the right way to look at events, that everything is being constructed and placed as a campaign issue.
So the big story you're hearing about or not hearing about if you're watching the mainstream media is this caravan, this invasion of people coming up from Honduras.
And now Mexicans are joining as well.
They broke through the Mexican lines.
They regathered.
They say there's something like, started at 4,000, now maybe 7,000.
They say it may get up as high as 10,000.
Trump is saying he's going to cut off aid to Central American countries.
He's saying he's going to send the army down, which he's completely within his rights to do, to defend our border.
And of course, they're going to get here just in time for the midterms, right?
And we know as they get here, and I'm not usually suspicious about stuff like this, but in this case, I think you have to be.
As we get to the midterms, suddenly, you know, they're not going to have enough food because obviously somebody's paying for this.
Obviously, somebody's supporting them along the way.
We're going to start to see the, you haven't heard a word from the Democrats.
Democrats haven't said really anything.
But soon you're going to have the crying baby pictures, oh, the babies, you know, and all this stuff.
And look, I don't believe, I don't believe that we should just like spit on these people or say, you know, this is a, you know, I believe there's trouble.
First of all, they are carrying, they're coming out of Honduras and they say they're escaping and they're carrying Honduran flags.
So what the hell?
You know, I mean, if you're carrying an American flag, maybe at least we think you want to be in the country.
But, you know, there's just something, it's just very, very, very suspicious to me.
And, you know, we'll start to hear about the humanitarian crisis of it all, and we'll start to hear, you know, what terrible people we are.
But really, really, we cannot take in everybody.
You know, it's a problem because if we stop them, we don't want anybody to get killed.
We don't want there to be violence.
But if we just let them in, what happens?
Next caravan, the next day.
The next day they start building another caravan.
You cannot have that happen.
We've seen Europe inundated with people like that.
We've seen Angela Merkel basically selling the identity of Europe away to make herself look kind or make herself feel kind.
We cannot do it.
We're going to have to stop them.
We're going to have to make sure.
And the Democrats think this is their campaign issue, but Trump knows it's his.
Trump knows it's his.
And see, this is the thing.
You know, the New York Times ran a thing saying a headline last week, and it said, Republicans are finding illegal immigration a surprisingly potent campaign issue.
But were you at the last election?
Do you own a television?
I mean, of course, it's a potent campaign issue.
And it's not about the races of the people.
That's garbage.
It's not about not being a kind and open country.
We love immigrants.
This country lives off immigrants.
We know that.
This is not immigration.
This is invasion.
It's illegal.
And you cannot say to people, you cannot say to the people of this country, oh, you elected us to pass laws, but our laws don't matter if we can have crying babies on TV and win elections.
That's basically what they're saying.
Cannot happen.
Our laws count.
Our laws matter.
And of course, this is the other thing that Trump knows is a great, great issue.
He knows the Kavanaugh hysteria, all the people chasing people out of restaurants, the screaming and the yelling, the get-rid of due process, the believe all women nonsense.
And of course it's nonsense.
You don't believe anybody.
Everybody gets due process.
Trump is selling this big time.
He knows that people are seeing this on TV and the press can tell you it's not mob rule as much as they want.
It's mob rule.
So he's out there, you know, really selling it.
He says this is his new hashtag.
This is cut number six.
The Democrat Party has become an angry, ruthless, unhinged mob, determined to get power by any means necessary.
Your vote in this election will decide which party controls Congress.
The choice for every American could not be more clear.
So Democrats produce mobs.
Republicans produce jobs.
That's become hashtag.
That's called hashtag.
That's a new hashtag.
That's a hot one.
This November, vote for jobs, not mobs.
If Nancy Pelosi, Cryan Chuck Schumer, and the radical Democrats take over Congress, which would be a shame, they will try to plunge our country into a nightmare of gridlock, poverty, and chaos.
So the left knows, the Democrats know this is a problem for them.
They know they pushed too hard.
They know they went too far.
Hating Trump is not a campaign issue.
It may be a campaign issue for certain groups, for some people, but ultimately, ultimately, people care about how they live, especially in congressional races where you're voting for your local guy.
