Ep. 276 frames Donald Trump’s congressional address as a clash between his populist agenda—boosting defense, slashing immigration, and defying globalism—and GOP resistance like Paul Ryan’s fiscal constraints, while dismissing Democrats as heirs to Jackson’s slave-trading legacy and segregationists like Wilson and Wallace. The episode ties Democratic policies to welfare dependency, abortion, and economic decline under Obama, contrasting Trump’s nationalism with "socialist" elites (e.g., Pelosi’s low polls) and cultural alienation in Hollywood. It concludes that Trump’s disruption of post-war order is necessary to counter establishment decay, blending historical grievances with modern political warfare. [Automatically generated summary]
February is Black History Month when we try to heal racial wounds by separating people's histories according to the color of their skins.
What could go wrong with that?
But in truth, the history of black people in this country is a great story of one racist struggle against the persistent enemies of human rights, Democrats.
You may have heard people speak of the Democrat Party in such sentences as, watch out, don't step in that Democrat Party, or run for your life, my black brothers and sisters, here comes the Democrat Party.
But did you know the party was founded in the 1820s by former slave trader Andrew Jackson and was, from its start, the party of black slavery.
As the Civil War approached, the Democrats split into two factions, the Northern Democrats, who were pro-slavery, and the Southern Democrats, who were really, really, really pro-slavery.
Fortunately, this Black History Month, we can celebrate the fact that suffering black slaves found an ally in the 1850s with the start of the Republican Party, founded by Abraham Lincoln with his slogan, free labor, free land, free men, and tall, funny-looking hats.
Not sure what the hats were about.
After Lincoln freed the slaves, however, angry Democrats formed anti-black terrorist groups like the Ku Klux Klan, funded by George Soros.
Okay, I'm kidding about Soros.
He wasn't alive back then.
I don't think.
Anyway, Democrats also passed the so-called Jim Crow laws meant to segregate blacks and strip them of the freedoms the Republicans had helped them win.
Yet inexplicably, in 1912, many black Americans deserted the Republicans to vote for Democrat progressive Woodrow Wilson, a virulent racist who purged blacks from his administration and brought Jim Crow-style segregation to the federal government.
As the 20th century progressed, Democrat bigots like George Wallace, Orville Phobos, and Bull Connor did everything they could to defend Jim Crow against the growing civil rights movement.
It's true that as the tide of opinion turned, wily Democrats like Lyndon Johnson got on board the civil rights train.
But far larger percentages of Republicans than Democrats backed those efforts.
Black Americans began to move up into the middle class, but not so fast.
Democrats now unleashed welfare policies that fatally weakened the black family, helping to cause a plague of fatherless households that contributed greatly to black crime and multi-generational poverty.
And today, Democrat abortion policies kill more black Americans than the seven leading causes of death combined.
Luckily, there have also been Republicans.
Richard Nixon, who quietly battled segregation, Ronald Reagan, whose economic policies lifted black Americans more than almost any other group, and Rudy Giuliani, whose law and order push helped save thousands of black lives.
Each of these men was reviled as racist by Democrats and the media.
But I repeat myself.
There were still setbacks ahead.
Under Democrat Barack Obama, black Americans grew worse off in almost every economic category, including employment, homeownership, and the wealth gap with whites.
Happily, however, Republicans have now retaken control of the government, and so blacks are once again celebrating this Black History Month.
Unless, that is, they know nothing about black history.
Trigger warning, I'm Andrew Clavin, and this is the Andrew Clavin Show.
I'm the hunky-dunky, life is tickety-boo.
Birds are ringing, also singing, hunky-dunkity.
Ship-shaped hipsy-topsy, the world is a bitty zing.
It's a wonderful day, hooray, hooray, it makes me want to sing, oh, hooray, hooray, hooray, hooray.
Political Earthquake Impact00:11:40
Okay, you know what this is?
It is one day away from Mailbag Day.
That's right.
If you subscribe to thedailywire.com, just a lousy eight bucks a month.
Hold on just a minute.
I'm going to now cough.
There you go.
