Ep. 170 dissects conservatism’s collapse, starting with satire on Dr. Renfield Googley’s godlike chimera experiments before skewering Trump’s Detroit speech—his 12-33% tax brackets and NAFTA ignorance—while framing Clinton’s $1.3T tax hikes as Soviet-style class warfare. The host argues the Reagan coalition is dead, with 50 GOP national security advisors opposing Trump amid 87.4% poll odds favoring Clinton, exposing conservatism’s political irrelevance. Culture, not policy, now drives politics: Judeo-Christian values underpin Western individualism, from Huck Finn’s moral defiance to On the Waterfront, but leftist identity politics erode this legacy, forcing conservatives to reclaim their cultural roots before it’s too late. [Automatically generated summary]
The National Institutes of Health are reportedly planning to lift a moratorium on funding laboratory experiments that would create embryos that are part human and part animal.
This means your tax dollars may soon be used to fund the creation of what are called chimeras, animals with human traits, and vice versa.
Chimeras are named after a creature from Greek mythology who was a fire-breathing female monster with a lion's head, a goat's body, and a serpent's tail.
So this should work out well.
Now, when I first heard the news that Washington planned to fund these experiments, it just seemed to me like the usual governmental mingling of stupidity and pride.
It could only lead to some combination of natural disasters and God-sent apocalyptic punishments certain to transform the earth into a hellish inferno, ranged by unspeakable creatures, capable of dragging millions of shrieking victims to an indescribable death, followed by an eternity of spiritual torment.
But then I thought, yes, but it could also be kind of cool.
After all, think of all the wonderful creatures that could be created by the sort of brilliant scientists who have invented every man-made wonder from asbestos to the hydrogen bomb.
For instance, if we could create a being that was half human and half pig, we might finally be able to tell Bacon how much we love it.
If we could cross a Democrat with a weasel, we could make a Democrat with fur.
And if we could cross a Republican with an orangutan, we could create the one candidate on Earth capable of losing to the weasel, even after she kept lying about her emails.
If we could cross a feminist with a golden retriever, we might finally create a college-educated woman who wouldn't criticize you all the time and was actually grateful when you bought her dinner.
If we could cross a teenage boy with a sloth, we could create a sloth that plays video games upside down while simultaneously thinking about sex.
If we could interbreed a cow with a Chinese long-distance runner, we might actually be able to create kung pao beef that delivers itself.
And of course, if we could cross a Frenchman with a chicken, we would have a Frenchman.
Genetic scientist Dr. Renfield Googley said he welcomed the decision by the NIH and would immediately apply for money to finance the construction of a series of chains and pulleys that would lift a gurney up through the castle roof during a lightning storm in order to prove at last that he could create some hitherto unheard of being and give it life,
life, life, as if he were a god, yes a god, more powerful than all those intellectual midgets who laughed at him back in high school and would now be forced to plead for mercy while lying at his feet.
Also, he said it would be fun to act out the final chapter of the island of Dr. Moreau.
Dr. Googley said he planned to proceed cautiously and would begin by interbreeding a bureaucrat with a journalist and would only then move on to human subjects.
Tricker warning, I'm Andrew Clavin, and this is the Andrew Clavin tale.
That delivers itself.
This is great.
You open the door and there's a little crate with a little carton of legs, you know.
It's a perfect, don't tell us scientists aren't working for the betterment of society.
Detroit In Ruins00:04:02
Man, oh man, I read that and I just thought like, uh-oh, this is not going well.
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Just be its name.
All right, so we're talking a lot about the culture.
I'm going to explain why I'm talking so much about the culture because sometimes I know conservatives kind of listen to this and think, why aren't you talking about the economy?
Why aren't you talking about the laws?
And that's a crisis.
There's a crisis.
But I'm going to explain a little bit about why that.
But first, we'll take a look at the news with these economic speeches.
Although, to be honest with you, I felt like the economic speeches didn't actually matter yesterday because we've now moved in to a meta-campaign where we're actually having a campaign about the campaign, about how the campaign is working.
And I'll show you what I mean.
I mean, Trump goes to Detroit and he gives this speech.
This is his major economics.
This is what I'm going to do.
And he starts out talking about the state of Detroit, which hasn't had a Republican even pass through.
I think a Republican passed through last on a horse in 1852.
So here's Trump talking about Detroit.
Today, Detroit has per capita income of under $15,000, about half of the national average.
40% of the city's residents live in poverty, over two and a half times the national average.