So they want to turn this, you know, whatever they do, they want to turn it around and throw it at Trump.
And Trump made a comment at one of his rallies where he was talking about this thing happened.
It happened May 2017, 2017, where, remember, that Guardian reporter asked the Montana Republican congressional candidate, Greg Gianforte, I think, and he body slammed her and knocked him down, allegedly.
So Trump made a joke about that.
Here's the joke.
And by the way, never wrestle him.
You understand that?
Never.
Any guy that can do a body slam, he's my candidate.
Who's my God?
He's imitating the body slam.
All right, listen, Trump is hilarious, but I'm not going to approve the violent rhetoric and all this.
But the people there, obviously, they don't want to body slam reporters.
They're just telling you they hate reporters because reporters lie.
It is a way, in a graphic way, of the people telling the reporters, you lie, we hate you.
You hate us.
50 years we've listened to you tell us we stink.
50 years we've learned.
We've listened to you, skew the news.
We hate you.
That's what the message is.
But of course journalists don't like that for some reason I don't know what it is the journalists are on and you know who's really unhappy is Jim look at me, i'm Jim.
Acosta is unhappy about this because Jim is such a you know, he's such a restrained person.
He never attacks, he never attacks ordinary Americans.
He never skews the news to Donald Trump and he you know he's so he's trying to turn it around to make it sound like Trump.
People are the violent ones.
Here is Jim.
Look at me, i'm Jim Acosta.
When the president made that joke about Greg Gianforte assaulting Ben Jacobs, I looked over to the crowd.
There was one gentleman, a Trump supporter, in the crowd who was doing pro wrestling moves, doing body slam type gestures in the crowd.
So the crowd was obviously eating this stuff up and people wonder whether or not there's a cause and effect, whether or not the president's rhetoric uh, you know, plants seeds of violence in his, in his own supporters, in his own crowds.
I think it was pretty evident there that the crowd was uh, loving every minute of this, when the president was talking about assaulting, joking about assaulting reporters at this rally tonight.
You're a mean, mad white man.
He is a mean white man.
But the problem they have is when the violence happens.
They keep telling us how violent we are, but when the violence happens surprise, it's always from the left.
It's just about always from the left.
You don't have right-wingers going shooting congressmen while they're playing softball.
It's always from the left.
Mitch Mcconnell cocaine Mitch can't have a simple glass of cocaine at his local diner without somebody screaming at him.
Here's yet another.
is the third time this has happened.
What's beautiful here, if you're not watching, is the people in the restaurant.
Just tell this guy to get out.
And they're not all Republicans, they're just Americans.
They're just Americans and that's a beautiful thing.
Right, and the left has lost the is going to lose those people.
One hopes once they see what, what is going on.
And you know, I mean I think that's a great thing that they threw him out.
So you say the other day Pelosi got mobbed, and that's true, Pelosi also got mobbed the other day.
But you can show that.
Look at Nancy Pelosi right here.
Look at this piece of right here.
Look at this piece of pelosi right here, You and your fingers.
So, what's the difference between that?
There is no difference except for this.
Everybody on the right denounced that.
Every single person, Ted Cruz, all the spokespeople.
I was on a column on a panel at Politicon with Dan Bongino.
He's a really good guy, really nice guy.
I'd never met him before.
Terrific person, but one of those red meat guys.
He just was ready.
He's got the language.
He wants to smack down.
He said, This is stupid.
I don't want this stuff on our side.
I want this on their side.
We all denounced it.
Do they denounce it on the left?
Let's listen to Nancy Pelosi talking.
And you've heard a little bit of this quote before, but you haven't heard the whole thing.
Listen to this.
We owe the American people to be there for them, for their financial security, respecting the dignity and worth of every person in our country.
And if there's some collateral damage for some others who do not share our view, well, so be it, but it shouldn't be our original purpose.
So we want to have dignity for every American except for those who don't share our views, except for they get so that's the difference.
The difference is their leadership is supporting this.
Mbs And The Four-Part Threat00:14:49
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First question you ask him: How do you spell Clavin?
It's K-L-A-V-A-N.
You know, I want to get back to this thing about the way they talk about us and the way we talk about them.
