Ep. 86 dissects David Duke’s defiant denial of Klan ties amid the GOP’s Super Tuesday chaos, where Chris Christie’s "existential dread" over Trump’s rise mirrors the party’s fractured state—yet Trump’s 35% ceiling could still backfire if Rubio and Cruz split votes. The episode traces liberalism’s shift from JFK-era principles to radical "liberation" ideology while rejecting Trump as a conservative, citing his moral failures and calls for violence. Hollywood’s diversity quotas (e.g., Abrams’ CAA mandate) and campus race hoaxes expose performative extremism, while Kipling’s "If" stands as timeless advice on integrity—contrasting modern performativity with stoic resilience. The host closes exhausted by election chaos, preferring poetry to politics. [Automatically generated summary]
Former Ku Klux Klansman David Duke is angry about being called former Ku Klux Klansman David Duke.
In a furious exchange yesterday, he lashed out at Newsmax's Steve Malzberg during an interview about Duke's support for Donald Trump.
The Klan is irrelevant.
I'm not in the Klan.
Do you understand that?
But you were in the Klan.
You were the grand wizard of the Klan, were you not?
In response to the incident, the Ku Klux Klan has issued a statement saying it no longer wishes to be known as the former organization of David Duke.
Duke says the Klan is, quote, just too nasty for us.
KKK Grand Flugel Jedediah Haitiu told reporters, quote, the KKK is an organization with a long and respected tradition of terrorizing black people and lynching Jews.
We can't allow ourselves to be associated with someone who would treat Mr. Malzberg in such a rude and disrespectful manner.
And by the way, what sort of name is Mahlsberg anyway?
That's kind of a big nose he has, isn't it?
But perhaps I've gotten off the subject, unquote.
Another Klan leader, the Most High Bagel Obadiah Cruelty, added, quote, Dr. Duke's on-air mistreatment of the Jewish-looking Mahlsberg was totally unacceptable.
The Klan must uphold its reputation for elegant manners and considerate behavior.
And could you please loan me your cigarette lighter?
I'm having a hard time getting this cross to catch, unquote.
One other top Klansman joined in disavowing Duke.
The lordly chief Google Jeremiah Lowlife said, David Duke behaved in a rude and thuggish manner.
We're ashamed.
We once allowed him to join us in visiting terror on innocent Americans.
In the future, we'll be careful only to associate with polite, honest, well-bred individuals like ourselves and Donald Trump.
Trigger warning.
I'm Andrew Clavin, and this is the Andrew Clavin Show.
I knew we'd get through that eventually.
See, folks, you yell at me that I get comments in the comment section about my laughing at my own jokes, but you don't know the half of it.
We're lucky we can come on the air at all.
We'd much rather just sit around and kid around.
All right, things are going crazy in our beloved country, and we'll try.
I have so much stuff I want to talk about, but we have to first deal with the aftermath of Super Tuesday, which is like the smoking wreckage.
It's like that scene.
It's like that scene in Gone with the Wind, remember, where they're wandering through the hospital, all those people just lying there, and people wandering around in a daze, kind of calling for their mothers through the mist and everything.
So this is my last show of the week.
But there will be all kinds of things going over the weekend.
There's the debate tonight, I think, and then there's a couple more primaries and cauckey and so forth.
And if you need me, I'll be hiding under the sofa waiting until it's all over.
So Ben Carson left.
I got to say, has he officially left?
his question officially i mean he's basically yeah we can always say he left because then he'll say oh dear yeah i'll never forgive you for doing I have to say, I was relieved to see the guy go.
Forget about the math of it all, but he was turning, he was beginning to remind me of like a brony.
You know, those guys who watch My Little Pony, those grown men.
He's like, can't we all just get along?
Like, really?
It was like having the care bears in the middle of the Battle of Gettysburg.
You know, yes, the bullets are flying, but I'm going to care.
And now everything will be fine.
So we lost Ben.
But the guy who really looked the most shell-shocked after the whole thing yesterday was Chris Christie.
I have to say, Chris Christie looked, he was standing.
We have a picture.
Do you have that picture of Christie standing behind Donald Trump with his look on his face?
And Trump is making his, you know, his trumpeting speech.
And Christie, who endorsed him, just looks like he's, what am I doing?
What have I done?
What have I done?
He looks like a guy who has sold his soul to the devil.
You know, I saw that.
I talked about that picture last week, The Witch, you know.
And one of the lines I loved in The Witch was, The devil comes to the woman and says, offers her things in return for her soul.
What does he offer her?
He offers her the taste of butter and a pretty dress.
And you think, like, you know, that is what the devil offers you.
Basically, he offers you this stuff that when you don't have it, you think it's really important.
Then you get your hands on it.
You realize, oh, no.
You know, maybe my soul is more important than the taste of butter.
I'm not sure.
That's what Chris Christie looks like.
So I have to read you this.
Well, you know what?
Since a lot of people can't see the picture, although I'm sure most of you saw it, just play him giving his speech afterwards because you can hear the same thing in his voice.
Do we have a cut of him?
Yeah, here's his speech about Trump.
Tonight is the beginning of Donald Trump bringing the Republican Party together for a big victory this November.
Tonight is the beginning of Donald Trump bringing the people of our nation together to help America win again.
Boy, he can hardly hold back his enthusiasm.
He sounds like he's at a funeral.
So this woman at the Washington Post wrote this piece.
I'm going to read almost this whole thing.
Alexandra, she pronounces her name Petry, I think.
It looks like it's Petrie, but I think she pronounces it Petri.