The unemployment rate is more than twice the national average.
Half of all Detroit residents do not work.
Detroit tops the list of the most dangerous cities in terms of violent crime.
Detroit tops the list of most dangerous cities in terms of violent crime.
These are silenced victims whose stories are never told by Hillary Clinton, but victims whose suffering is no less real or permanent.
In short, the city of Detroit is the living, breathing example of my opponent's failed economic agenda.
Okay, first of all, we cut this out, but there are hecklers.
They heckled him like 14, 15 times, and they give him applause because he doesn't say anything.
Part of what the speech is about is showing that he cannot be a psychopath, you know, or at least he can play he's not a psychopath.
He can pretend not to be a psychopath for long periods of time, hopefully for a stretch of four years, I guess is what he's saying.
That for four years, I can pretend not to be a psychopath, and then you'll let me loose.
So they're applauding him for not responding to the hecklers, which he did throughout the speech.
But also, he's talking in Detroit, where there's no one within the sound of his voice who is ever going to vote Republican.
This is a Democrat place, and like all Democrats everywhere, they will continue to stab themselves in the eyeball, hoping that the effect of this will change.
Yes, last time I stabbed myself in the eyeball, it really hurt, and it sent the knife point into my brain, and I died.
But this time, it's going to be different, because that's Detroit.
Detroit was once tomorrowland.
Detroit was once the city that you turn to to look at what America could be.
It was once the future of this country, and now it is completely in ruins.
And it's in ruins because of unions.
It's in ruins because of Democrat giveaways.
It's in ruins because the protectionism, because the auto industry was protected, and nobody ever thought there was going to be any competition.
And they made crummy cars and they paid people too much.
And the unions gave people retirement packages that just bankrupted the industry.
And that's why it's a Democrat disaster.
So he's absolutely right about that.
Detroit's Ruin00:14:36
And then he goes on, and the next thing he says is he sends out an olive branch to Paul Ryan and the Republicans in Congress who have come up with a really good plan for the economy.
They've got really interesting new ideas.
And he says to them that basically he's going to follow the standard Republican playbook when it comes to taxes and the like.
While we will develop our own set of assumptions and policies, agreeing in some areas but not in all or in others, we will be focused on the same shared goals and guided by the same shared principles.
Jobs, growth, and opportunity.
These reforms will offer the biggest tax revolution since the Reagan tax reform, which unleashed years of continued economic growth and job creation.
We will make America grow again.
So that's, again, that is not for the voters.
That is for the Republicans.
That is to say that he will follow the basic Republican path, cutting taxes.
He's suggesting that there now be three brackets of taxes, 12%, 25%, and 33%.
He's going to come up with, he's going to have to come up with some deductions, get rid of some deductions to pay for that.
And the big one to me is he's promising to cut regulation.
This is a big deal regulation.
I know it's a boring topic.
I won't go on about it forever.
But since President Obama took office, he has issued 600 major regulations totaling $743 billion that comes out of your pocket.
And the worst of this, I mean, this is compared to George W. Bush, who issued 426 major regulations, but it's not really the number, it's the kind, because every human enterprise is regulated.
You know, you can talk, we can have a conversation, but if in the course of that conversation I strangle you, that's regulated.
I'm not allowed to do that.
You can't just say, well, that's part of my free expression.
No, it hurts somebody else, so you don't do it.
Everything is regulated, but you need smart, clean, small regulations.
And with Dodd-Frank, it's essentially a government takeover of boardrooms.
So anyway, I won't go on and on about that, but that is where Trump is right.
Then he goes off on this trade thing about NAFTA, and it's just clean, ignorant, dumb stuff.
Here he is.
Our annual trade deficit in goods with Mexico has risen from close to zero.
Think of that.
Close to zero in 1993 to almost $60 billion today.
Our total trade deficit in goods hit nearly $800 billion last year.
Total trade deficit, almost $800 billion.
This is a strike at the heart of Michigan and our nation as a whole.
According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, before NAFTA went into effect, there were 285,000 auto workers in Michigan.
Today, that number is only 160,000 auto workers.
Detroit is still waiting for Hillary Clinton's apology.
She has been a disaster.
Obama has been a disaster.
I expect Detroit will get that apology right around the same time Hillary Clinton turns over the 33,000 emails she deleted.
I don't know what it is with this trade stuff, you know.
Like, I mean, the auto industry, first of all, a lot of the auto industry has moved to the South where they're a right-to-work law, so they're not crushed by unions.