If you subscribe to thedailywire.com, just a lousy eight bucks a month, you can put your questions in the mailbag and I will answer them and all your problems will be solved.
It will be an amazing experience for you and you'll say, did I really need that eight bucks after all?
Of course not.
All right, so that's tomorrow.
Tonight, Donald Trump addresses a joint meeting of Congress, which basically is a State of the Union address, but he hasn't been in office long enough to even know what the State of the Union is, if he ever finds out.
This is going to be interesting, though.
This is where the rubber meets the road.
This is now reality time.
Donald Trump has been this incredible, huge character.
We've all watched what he's done.
He's done all the executive orders.
Now he has to go before Congress and basically say, this is the kind of thing I want.
And these speeches are never very specific.
It's never like dollars and cents, but he's going to ask for a big increase in defense spending.
Although people are saying it's a big increase.
He said it's an historic increase.
It's not that much because Obama really did leave us with no military and the world in flames.
So thanks, Obama.
I was like, great.
We have no army to fight with.
And we have no army to fight with.
And the Middle East is going up in smoke and Russia's taking over things.
So here is Trump discussing.
He had a meeting with the governors and here he is talking about defense and what he says is absolutely true.
We must ensure that our courageous servicemen and women have the tools they need to deter war and when called upon to fight in our name, only do one thing, win.
We have to win.
We have to start winning wars again.
I have to say, when I was young in high school and college, everybody used to say, we never lost a war.
We never lost a war.
You remember?
Some of you are right there with me and you remember, we never lost a war.
America never lost.
And now we never win a war.
We never win.
And we don't fight to win.
We don't fight to win.
So we're going to win or don't fight it at all.
But where we are, 17 years, almost 17 years of fighting in the Middle East, we're up.
I saw a chart the other day.
As of about a month ago, $6 trillion we've spent in the Middle East.
$6 trillion.
And I want to tell you, that's just unacceptable.
And we're nowhere.
Actually, if you think about it, we're less than nowhere.
The Middle East is far worse than it was 16, 17 years ago.
The reason everybody is holding their breaths as Trump goes before Congress is there has been, there's just no way around this.
There has been a political earthquake in this country.
The election of Donald Trump signals the end of something.
I mean, we came into that election with basically two choices.
Either this kind of Trumpian populism, economic nationalism, Steve Bannon calls it, or we were going to have the slow death of socialism.
And make no mistake about it, socialism is slow death.
You know, we've been pointing, the socialists have been pointing to Europe for 70 years, saying, oh, look, the wonderful socialist programs.
First of all, it's not really quite true.
There's a lot of capitalism still alive in places like Britain.
But socialism just takes 70 years to kill a country.
That's what it does.
And when you look at Europe now, you are seeing a slow-motion invasion.
You're seeing a slow-motion invasion of these countries by people from the Middle East, by Muslims, who are completely upending the culture in these countries because they haven't got, you know, people have to have meaning in their lives.
It's not enough.
It's not enough for Elon Musk and other billionaires to have meaning.
You have to have meaning.
Everybody has to have meaning.
And socialism sucks the meaning out of life.
It just, you know, they give you food.
It's like being in prison, basically.
They give you food.
They give you shelter and everything.
They feel great about themselves.
And you have nothing to do.
You have no impetus to build a family, no impetus to make a success out of yourself, no reason to channel your ambitions.
And that was what we were facing with the election of Hillary Clinton.
I don't know if it would have taken only eight years.
It might have taken longer than that, but it was obviously coming down the pike.
There was no third choice.
There was no choice between death by socialism, Trumpian populism, and something else.
That choice didn't exist in that election.
So now we've got this earthquake of Trumpian populism, and everybody wants it to go away.
All the establishment, they want it to go away.
And they're all saying, oh, now, now it's going to get serious.
Now the executive orders were fine, but now he's got to toe the line.
The Wall Street Journal ran an editorial today called Trump's Reality Test.
And they said, you know, this Trump and Steve Bannon light show, the immigration limits and deportation ramp up, the broadsides against globalism, the rhetorical assaults on the media as the enemy, these have produced an approval rating of 44% five weeks into the job.