But we have Michael Durant on the phone, and I want to talk to him about the Khashoggi thing because one of the things they're doing with Trump is blaming him for the killing of Khashoggi.
He speaks nastily about reporters, and therefore the fact that a guy writes columns for the Washington Post was murdered by the Saudis is somehow Trump's fault.
Michael Durant is a senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, specializes in Middle East security issues.
He was part of the George W. Bush administration serving in the White House as a senior director in the National Security Council.
He wrote a great, great piece in the New York Post this weekend.
I think it was Friday.
How are you doing, Mike?
It's good to see you.
Great.
Good to see you.
Thanks for having me.
It's a pleasure.
Let's start with this because we're hearing a lot of stuff from both sides.
Who was Khashoggi exactly?
Where do we place him on the spectrum of idea people?
Well, the news media wants to just say he's a journalist and a dissident democracy advocate.
Right.
And there's some truth to that, but it's a half-truth.
The fact of the matter is, he's first and foremost a regime insider.
He was very close for many years to Prince Turkey al-Faisal, who was the head of intelligence for a very long time.
Later, he was connected to Al-Waleed.
You know Al-Walid, he's one of the richest guys in the world.
So we're not talking about a guy who's simply a man of ideas.
To the extent that he has a commitment to ideas, he's in the mold of the Muslim Brotherhood.
He's an Islamist.
And when he's talking to his American colleagues, allies, he can say, you know, I want to open up the Arab regimes so that the voices of the people can be heard, and that's to open it up for political Islam.
And when Prince Mohammed bin Salman, whom they call MBS, this is the crown prince, he's now the strongman in Saudi Arabia, he moved against political Islam.
Khashoggi went into exile and came to the United States.
That's who he is.
So we're dealing with the usual thing that we either have to back the strongmen or we have to back this murderous Islamist philosophy.
I mean, is that pretty much where we're stuck?
I'm a little bit of a squish.
I don't want to lose all of your viewers here.
I'm a little bit of a, but I'm a little bit of a squish on the Islamists of the Hashokji orientation.
If the Middle East ever did democratize, the Arab world did democratize, then political Islam of one flavor or another is going to be part of the bargain.
I mean, that's just, I think that's a fact of life.
But we do, I think, have really pretty stark choices.
And we got a lot from MBS that we were very happy with.
You know, women driving the new relationship with Israel, his outreach to the Iraqi government, which is a Shiite government.
And most important of all, I think, from strategic point of view, is that he shifted Saudi policy to get it 100% behind Trump's policy in Syria, which led to a significant conflict then between Saudi Arabia and Turkey.
Because Turkey doesn't like our policy there.
So why did MBS have to kill?
It seems pretty obvious that he killed this guy.
Why did he have to kill him?
Well, the threat for MBS is kind of a four-part threat.
He represents Islamism that he's moved against.
He represents the Qatari-Turkish axis.
And you remember that MBS also broke very dramatically with Qatar and accused them of actually plotting assassinations and getting involved in the internal affairs of Saudi Arabia.
And then he also has, like I said, these connections to the regime, to the royal family opposition to the prince.
So he's sort of, I would say, the ideological face of the royal opposition to MBS.
And then to make it worse, he got a perch in Washington, D.C., where he started working with the American elite critics of MBS.
These are the former Obama people who want to move toward Iran and away from Saudi Arabia.
And he was undermining, I mean, to put it simply, he was undermining MBS in Washington where it matters most.
So is it fair to say that some of the voices calling for us to essentially blow up our relationship with Saudi Arabia are Obama, ex-Obama people who want to bring back this Iran-elite alliance, which seemed, correct me if I'm wrong, the Iran alliance seemed like a crazy idea to me.
I mean, it seemed like an idea on paper.
I could understand the Shia divide and all this, but it just seemed like nuts to ally ourselves with them.
It's strategic genius.
If you put all of the coordinates into a computer, like computer dating, you know, decide, oh yeah, Iran, that's the country that we're going to align with.
That's the way I read it.
Now, you have to, one has to admit that there is, I think, a level of genuine outrage.
Obviously, what MBS did was crude and thuggish and immoral.
And you can add whatever adjective you want on there.