And then they go to Mexico so they can get parts and labor cheaper, so that our cars are cheaper.
It actually increases our living, you know, our standard of living.
Anyway, this is this Trump thing.
He's on this hobby horse.
It makes him a Democrat.
The Democrats are the same way.
It's just not true.
I mean, free trade is like all freedom.
It includes danger.
It includes creative destruction.
It does destroy some jobs as it sends them to other places.
But what are you going to do?
If you tell businesses they can't manufacture where it's cheapest, the business itself will leave.
So then what do you do?
Oh, well, we'll build a wall to keep people out.
And we'll put machine.
We'll call it Checkpoint Charlie.
It'll be great.
It worked for the Soviet Union so well.
It's going to work here even better.
But the thing is, Hillary is exactly the same way.
She comes back and she, you know, the thing about Trump is they call Trump a populist, which he is.
He rides the tide of popular anger.
But Hillary, who will be anything to all, is all things to all people, she spouts this populist stuff too.
Here she is, let's play the second Hillary Cutt.
Here she is attacking, going back and attacking Trump.
We are not interested in economic plans that only help the top 1%.
It's time we helped everybody else in America get ahead and stay ahead.
It's clear, and a lot of the journalists have written this, that Trump is scrambling to do damage control.
That's why he listed those dozen new economic advisors, three Wall Street money managers, an oil baron, a former chief economist from one of the banks at the heart of the financial crisis.
But this is from a guy who has said he knows more than the generals about ISIS.
So he's not only putting our national security at risk, now he's putting our economy at risk.
See, first of all, to attack Trump for saying he knows more than the generals, let's not forget that Obama said, I think I could probably do every job on the campaign better than the people I'll hire to do it.
It's hard to give up control when that's all I know.
I think I'm a better speechwriter than my speechwriters.
I know more about policies on any particular issue than my policy director.
This is a direct quote from Obama.
And I'll tell you right now that I'm going to think I'm a better political director than my political director.
So, you know, Trump is just Obama when it comes to this.
I alone can solve.
I alone can solve.
This is the strongman's lament forever.
But the other thing is, I mean, remember, let's not forget that Hillary is suggesting a massive increase in spending that's going to be financed by $1.3 trillion in tax increases that are going to smother growth.
And growth is already smothering.
You know, we are in the longest stretch of productivity declines since the end of the 1970s.
Okay, the longest stretch since the end of the 1970s.
I mean, 90%.
And the other thing is she keeps talking about the 1%.
90% of the recovery money has gone to the 1% under Obama.
That's the way socialism always works.
Socialism takes a tiered system that goes from the poor upsteps, you know, to the upper class.
It takes a tiered system and it turns it into a two-person, a two-level system, the rich and the poor, the powerful and the poor.
That's all it is.
That's what the Soviet Union eventually becomes.
That's what all socialist systems eventually become.
The powerful get money and those who don't have power just get along as best they can.
And now we're going to say goodbye to Facebook, but come and join us over at The Daily Wire.
Charge!
Every time I just want to draw my saber, you know, just go on.
All right.
So everything under the Obama economy, see, this is the important thing.
Everything under the Obama economy has really not, you know, they have that one number they keep touting, the unemployment rate, but it's a fake number because it just means the number of people who are looking for work, who find work.
There's so many people.
Again, since the 70s, there have not been this many people who are out of work.
Obama is the first, is the only U.S. chief executive in history not to preside over a single year with 3% GDP growth.
And it's a lot worse than that.
But the whole thing about this is the campaign is now, there's now two campaigns, right?
One is the campaign, oh, Hillary Clinton's policies are bad and the policy she represents are bad and the Obama presidency is a failure.
That's all true.
The other campaign is, oh my God, here comes Donald Trump.
It's Donald Trump.
It's like a mouse under the chair.
You know, Donald Trump, Donald Trump.
That's the campaign we're in.
That's the meta-campaign we're in.
Hillary Clinton wanted that campaign.
She engineered that campaign.
The press helped her engineer that campaign.
And Trump helped her engineer that campaign by being a blowhard and a loudmouth who doesn't know when to keep his mouth shut, who cares more about himself and personal insults against himself than he cares about the country or that he cares about the election.
All of those things factored into the point where we are having the campaign about eek, here comes Donald Trump.
That's a campaign that only can have one outcome, and that's the outcome that it's having.