That's a modern low for a new president and a sign that the polarization strategy pressed by Mr. Bannon, his ally Stephen Miller, and the Breitbart wing of the White House has a political ceiling.
The central problem is that the Bannon agenda and style can't produce the results they promise and may undermine the rest of Trump's agenda.
Tariffs that reduce trade won't spur the growth Mr. Trump needs to lift incomes.
A too harsh crackdown on immigration will cause labor shortages that induce more U.S. production to move offshore, especially in agriculture.
The attacks on the media may satisfy Mr. Trump's core supporters, but they also create animosity and more political headwinds for his agenda.
All of this has begun to build incentives for Republicans to distance themselves from the White House.
The thing is, there is no distance from the White House.
The distance from the White House is political wilderness.
You cannot have, we cannot have this first six months of this presidency when we have every, when the Republicans have every House, every branch of government, you can't have them distancing themselves.
But this is what the establishment is rooting for because they want to see Trump stop.
They want to see Trump stop saying this.
By the way, some of these things I agree with.
I agree that tariffs can be really dangerous.
This too harsh crackdown on immigration, it's absurd.
These systems are broken.
You cannot have a system of people pouring across the border without policing, people coming in on visas and staying.
You cannot have it.
It's offensive.
It's offensive to a country to see its, to people in a country to have their laws broken at will and have the officials do, the people in charge do nothing about it.
Trump, look, and especially with Bannon, this thing with the media, I understand why the Wall Street Journal and other media people are against it, but Bannon is right.
He's right about the media and he's right about the administrative state.
The administrative state has been ripping off people's Fifth Amendment rights for too long.
When an agency, an unelected agency, can come to you and say, oh, you violated our regulations that nobody elected, nobody voted for, and now we get to try you and we get to fine you and we get to convict you and you can't even appeal, which is what these guys do.
That needs to be dismantled.
That is part of the left-wing state.
And so, you know, these guys are afraid of Bannon, and I understand why.
He's smart and he's aggressive, and he sometimes says things that are like, you know, that just sound a little bit like they'd be better off in the original German.
But like, you know, you have to admit that something happened.
You have to admit there's been a change.
Not only has there been a change, this post-war structure that we've had for all these years since 1945 is over.
It's over.
It has just led.
You can tell it's over because it was leading to the death by socialism.
You know, Brett Stevens is a guy, he's the foreign policy writer for the Wall Street Journal.
I really like him.
I really think he's intelligent.
But listen to some of the stuff he says.
He's talking about the fact that Trump often says one thing: we should take the Iraqis' oil, and then his people say something else.
Like Mattis says, no, we're not going to take the Iraqi oil.
Trump says, I will listen to a one- or two-state solution in the Middle East.
Nikki Haley goes to the UN and says, no, we're still dedicated to the two-state solution.
So Brett Stevens says, you know, these people should get to Trump and get his message straight.
And this is what he says.
Now, this is a really bright guy who knows a lot about foreign policy.
Should the administration support a two-state solution?
It should, provided Palestinians can shut down Hamas, end anti-Semitic incitement, live in peace with their neighbors, and respect their own people's civil liberties.
But that's never going to happen.
That is never going to happen.
It doesn't make any sense.
Is NATO obsolete?
Not at all, unless its cheapskate members make it obsolete by refusing to spend on defense.
But that is what they're doing.
They are refusing to spend on defense.
So that's all Trump is saying about that.
Is the U.S. in favor of the crackup of the European Union?
No, again, but that's where the EU is headed, unless European elites heed legitimate popular grievances about unassimilated immigrants and the economic crush of mothers.
I mean, these are just things that aren't going to happen.
It's like saying, do we support the EU?
Yes, but no.
Do we support a two-state solution?
Yes, but no.
Is NATO hospital?
Yes, but no.
You know, I mean, Trump is there.
He is elected because people knew that things weren't working.
And to have the Wall Street Journal telling us that Trump has got to go back to the way things were a problem in itself.
The real problem we're facing, that Trump is facing, is this thing with Paul Ryan, that he and Paul Ryan have different visions.
But obviously, Trump is the president, and Ryan has been playing it that way.