And there are, I think, people in Congress like Lindsey Graham who actually feel that they have been led down the garden path a little bit because they've been defending him against his critics and he turned around and behaved like this.
But if you want to ask why is the media 24-7 talking about this, like this is the biggest issue in the world.
I mean, we've got a million people in concentration camps, in Uyghurs, in concentration camps in China, and we don't hear a word about it.
And this one guy, this one guy is 24-7.
That's, I think, two things.
One, they feel that they can make the direct connection between the White House and the palace in Riyadh, and so they can lay it on Trump's doorstep.
And then, number two, exactly what you said, this is an effort to justify and rehabilitate the Obama foreign policy.
Okay, that's a really good point.
My last question.
You do, it's kind of like the Maltese Falcon.
When a guy gets killed, you have to do something about it.
What should Trump do?
What's his best move here?
Well, there has to be a public face.
I mean, the United States cannot be so closely tied to a country like Saudi Arabia and have behavior like this.
And if nothing else, forget about the morality for a second.
I mean, it's a tremendous embarrassment to the president right before the midterm elections.
I mean, you know, the old thing about it's worse than a crime.
It's a blunder.
Obviously, it's both.
But for me, I mean, I have a very simple view of these things and of international relations.
And that the first question you have to ask is, who are your friends and who are your enemies?
And you don't treat your friends the way you treat your enemies.
And so it's like a family member.
If a family member does something bad, you take them, you shut the door, and behind closed doors, you give them a very strong talking to.
But you don't go undermining them in public because they are your family.
And if you undermine them, you're undermining yourself.
We have to ask ourselves in this region, we have to grim up.
We have to look at how many trillion dollars did we spend in Iraq.
And after all of that, we do not have a proxy in Iraq.
Iraq belongs as much to Iran now as it does to the United States.
Vladimir Putin spent a fraction of that in Syria.
And Vladimir Putin has a proxy on the ground.
And Vladimir Putin is the guy that's dictating what happens according to his lights, much more than we are.
And that's because he understands in his fingertips this very basic logic that you protect your friends and you punish your enemies.
Once you do that, then your morals and everything else, then they can come into play.
But if your friends don't trust you, or if we're going to treat our friends worse than we treat our enemies, our influence is going to dissipate.
And for good and for, I mean, our good influence, our values influence is going to dissipate as well.
I just think it's as simple as could be.
It's so simple.
I was just going to say it's so simple when you have a little common sense.
Michael Duran, senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, and the New York Post, is called Why the Saudis Despised Jamal Khashoggi.
Thanks a lot, Mike.
That was really clarifying.
I appreciate it.
Thank you.
Have a good day.
Thanks.
You too.
You know, this is one of the other things that's becoming, I started out by talking about how everything becomes a campaign issue this close to the elections.
You may have heard about this transgender thing where Trump administration is going to say, you know, define gender as what gender you are.
That's what they're going to do.
If you have one pair, if you have one kind of sexual organs when you come out of your mom, you're one thing.
And if you have another, you're the other thing.
And everybody, oh my gosh, the shock.
And the New York Times, one editor at the New York Times tweeted this as, wow, they're just going to try and define these people out of existence.
This issue, why do you think this issue is coming up now?
Because everybody in the country knows a boy is a boy and a girl is a girl and how silly the New York Times looks when they play this, how silly the left looks.
They know it's a good issue.
To me, though, to me, the really important thing is when they're trying to pin all this stuff on Trump, they're not really pinning it on Trump.
They're pinning it on you.
You know, after that thing with the body slamming and all this, and again, you know, I don't like that kind of, I don't like violent rhetoric, but he was just playing off the crowd's hatred of our dishonest press.
Joe Scarborough comes on and listen to what he says, not about Trump, not about Trump, but about the people, the people who voted for Trump and the people who were gathered in that auditorium.
Let's say last week when Donald Trump praised the assault of a reporter who was beaten up and thrown to the ground for simply asking a question about health care reform.
The audience behind Donald Trump is cheering and laughing and applauding.
I'm just wondering, who raised them?
First of all, who raised those people that are cheering and laughing when a president applauds somebody being beaten up and battered, a reporter for asking a question about health care?