All the polls now are showing Hillary Clinton pulling away.
I mean, just an absolute disaster.
Nate Silver's site 538, he has that thing where he runs the campaign.
He runs the election through his computer like a thousand times and sees how many times who wins and who loses.
Hillary is now winning 87.4% of the time.
Battleground states, states that were never battleground straits, like Utah are becoming battleground states.
Georgia, a state that hasn't gone blue since, I think, 92, something like that.
You know, this is huge.
And people are jumping off the Trump ship.
Yesterday, 50 top Republican national security advisors and former government officials sent an open letter.
It said, the undersigned individuals have all served in senior national security and are foreign policy positions in Republican administrations, from Richard Nixon to George Bush.
We know the personal qualities required of a president of the United States.
None of us will vote for Donald Trump.
Mr. Trump lacks the character, values, and experience to be president.
Trump responded by saying the names on this letter are the ones the American people should look to for answers on why the world is a mess.
You know, in other words, they got us into this, so he's going to be the change.
He's going to be the engine for change.
But all of this is just what we were talking about yesterday, that when we were talking about Brett Stevens, who continued, by the way, his war on Sean Hannity, his column today is all about how stupid Sean Hannity is.
As we were talking about Brett Stevens from the Wall Street Journal, the elitist guy from the Wall Street Journal, attacking Sean Hannity, the man of the people who's in the tank for Trump, you know, that is a fight that's going on because the conservative movement has collapsed.
It's not a fight for the heart and soul of the conservative movement.
The conservative movement is gone.
I mean, the Reagan coalition is gone.
The Reagan coalition that includes, you know, a nod to the cultural conservatives, to the Christian evangelicals, but mostly is about asserting American power abroad and cutting government here at home and having growth.
All that is gone because the Soviet Union is gone, because the Carter economy is coming back, but it's still not as bad as it was.
The Carter, you know, we are reliving the 70s, but we haven't gotten there yet.
So we're in this situation where the one philosophy that could restore our republic, which is simply the philosophy of limiting government so that people can be free.
That's all it is.
It's limiting government so that people can be free.
That philosophy is in disrepute everywhere.
There are a small number of people.
Most of them are in this room at this moment.
A small number of people who still support this.
Ben is in the other room having makeup on.
But he would come in and support this.
A small number of people who support this.
And the underlying moral consensus, what Spiro Agnew called the moral majority.
Was it Agnew who said that or Nixon?
I can't remember.
It was their phrase, the silent majority.
That silent majority is gone.
The underlying moral consensus that bolstered conservatism is gone.
The idea that freedom comes before everything is gone.
The idea that you have to have a moral people, a church-going people, a religious people to be free, that's gone.
So we are now standing in the dust.
And that is why I am talking about the culture.
You know, Andrew Breitbart always used to say politics is downstream from culture.
That doesn't mean, that doesn't mean that the arts are propaganda.
It means that the arts establish norms, and they do it in your mind unconsciously, whether you like it or not.
The one thing I keep saying to the Never Trumpers, I said this a little bit yesterday, is that I agree with you about Donald Trump.
Donald Trump is not fit to be president.
But what I don't agree with is the Never Trumpers say, well, Hillary Clinton is bad, but at least she's normal bad.
I think that normalcy has been set by the culture, and it's a bad normal.
I think Hillary Clinton is just as bad as Trump.
Maybe worse.
It's possible she's worse.
Her basic assumptions are worse, and she's corrupt.
He's corrupt, and he has no assumptions.
He's just a bull in a china shop.
But her basic assumptions are all wrong and very destructive.
So what is it we do with the culture?
This is what people are asking me.
They'll say to me, I'm not an artist.
I don't create things.
What do we do?
Well, first of all, you have to understand what's being said.
And that was why yesterday I was talking about the fact that our culture has, our culture stands at the top of a tree.
It grows out of a seed.
The seed is the Christian culture that preceded it, the Christendom.
You know, the West comes out, the modern West comes out of Christendom.
And I just wanted to start to talk about how those ideas are projected in art, even when the people doing the art don't mean those ideas to be there, which is why I'm not that concerned about who artists are.
A Sean Penn performance, you know what I think of Sean Penn.
I think he sold his soul to the devil to become a great actor, but he is a great actor.
A Sean Penn performance can communicate something profoundly right and true.
When art works, God speaks no matter which artist is doing the talking.
Okay, and I want to talk about this a little bit.
Yesterday I talked about the idea of freedom.