Ryan has been very respectful.
But ultimately, if you're going to raise defense spending, you're going to have to find the money somewhere.
And that means cutting back on entitlement, Social Security, and health care.
Social Security and health care and net interest now comprise nearly 60% of all federal spending, and that figure is expected to soar to 82% over the next 10 years.
So Ryan is right about this.
And Trump has made these promises, and he's obviously very important to him to keep his promises, good for him.
But you can say, you know, I'm going to keep these promises, but if you're 20, if you're 30, by the time you get to Social Security, things are going to change.
That's all you have to do.
You know, all you have to do is raise the level at which the age at which people start to collect Social Security, and you can work that stuff out.
You don't have to do it for me, because I'm going to collect Social Security in about 15 minutes.
I think I should be collecting Social Security.
But you've got to do it for people who are 20.
Anyway, Ryan and Trump are at least making noises like they sound the same when they talk about Obamacare.
Here's Trump on Obamacare.
This is my favorite thing that he said, I think it was yesterday.
And we have come up with a solution that's really, really, I think, very good.
Now, I have to tell you, it's an unbelievably complex subject.
Nobody knew that health care could be so complicated.
And statutorily and for budget purposes, as you know, we have to do health care before we do the tax cut.
The tax cut is going to be major.
It's going to be simple.
And the whole tax plan is wonderful.
But I can't do it until we do health care because we have to know what the health care is going to cost.
And statutorily, that's the way it is.
So for those people that say, oh, gee, I wish we could do, you know, the tax first, it just doesn't work that way.
I would like to do that first.
It's actually tax cutting has never been that easy, but it's a tiny little ant compared to what we're talking about with Obamacare.
Donald Trump discovers that health care is complex.
I love that.
You're Hearing the Sound of Irrelevance00:12:59
Like, who knew?
Who knew?
Here's the thing, though.
Here's the thing.
All these people rooting for him to go establishment, all these people rooting for him to go mainstream, to be the ordinary guy that they want to see because they don't like things getting shaken up the way the voters want them.
The voters who elected Trump anyway want them shaken up.
They keep pointing to his low polls.
But the Democrats are doing worse.
And we're going to talk about that in a minute.
And we're going to go back and talk a little bit more about the Oscars.
But you've got to come over to thedailywire.com to hear it.
And if you do, while you're there, subscribe for a lousy eight bucks a month, and you can put your questions in the mailbag.
The answers will change your life, possibly for the better.
So a new NBC Wall Street Journal poll that had a plus five sample of Democrats found that not only was the GOP viewed more favorably than the Democratic Party, but House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi was easily the most disliked major politician in the country, far surpassing President Trump.
And the thing is, you know, the Democrats have now elected this new DNC leader, Thomas Perez.
And the narrative on this, he just barely squeaked by over Keith Ellison, this radical leftist Muslim, I think, anti-Semite, right?
Alan Dershowitz said he was going to leave the party.
Alan Dershowitz kind of middle-of-the-road Democrat, old-fashioned Democrat.
I'm going to leave the party if they elect Keith Ellison.
Now it's fine because they got Thomas Perez.
Here's Alan Dershowitz saying, everything's now great.
I'm staying in the party because Ellison was defeated, and the Ellison defeat is a victory in the war against bigotry, anti-Semitism, the anti-Israel push of the hard left within the Democratic Party.
Look, I wish that Perez hadn't appointed Ellison to any position in the Democratic Party, but I'm going to stay in the Democratic Party and work to try to move it toward the center, to try to move it away from the hard left, to try to move it away from its twist toward opposition to Israel and toward American values.
It's going to be an uphill fight, but I'm there to fight that battle.
We won this battle.
We won the battle when at the convention they tried to put an anti-Israel element in the platform.
We won that narrowly.
So I think we can still fight and win for centrist values.
Look, the Democrats are marginalizing themselves.
They have to understand we are not a hard left country.
When the Democrats nominated McGovern, when they nominated Dukakis, when they nominated Walter Mondale, the three of them together didn't get enough electoral votes to win one election.
You'd think they'd learn the lesson.