Apparently, again, forgetting what happened to Khashoggi in Saudi Arabia.
Who raised them?
What church did they go to growing up?
They still go to church every week?
Do they go to church on Sundays and then Mondays they applaud somebody beating up the press for asking a question about health care reform?
What do they tell their children at night about the type of character they want them to have?
You see, you can't cheer about somebody committing assault and battery and beating up somebody and throwing them to the ground.
You can't cheer on lies that you know to be lies and then go home and try to teach your child anything.
See, you stink.
It's you.
It's you stink.
And if you don't think that that is the left in general, the intellectual left in general, there is a great column in the Wall Street Journal today by David Gerlenter, the computer guy at Harvard.
I don't always agree with him, but this is actually terrific.
It's called The Real Reason They Hate Trump.
I want to read a chunk of this.
He starts out by saying every big U.S. election is interesting, but the coming midterms are fascinating for a reason most commentators forget to mention.
The Democrats have no issues.
The economy is booming.
America's international position is strong in foreign affairs.
The U.S. has remembered in the nick of time what Machiavelli advised princes five centuries ago.
Don't seek to be loved, seek to be feared.
The contrast with the Obama years must be painful for any honest leftist.
For future generations, the Kavanaugh fight will stand as a marker of the Democratic Party's intellectual bankruptcy, the flashing red light on the dashboard that says empty, the left is beaten.
Their only issue is we hate Trump.
And he says this is an instructive hatred because of what the left hates about Donald Trump is precisely what it hates about America.
The leftists I know hate Trump's vulgarity, his unwillingness to walk away from a fight, his bluntness, his certainty that America is exceptional, his mistrust of intellectuals, his love of simple ideas that work, and his refusal to believe that men and women are interchangeable.
Worst of all, he has no ideology except getting the job done.
His goals are to do the task before him, not be pushed around, and otherwise to enjoy life.
In short, he is a typical American, except exaggerated because he has no constraints, because he's rich.
He doesn't have any constraints to cramp his style.
They hate America.
They hate you.
They hate that.
They really do.
And that is one of the best campaign issues ever.
Because why would you elect somebody who hates you?
How is he going to serve you if he hates you?
Why would anybody vote for someone who hates the core of the country?
Why They Hate America00:10:26
Even on the coasts, why would you?
It's insane.
Hey, listen, do not miss the next chapter of my story, Another Kingdom performed by the lovely and talented Michael Knowles.
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It is the worst home.
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And on Friday, you will get the audio for everybody.
We have the star of Another Kingdom coming up.
First, I got to say goodbye to Facebook and YouTube, but come over to DailyWire.com and subscribe.
It really is, at this point, one of the best deals in town.
$10 a month allows you $100 for the entire year.
You get the Leftist Tears Tumblr, you get Another Kingdom, you get the mailbag, you get Knowles, you get Shapiro.
Jeepers, Creepers, what do you have to do?
Send you like a pair of shoes?
I mean, come on already.
All right, Michael Knowles coming up.
We're back.
Knowles.
Hey, there you are.
I feel like only yesterday since I saw you.
Well, Drew, I got to tell you, I'm really pleased that we hang out now the night after I go on Fox and Friends at four in the morning.
Because then, you know, when I'm out with you tonight, before I speak in cursive on TV, but when I'm out with you last night, we get to catch up on Politicon and all the craziness of yesterday.
That's true.
It was kind of crazy, I got to say.
And we got to celebrate Another Kingdom's doing well.
People are doing it.
It's doing great.
I am shocked.
No, no, it's a great story.
No, I'm not shocked because of that.
I knew the story was great because season one did very well.
This one is even cooler.
I mean, obviously all of the sets and the art and everything is cooler, but even the story is so hard-charging.
It's actually different than the first season.
It actually gives you something quite different.
The character changes.
The story advances.
It's really, really cool.
So I'm pleased that it's doing that well.
I'm just shocked that Hollywood and big technology haven't shut us down.
It is kind of amazing.
They don't know what we're doing yet.
So I think, listen, this is the revolution.
This is the revolution.
I consider myself, at my age, I consider myself the Ben Franklin of the Cultural Revolution.