What were we talking about yesterday?
What's that?
Truth.
I'm sorry, the idea of truth.
Thank you.
Today I want to talk about the idea of the individual because this is an idea that people think is just there.
They think people were always individuals.
The individual is an invention of the West, and it comes directly out of Judeo-Christianity, and it comes to us through Christianity.
When Jesus said, I am the way and the truth and the life.
No one comes to the Father except through me.
People get very upset about that.
It's what the church calls the scandal of particularity.
Why should the Jews be chosen?
Why should Mary be chosen from the Jews?
Why should one man whom some people have never heard of be the path to salvation?
I Am the Way00:10:01
It's not fair.
It's not democratic.
Now, remember, Christ says no one comes to the Father except through me.
He doesn't mean that you get to the Father through him.
He means he brings you.
So he can bring you whether you've heard of him or not.
C.S. Lewis said this.
It's not a question of whether you've heard of him.
He can do this work without you.
He doesn't need your help.
So it's actually not as unfair as it sounds.
But these I am statements elevate the individual.
They say that this one person contains God.
What do you contain?
You contain a world yourself.
This becomes, you know, there's a famous book called Mimesis, and I don't recommend it.
It's a specialist book for people who care about literary criticism.
I read it so you don't have to, essentially.
But in this book, Mimesis, he makes the point that right away in the Gospels, right as soon as Jesus is arrested, there is a story where the disciple Peter betrays Jesus.
And Jesus tells him he's going to betray him.
He betrays him three times.
And this is a tragic scene in the Gospels.
And in this book, Mimesis, Eric Auerbach points out that this is the first time in the arts ever that a lower class individual is portrayed as living out a tragedy.
Peter is a fisherman.
He's a nobody.
He's not a king.
You know, when you think of tragedies, you think of the tragedy of King Lear, the tragedy of Macbeth, the king of Scotland, the tragedy of Hamlet, Prince of Denmark.
That's what a tragedy always was.
It was always a great man being brought low.
That's what Aristotle said it was.
It was a great man finding his fault.
This tragedy of Peter is the tragedy of a little man.
And this comes down into our culture, creating the idea that every individual contains within himself a world that is worth knowing.
You know, you see this in the famous play, Death of a Salesman.
You've probably all heard of Death of a Salesman.
One of the most famous of American plays.
But you don't think about that title, Death of a Salesman.
It's about a traveling salesman.
You know, who cares if a salesman dies?
That's the whole point of that play, is that the death of a salesman is just as great a tragedy as Hamlet.
It's by Arthur Miller.
In this play, in the first act, the mother, the wife of the salesman, turns to the sons who are disrespecting her husband, disrespecting their father, and she makes one of the most famous speeches in American theater history, where she says, This man matters.
Here's the speech.
I don't say he's a great man.
Willie Loman never made a lot of money.
His name was never in the papers.
He's not the finest character that ever was.
But he's a human being and a terrible thing is happening, so attention must be paid.
He's not to be allowed to fall into his grave like an old dog.
Attention!
Attention must be paid to such a person!
You call him crazy!
Oh my, Matt.
A lot of people think he's lost his balance.
You don't have to be very smart to know what his trouble is.
The man is exhausted.
Sure.
A small man can be just as exhausted as a great man.
See, that's the voice of this elitist Jewish leftist playwright, Arthur Miller, speaking up for this little guy and saying, you know, this famous line, attention must be paid to such a person.
That is the gospel.
That is the story of Peter elevated to tragedy because Jesus says, I am the way and the truth and the life, that an individual contains the image of God.
This, you know, all these kids in college, these snowflakes, they call them, or cry bullies or whatever they say, who say, I'm offended, I have to be able to do this.
They are trained from that idea.
They think that idea, you know, just comes out of the sky.
It was created here in the West through Christ, through the culture that Christ formed, through the culture that the church formed.
That idea did not exist.
In Egypt, in ancient Egypt, they used to bury you with the king.
If you serve the king, they just tossed you into the tomb with him because you were done.
He contained multitudes.
You contained nothing.
You were just contained in him.
You were just contained in him.
By elevating the king to God, you took that away.
You are still contained in God, but that gives you a dignity and an individuality you didn't have before.
But the question then becomes: what is this individual?
What is the individual we're trying to defend?
See, the left is trying to defend the individuality of the flesh.
I sleep with this one.
That makes me who I am.
I have this sexuality.
I declare myself this gender.
All this stuff is physicality.