Yeah, but they haven't.
And I think this narrative that Thomas Perez, who would be an Obama guy, this Obama's pick, he called him whip smart.
So Obama's still kind of guiding the party.
Obama is the one who has guided the party into this chaos, into this desert.
And Perez is not a moderate.
He is a radical left-winger with a racial program that is, you know, when he was the assistant attorney general at the Justice Department, running the Civil Rights Division, I believe it was.
The inspector general unleashed a report.
He's the guy who was involved in not prosecuting the new Black Panthers when they were intimidating voters, right?
The Inspector General unleashed this report saying that his unit was marked by deep ideological polarization, disappointing lack of professionalism.
This guy is a race baiter.
He is an open borders fanatic.
He loves the open border.
This guy isn't.
I mean, he's putting on this face that it's all about economics.
It's all about the little guy.
Play then the second cut of him.
This is talking about to Chuck Todd about how he's going to get back.
The Democrats are going to come back.
Do you think you've lost touch, culturally or economically, or both?
Well, I think we have to underscore that economic message.
In Ohio, I went out there, I talked to voters, and what they heard from Donald Trump is: I'm going to bring your coal jobs back.
That's a lie.
But what they heard is that he felt their pain.
What they heard from us was that, you know, we vote for us because we're not him.
And we have to make sure we're communicating our affirmative message.
We stand for good wages.
We stand for social security.
We stand for retirement security.
We brought this nation Medicare.
The Republicans are trying to voucherize Medicare and privatize Social Security.
Donald Trump wants to eliminate overtime pay for people.
Donald Trump wants to, he doesn't care about raising the minimum wage, but we have to communicate these messages consistently in every zip code.
Because I learned in my trip across this country during this campaign that a lot of people do feel forgotten, and we will not allow that to happen.
We will be in every zip code.
You know, he's talking about basically this slow death of socialism.
He's talking about we're going to take care of you.
It's the life of Julia.
We're all going to be Julia.
He's going to take care of us cradle to grave.
But what's our life about?
What is our life about?
Where's the work that gives us dignity?
You know, I mean, this is the thing.
You know, work is the only thing that gives you dignity.
It really is.
Work gives you dignity.
Taking welfare doesn't give you dignity.
Social security doesn't give you dignity.
Yeah.
Do I think there should be a social safety net?
I do.
I think it should be small.
It should be so that people do not fall into poverty.
If that's violating some conservative principle, tough, because you can't have people dying in the street.
You can't have people with no recourse in a country with as much wealth as we have.
Too bad.
I'll compromise the principle to have some kind of safety net.
But once you have that safety net, it just becomes too easy for politicians to buy your vote.
You buy your vote.
And then guess what?
You know why the government never goes into space anymore?
You know why the government isn't in charge of space exploration?
It's because there's always someplace to buy a vote.
There's always someplace you can buy a vote right now on the earth.
There's no reason to innovate.
There's no reason to have new industries come up when you can say, oh, you buggy whip makers, we're going to take care of you.
Don't worry, we're going to subsidize the buggy whip store so that you can keep making these buggy whips that nobody needs.
Is the left, look, is Trump a difficult guy to deal with?
Is Trump like taking a big chance?
Are Trump and Ryan going to get along and move forward?
That's what we're going to find out.
Starting tonight, that is what we're going to find out.
But have the Democrats alienated the center of this country from sea to shining sea?
Yes, they have.
And, you know, we saw it at the Oscars.
I want to get back to this for a minute.
We saw it at the Oscars.
We've seen it at every award ceremony.
It's not just the politics.
It's not just the fact that these people whose job it is to look pretty and act like they're somebody else, that's their job.
Their job is to look good on a red carpet and then go to work and pretend to be somebody they're not.
That's their job, okay?
That they have gotten this level of self-important hysteria.
Let's listen once more to that Viola Davis thing that Michael Knowles played yesterday, talking, you know, she's obviously a little hysterical at having won the Oscar, but still, listen to what she says.
I became an artist, and thank God I did, because we are the only profession that celebrates what it means to live a life.
So let's go back.