I'm old.
I doze off from time to time, but I'm still doing a lot of things.
I still have something to say.
And I think that's a good idea.
More women in France probably have a lot of stories to tell about.
I don't know.
No, I mean, I think this is important stuff, and I think people are getting it.
And it's just a good story.
I mean, it's just, and you're doing a great job.
So that's the nicest thing I'm going to say about it.
Thanks.
Yeah, geez.
This is great.
So you did a lot more than me at Politicon.
I had a really fun, we all did a panel together.
We did a Daily Wire panel, and I had a fun panel with Ann Coulter and Dan Bungino, and Kane, the wrestler Kane, who's now a mayor.
So he was, I think when you're sitting with, I mean, Bungino is ripped, and Kane is the size of a building.
Like, I felt a little bit like I was hoping Ann Coulter would protect me if anything happened.
That is true.
Ann can just melt left-wing men with her stare, you know?
I got to tell you one story before you start.
Ann and I went out for drinks afterwards, and we walk out, and the two guys, two security guys, are walking with her.
And every, you know, Anne is the sweetest human being on earth.
And like, everybody loves her.
And of course, the guys are just fall at her feet.
And we get out, and one of the security guards is telling her that he's a singer.
You know, he's trying to be his LA.
Everybody wants to be something.
He wants to be a singer.
And she said, really?
And he starts singing a love song to her.
And he's great.
I mean, he was just terrific.
And we're standing outside of the LA, what's the name of that building?
The Convention Center.
The Convention Center.
And this security guard is singing to Ann Coulter this love song.
And it was just great.
It was a great moment.
What were your panels?
You got on some good ones, though.
So they threw me on these left-wing panels.
You got to hang out with Ann Coulter.
That sounds great.
They threw me on these left-wing panels.
And then my one right-wing panel, they made me wear a dress.
You were very fetching, man.
It was the sexy handmaid's tail costume.
I don't know what was sexy about it, but that's what they told me.
So they had me on these two other panels with lefties.
The first one was, How the Bleep Do We All Get Along?
And that was fun.
A couple right-wingers.
I was there with Charlie Kirk and Roaming Millennial.
And then there were these left-wing guys, Kyle Kulinski, who's a YouTube guy, and Bakari Sellers, who's the one who said that Kanye West is what happens when Negroes don't read books at CNN.
So, you know, it skewed a little bit.
They were certainly on the left.
And then I was on this other comedy panel with a bunch of I don't know how I made it onto that panel being a non-comedian.
I think it's because I wrote a blank book.
You know, it is kind of strange.
I mean, Michael Loftus, who was an actual comedy writer, he was in the house, you know, and he they, and of course, Crowder could have come.
I don't know if he was unavailable, but like, what?
They put you on a loan with that?
No, they had Roaming Millennial was there too, but she's so nice.
You know, I'm not nice.
So they had me on these panels.
And, you know, I was pretty amazed because I found that some conservatives tried to be really conciliatory.
Yeah.
They tried to say, oh, well, we agree with this and that.
And, you know, yeah, we can let prisoners out of jail.
And yeah, we can, you know, that kind of trying to find middle ground in certain libertarian areas.
I'm not interested in conciliation.
I'm not interested in that at all.
The right is finally winning.
And I see no reason to give any credence to these left-wingers who are saying, oh, look, we're just trying to get along.
Hey, guys, go storm Mitch McConnell's house.
Hey, guys, assault them in the street.
We're just trying, they're not trying to get along.
And we have this big advantage that our policies work.
That's right.
I mean, my folks were lifelong Democrats, but after Giuliani came in and cleaned up New York, they voted for it.
They thought, oh, my gosh, the streets are safe.
The business is booming.
Everything's going great.
They voted for his reelection.
Of course they did because people aren't stupid.
They see what works, and our policies actually work.
That's right.
And we've finally got the left on the ropes.
I mean, their policies are indefensible where they have policies at all.
So far, it seems to just amount to hashtags and slogans and abolish law enforcement or something.
So we've got them on the ropes on policy.
We've got them on the ropes electorally.
They should be killing it in this election.
This should be a blue wave, and it doesn't look to be a blue wave from the polling.