What they don't talk about is the moral world within.
And this is what American literature begins to be about with one of my favorite passages in all of American literature.
It's a passage in Huckleberry Finn.
You know, Ernest Hemingway said, all American literature grows out of Huckleberry Finn.
This is why he said that, because of this one scene.
Huckleberry Finn has escaped with the slave, Jim.
The slave has escaped, and Huckleberry Finn is helping him escape.
And he suddenly realizes that if he does this, all his culture, everything about his culture, every good person in his culture is telling him that he will go to hell if he helps this slave escape.
And so he finally thinks, I'm going to change my life.
I'm going to be a good person.
I'm going to turn the slave over.
And he writes a letter to tell the slave's owner that Jim has escaped.
And after he does this, he feels good.
I'm going to read you this passage, one of my favorite passages I've edited for space.
It says, I felt good, Huck says.
I felt good and all washed clean of sin for the first time I had ever felt so in my life.
And I knowed I could pray now because he's turned this slave in.
He has done the right thing.
But I didn't pray straight off, but I laid the paper down and I sat there thinking, thinking how good it was all this happened and how near I come to being lost and going to hell.
And I went on thinking, and I got to thinking over our trip down the river, and I see Jim before me all the time, in the day and in the nighttime, sometimes moonlight, sometimes storms, and we are floating along, talking and singing and laughing.
But somehow I couldn't seem to strike no places to harden me against Jim, but only the other kind.
I'd see him standing my watch on top of his instead of calling me, and how good he always was, and how he said I was the best friend old Jim ever had in the world, and the only one he's got now.
And then I hooked, happened to look around and see that paper, the letter he's written, to do the right thing to turn Jim in.
He says, I took it up and I held it in my hand.
I was a trembling because I'd got to decide forever between two things.
And I noted.
I studied a minute, sort of holding my breath, and then says to myself, all right then, I'll go to hell.
And I tore it up.
It's the moral universe contained in an individual against the church, against culture, against everything.
This is what American literature has always been about.
It is that expression of the individual that comes directly out of Peter's betrayal, which in turn comes directly out of Jesus' statements about himself.
The stuff I like today is a movie, one of my favorite movies, one of the greatest movies of all time called On the Waterfront.
And it was a movie written by Bud Schulberg and directed by Ilya Kazan, both of whom had testified before the House on American Committee.
They had both turned over friends who had been communists.
And their argument in this movie, it's about a union-busting, mob-busting dock worker, an ordinary guy who used to be a boxer, played by Marlon Brando, who decides to stand up and become a rat.
He decides that the moral thing to do is to rat on these mobsters who have taken control of the waterfront.
And it is that moment when you strike back against the consensus.
And that's why we have freedom of speech.
That's why these people who get offended mustn't be allowed to shut people up because the consensus can be wrong even when you think it is ever so right.
Let me play you one of the most famous scenes in all of American movies.
Marlon Brando turns to his brother.
His brother is in the mob and his brother Rod Steiger has been sent to shut him up, to tell him to stop what he's doing.
And Brando finally turns to him and tells his brother that he ruined his career as a boxer.
Skunk who got you for the manager.
He brought you along too fast.
It wasn't him, Charlie.
It was you.
Remember that night in the garden you came down my dressing room and said, kid, this ain't your night.
We're going for the price on Wilson.
You remember that?
This ain't your night.
My night, I could have taken Wilson apart.
So what happens?
He gets the title shot outdoors in a ballpark, and what do I get?
A one-way ticket to Palocaville.
You was my brother, Charlie.
You should have looked out for me a little bit.
You should have taken care of me just a little bit so we don't have to take them dies for the short-end money.
Well, I had some bets down for you.
You saw some money.
You don't understand.
I could have had class.
I could have been a contender.
I could have been somebody.
Instead of a bum, which is what I am.
Let's face it.
It was you, Charlie.
So Marlon Brando finally finding that the loyalties that he has kept, the street code that he has followed, has stripped him of who he could be.
He did not follow the moral law within.
He did not follow the moral universe he was given.
This is why we fight for freedom.
This is where our idea of freedom comes from.
It comes from a place.
It didn't drop.
It did drop out of the sky, but it dropped out of the sky in a very specific way.
It comes to us through our culture.
We must not let it go.
We mustn't let these ill-educated students and these even worse educated professors take it away from us ever.
And this is where the fight to restore conservative culture is going to be waged because we've lost it in the political realm.