Just remember, it was a couple months ago, David Harbour, who was in Stranger Things, thank you, won the Screen Actors Guild Award.
And then he came out with this speech, which was almost the same thing as Viola Davis.
Listen to this.
We are united in that we are all human beings and we are all together on this horrible, painful, joyous, exciting, and mysterious ride that is being alive.
Now, as we act in the continuing narrative of Stranger Things, we 1983 Midwesterners will repel bullies.
We will shelter freaks and outcasts, those who have no homes.
We will get past the lies.
We will hunt monsters.
And when we are at a loss amidst the hypocrisy and the casual violence of certain individuals and institutions, we will, as per Chief Jim Hopper, punch some people in the face when they seek to destroy the League of the Disenfranchise and the marginalized.
And we will do it all with soul, with heart, and with joy.
We thank you for this responsibility.
Thank you.
I love these people.
This is what you're hearing is the sound of irrelevance, okay?
You're hearing the sound of an art form becoming irrelevant.
You know, a couple of weeks ago, I think it was two weeks ago, maybe three weeks ago, I was talking about the Romantics.
And one of the reasons I'm fascinated by the Romantics is because they essentially invented modernity.
They essentially, everything that we think, they thought up, okay?
Every idea that we have, they came up with, almost entirely.
I mean, the Greeks before them, but the Romantics are the ones who thought it up for the modern Western world.
And one of the issues that came up was, what is art?
What is art?
What are people doing when they create art, when they write a poem?
Why write a poem?
Why make a movie?
Why tell a story about something that isn't true?
And why does it move people?
And the great speech that, you know, Shakespeare, it was during the Romantic age that Shakespeare became the bard.
You know, up until then, he was not like the greatest poet who ever lived.
They didn't think of him quite that way.
He took his kind of unassailable position on the peak of Western literature during the Romantic Age.
And in Hamlet, there is this wonderful speech that begins, speak the speech, I pray you, as I pronounced it to you, trippingly on the tongue.
He's talking to an actor.
He's telling an actor how to act.
And it comes along with this famous piece of advice.
This is, of course, the great Lawrence Olivier's Hamlet.
Suit the action to the word, the word to the action.
With this special observance, that you oerstep not the modesty of nature.
For anything so overdone is from the purpose of playing, whose end, both at the first and now, was and is to hold, as twere, the mirror up to nature.
To hold the mirror up to nature was the idea of the arts, according to the speech in Shakespeare, which talks a lot about the mystery of art and why we cry over the death of somebody we don't know who may not even exist and all this stuff.
But during the Romantic era, it really occurred to people that art doesn't do that.
It doesn't hold the mirror up to nature.
If it did, it would simply be a photograph, and it's not a photograph.
It's transformed.
And so there's a very famous book written about the Romantic age by a literary critic named M.H. Abrams, and it's called The Mirror and the Lamp, which is from a Yeats poem where he says the mirror becomes a lamp.
In other words, instead of reflecting nature, the artist, with his special light that he has inside of him, this lamp, that it shines a light on nature that then illuminates it.
And that is where you get the idea of the self-important artist, right?
The artist.
You know, when 9-11 happened, there were two big late-night comedy shows on.
There was David Letterman and Jay Leno.
And David Letterman and Jay Leno both have different reactions to 9-11.
Jay Leno said, my job is to spin some plates and entertain you before you go to bed.
So I'm going to come back.
I'm going to make jokes.
I'm going to make things light.
I'm going to help hopefully take away your worries, make it easier for you to sleep at night.
I'm going to come back into this.
David Letterman said, I must talk about this.
We must discuss this.
We must discuss what just happened.
Because he thought that he was an important person.
That he was shining his artistic lamp.
And then he asked, he proceeded to ask the stupidest question anyone could ask.
He said, why do they hate us?
Well, that's the question that an abused wife asks of her husband.
Why, what did I do wrong?
Instead of how can I shoot this guy in the kneecap, she says, what did I do wrong?
How can I get this right so he won't beat me anymore?
And so David Letterman was out there asking the stupid question that then became the mantra of the left because he thought that he was shining a light.