So we should double down here.
Because the other thing I found is: one, those lefty guys can get pretty vicious.
I was going to ask how did they treat you?
Well, you know, the one guy I kind of liked is John Fuglesang.
He's this guy, he's an actor and a left-winger, and he was making some of the stupidest arguments I've ever heard, but at least he was sort of polite and nice and fine.
Some of them were vicious.
I mean, this one guy, his name's Sklar or something.
I guess he's a YouTuber comedian.
He immediately, the minute he couldn't refute what I was saying, he just called me a racist.
Really?
Of course.
And as Ann Coulter famously told me in high school, when a liberal calls you a racist, you know you've won the argument.
And they couldn't answer anything.
They were just, all they could go off of were these little cheap talking points that change now every day.
This guy, Sklar, in the comedy panel, started attacking Donald Trump over Saudi Arabia, over having business interests in Saudi Arabia.
I said, how much money did the Saudi government give to Hillary Clinton?
And he couldn't answer.
He said, I don't know, because they don't really seem to know very much.
They don't know very much.
I've noticed this too.
I've said this for years.
Our smart guys are smarter than their smart guys a lot.
I mean, when you read the New York Times op-ed page, you are not reading intellectual material.
But when you read the Wall Street Journal op-ed page, you are.
And I mean, that is a big difference.
And not only, also, our smart women are prettier, and our pretty women are smarter.
That is, I'm going to make that my Twitter bio.
That is so true and insightful.
You know, and the thing with these other guys is they were making shallow arguments.
That's fine.
And then you would refute the shallow argument.
But, you know, it takes a little bit of knowledge and context to know when you've been refuted.
Yes.
To actually see that.
You know, all shallows are clear, to quote Dr. Johnson.
And I found these guys didn't even have that, or they were just unwilling to even entertain the possibility of a point that they hadn't considered before.
And then the third problem was, as you know from our panel, the microphones were a little rough and you couldn't hear each other.
Yeah, that was really bad.
I don't think people realize that.
You know, it's very hard.
I mean, the thing is when the four of us get together, Jeremy and Ben and you and me, we tend to gabble at each other and kid around.
It was very hard to do because you couldn't hear what the other, and Alicia was there as well.
And it was like very hard to do because you couldn't hear what anybody else was saying.
Yeah.
That's right.
What was your take on?
I mean, you got to be on the nice panel.
So what's your takeaway?
I mean, you know, it was very funny to be sitting between Ann and Dan.
They're both very, very tough characters.
I felt like I was between two buzzsaws, you know, and I was just putting in my two cents from time to time.
Yeah, did you speak at all on that?
No, I actually did.
I occasionally did.
But I will say that it was a little, you know, I don't go out much.
You know, I keep to myself.
And, you know, I hang out with you guys mostly of the time.
It was a little shocking to me to see some of these people in person.
I mean, one great thing was I bumped into Tucker Carlson.
I'd never met him face to face.
I was lovely.
What a nice, charming guy.
But then you see Michael Avenatti walk in.
And I swear my visceral reaction, my gut reaction was, wait, shouldn't he be in prison?
I saw Jennifer Rubin.
I thought, where are the white guys with the white coats?
Chasing her around with nets, right?
No, I thought all these people that you talk about on the air, and some of whom I just feel really are, I don't know, not very high-level examples of humanity walking around free.
I wasn't sure how I felt about it.
I mean, I'm not sure how I feel about you walking around free.
Well, fair enough.
And by the way, by the way, you're referring to our future president, Michael Avenue.
Michael Avenati.
Show some respect.
CPL.
What is Tucker calling creepy porn lawyer?
Creepy porn lawyer, future president.
All right, what's on your show today?
So today we're going to be talking about my strategy on the Cold Civil War.
Actually, a little bit what we're talking about here in Politicon, because a lot of conservatives want to be conciliatory.
Oh, I like this, I like that.
No, my strategy for the Cold Civil War is simple.
We win and you lose, and we'll analyze it in races around the country.
That is a great subject.
Absolutely.
I will tune it in.
Everyone else should too.
Noel's good to see you.
I'm sick of you now, but I'm so happy.
Waxing Philosophical00:05:07
All right, our crappy culture.
So I got to wax a little philosophical here.
So I came in, I wanted to come into this early because I wanted to talk a little bit about something.
This Democratic Congresswoman, Kirsten Sinema, who is running to replace Senator Jeff Flake in Arizona, and Arizona seems to be trending blue, so maybe she's going to do it.
She has a tendency to stick her foot in her mouth, and they unearthed a 2006 interview where she cursed out stay-at-home moms.
And she said, these women who act like staying at home, leeching off their husbands or boyfriends and just cashing the checks is some sort of feminism because they're choosing to live that life.
That's BS.
I mean, what the F are we really talking about here.
So this is disgusting, obviously.
And I tweeted out, you know, my wife stayed at home.
Rosar raised our kids.
She took care of me.
She made a home for us and for me.
She still takes care of me.
And what always bothers me about this is that it exposes the underlying philosophy of the left and the underlying philosophy of socialism and communism, which is materialism.
The idea that there is nothing to you but a bag of flesh and there's nothing to life but how much money you make and where the money is coming from and who is paying for things.
And it always bothers me when people say things like, oh, a homemaker should be making $90,000 a year.
There is no amount of money, zero amount of money that you could pay, that you could give me that would be worth what my wife did in our family.
We all worship, there's three of us, besides her, we worship the ground she walks on, she knows it, we make her aware of it, because there's, when I say no amount of money, I mean it's priceless.
It is priceless because it is not a material occupation.
I completely admit that one of the problems modern women have is that home industries were taken away from them by the Industrial Revolution.
That's being reversed by the internet.
Now women can have industries at home, which is great, so they can stay home and also have some economic clout.
But the thing that a homemaker does is not material.
It is not material.
It is the single most important thing that people do.
It is the single most important thing that people do.
And the fact is that maybe our culture underrates it, undervalues it, possibly because of feminism.
And money can't market.
I mean, I never understand married couples who have separate bank accounts.
I've never understood that.
To me, you're a family, you're a unit.
All the money goes into a pool.
I couldn't have done the stuff that I did if Ellen hadn't done that.
But more than that, I would never have a person like me, an artist, a guy who says every word that comes out, you know, every word that comes into his head comes out of my mouth.
A guy who's really not fit, doesn't have a real place in the corporate world.
I would have had nowhere to be.
I frequently joke that without my wife, I'd be living in a dumpster, but without my wife, every place I lived would be a dumpster.
And I don't just mean cleaning things up, though that too, I admit.
But I mean also just like making a place for people in the world.
Children need that, and men need it too.
I mean, I needed it too.
And it just infuriates me.
I want to talk about this more as the week goes on.
I'm reading a lot of this kind of new moral experimentation they're doing where they give people ethical questions and then they judge how they react and whether they react out of their emotions or whether they react out of logic.
And, you know, it is developing new ideas.
You know, we have the slogan here that Ben came up with, facts don't care about your feelings.
But of course, facts and feelings are very, very much interwoven.
And I feel that they are doing this research.
Like Jonathan Haight is the guy.
I think he's kind of a classical liberal, which makes him on the right now, makes him a right-winger now.
They're doing this research where the materialist assumption is in place.
They just assume that there is nothing to us but flesh and bones and there's nothing to morality but practicality and logic.
And those things aren't true.
And so when I hear somebody tearing down moms and homemakers who I think are the centerpiece of the world, I think all of civilization was built to protect and keep them in, to keep them protected and fed and supported so they can do the essential work that they do.
When I hear that happening, I just hear that materialist bandwagon that I think is infesting the right as well as the left.
And we really have to talk about it because all of this stuff that they say is based on materialism.
Everything that they say when they talk about equality, when they talk about unfairness, when they talk about women, they're always talking about materialist assumptions and they are not the only assumptions we can make.
The comment about homemakers was disgusting.
It was degrading one of the most important, most essential, maybe the essential thing that people do.
All right, we will be back tomorrow and I'll continue ranting.
Even after they turn off the mic, I'll keep ranting.
I'll still be here tomorrow.
We'll come in mid-rant.
Ranting About Equality00:00:37
I'm Andrew Clavin.
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