You know, the answer, of course, is that art does shine a light on nature, but it doesn't do it through any special gift, through any special insight that the artist has.
This was Plato's original thing.
He said, you know, the artist is inspired by a muse.
He is not himself intelligent.
When you talk to an artist outside of his heart, he's usually an idiot.
He's just as often as not an idiot.
And artists say all kinds of stupid things like, why do they hate us?
And these guys, in this fervor of romantic idolatry of the arts and the artist, think that they have something to say.
They have nothing to say.
They can play their parts.
They can entertain us.
They look great.
You know, they look terrific.
They're wonderful.
And nobody loves actors more than I do.
They do wonderful things.
They have nothing to say.
And they have so alienated the public that they should be entertaining that nobody watches anymore.
Nobody cares.
Nobody cares what they think.
Dead Eyes, Happy Faces00:03:46
They could have made a thousand videos.
Donald Trump still would have been elected.
And so when this guy Perez says that the only problem is that they haven't gotten out into every zip code and explained to people that they need welfare and they need social security and so on, he's wrong.
These people have alienated us culturally down to our toes.
And somewhere along the line, I don't know if Donald Trump is the answer.
That I think is going to have to unfold as we go forward.
But somewhere along the line, America is going to have to rediscover what it's about, what the meaning of its life is, what the meaning of people's lives are in their work, in their churches, in their marriages.
We have so lost that narrative, and the Democrats have ridden our loss like a horse.
That way lies death.
I think it is really worthwhile to give Trump a chance, to give him just a chance, a chance, the usual six months we give a president to see what he can accomplish.
All right, stuff I like.
We're going to have more to say about the speech tomorrow and the mailbag.
So get those questions in.
Stuff I like.
We were talking about the wonderful actor Bill Paxton who died young, 61, I think it was.
And I wanted to talk about, you know, he was in all these famous movies like Aliens and Titanic and all these really big movies, that big show, big love.
But he was in these three films that I just think are terrific, that nobody has seen.
And one of them is a picture called One False Move.
And it was co-written by Billy Bob Thornton and directed by a terrific director, Carl Franklin.
And it's this story of these Billy Bob and a couple other people play these really cold-blooded LA killers who escape into this small town.
And Bill Paxton is Hurricane Dixon.
They sit the chief of police in this small town.
And he's so thrilled that he's going to get a chance to hunt down these killers.
But we meet him here in this scene at a diner where the kind of officials are talking to him.
And he's an idiot.
He's like a doof.
So here's just the introductory scene of Bill Paxton playing Hurricane Dixon, the police chief of this small town.
Morning, guys.
Charlie, this is Dead Torre.
How are you, Dad?
Pleasure talking.
This is Dan, Dan McIntosh.
Nice to meet you, Dan.
Hi, John.
John McFeely.
Oh, yeah, right, McFeely.
Call him that name sound alike to me.
Charlie, you had your breakfast yet?
Yeah, Johnson.
Thanks for your microbiome.
Charlie's a good from Detroit, but he's a good old boy.
Listen, Dale.
If we talk to this guy and he's actually involved in this shit.
I already told you you don't know nothing.
I'm down.
These are dangerous people we're dealing with.
Well, I understand that.
Well, boys about ready?
Just check.
Here you go, Fred.
Keep the change.
Well, no, there ain't no change here, Hurricane.
It's a $12 check, and you just give me a 10.
I'll catch you later.
Is he dumb?
Is he dumb?
It's a really, really good crime movie.
And I don't think it did a lot of business.
Have you guys ever heard of it?
No?
No, see, they've never heard it.
It's a really good movie.
One false move.
It's got a lot of racial politics in it.
And when you hear him said, all those Mac names sound like he's talking about a black guy.
So it sounds like he's saying all these guys look alike to him.
You know, he gets his name wrong.
Anyway, and he's terrific in it.
He really was a good actor.
I got to say, you know, we played him yesterday playing that mean guy with those dead eyes.
You can see his dead eyes.
And here he's got these happy eyes.
He's just a happy fool, you know.
And you know he's walking into a buzzsaw with these killers on the loose.