And she wrote about the look on Chris Christie's face.
Here's her piece.
I believe that Donald Trump was talking tonight and that he, in fact, held an entire press conference, but it was impossible to hear him over Chris Christie's eyes.
Chris Christie spent the entire speech screaming wordlessly.
I have never seen someone scream so loudly without using his mouth before.
It would have been remarkable if it had not been so terrifying.
Sometimes at night, do you still hear them, Clarice?
The screaming of the Christie's?
His were the eyes of a man who has gazed into the abyss and the abyss gazed back, and then he endorsed the abyss.
He looked as if he had seen a ghost and the ghost had made him watch Mufasa die again.
He had the eyes of a man who has looked into the heart of light, the silence, a man who had seen the moment of his greatness flicker and seen the eternal footman hold his coat and snicker, and in short, he looked afraid.
He had the face of a man who has used his third wish and realized too late that may my family never starve could be twisted to mean that the genie should murder his entire family.
He had the face of a man who has just realized his own mortality.
Look into those eyes and try to deny that Chris Christie has seen something.
Someone just told Chris Christie that there is no God, or Chris Christie has just discovered that God does exist, but she is an enormous snake who hates or is indifferent to mankind.
Or Chris Christie has just discovered that there is no God, but that hell is real.
When are they coming to airlift me out?
Chris Christie's eyes are pleading.
Please tell me that they are coming and that it is soon.
But then his expression hardens.
Chris Christie knows that they are not coming back for him.
This is his life now.
Soon he must return to the plane onto which Trump humiliatingly sent him before.
Soon he must return to the small cupboard under the stairs where he is kept and occasionally thrown small slivers of metaphorical raw meat.
When he asked to be part of Trump's cabinet, he never thought to specify presidential cabinet, of course, not a literal cabinet underground where the ventilation is poor and there is no light.
It just did not occur to him.
Why would it?
And now it is too late.
Nobody is coming for you, Chris Christie.
Nobody is coming to save you.
Chris Christie has seen things, things you wouldn't believe, things that would make your hair fall out and turn gray all at once.
But he cannot speak of them.
He can only stand there.
Chris Christie is the bearer of a hideous knowledge that hangs on him like a horrible weight, but he has no way to say it.
He's embroidering this hideous truth very slowly onto a handkerchief, but the handkerchief will not be ready in time.
Chris Christie must stand and watch as his city is overrun with imperial troops and his friends are frozen in carbonite.
Chris Christie has the glazed and terrified look of someone who has traded his inheritance for no pottage at all, who has watched his credibility dry up and is about to be led back to his basement cage, having lost Winterfell for good.
Chris Christie is realizing that the steak he gets to eat inside the Matrix is not worth this.
Chris Christie has no mouth, but he must scream.
That's a great piece.
It's a great piece.
Alexander Petrie, I believe she pronounces it for the Washington Post.
Just a fantastic piece.
It's so descriptive of what actually was happening.
But frankly, I think the entire Republican Party feels like that right now.
I mean, the entire Republican Party has woke up to this, finally, finally is kind of waking up to what we told you about right after New Hampshire.
We told you this looks like a Trump thing.
And maybe they can still stop him.
I saw Cruz's guy.
I mean, it really is possible that he can still be stopped.
There's strategies to put forward, and maybe Rubio or Cruz drops out.
Certainly Kasich, I mean, I don't even know what Kasich is thinking anymore.
He says he absolutely doesn't want to be vice president, which is what I thought he was doing still in the race.
So some kind of king-making power at the convention if he wins Ohio, maybe.
I don't know exactly what his strategy is.
Maybe just to stand there until he loses and somebody carries him off the stage.
I have no idea.
I saw Mo Brooks, the Republican congressman from Alabama, who is in the Cruz campaign.
So he was spinning it this way.
I'm going to let you listen to this because he's spinning it that Super Tuesday was a victory for Cruz and absolute disaster for Donald Trump, right?
Winning seven out of whatever it was, 11 states was a real problem for Trump.
Listen to his reasoning because it's not entirely crazy.
Let's hear what he has to say.
The big loser last night, contrary to what you're seeing everywhere else, was Donald Trump.
Now, maybe he doesn't reach it, and maybe the people in the mainstream media don't realize it yet, but let me explain what I mean.
Donald Trump's Achilles heel was badly exposed last night.
I think you're going to see that play out over the next few weeks.
Further, the key is not how many states you win.
That's like scoring a touchdown.
That's a good thing.
The key is how many delegates you get.
And Donald Trump is not getting the delegates he needs to win a first ballot fight at the Republican National Convention.
Now, there are two types of caucuses or primaries.
One is open, where anybody can vote.
In Alabama, we had Democrats voting in the Republican primary to help elect Donald Trump because they thought he was weaker.
Another type is closed primaries, where only Republican voters can vote.
And Republican voters want a nominee who best represents their party and their wishes for America.
Someone with honor, someone with dignity, someone who shares our moral values and the public policies that are necessary to make us a better country.
And with Donald Trump, he has now lost 80%, four out of five, of the closed primary states where Republican voters are choosing the Republican nominee.
Upcoming, we have over 20 states that are closed.
If Donald Trump keeps that losing record, only winning one out of five, with over a thousand delegates being distributed in these upcoming 20 closed primary and caucus states, Donald Trump's in a world of trouble.
See, here's the thing that's actually true about that, is that Trump does lose the closed primaries, and they do have these winner-take-all things coming up.
But the problem is, if he keeps getting this, he never goes above his 35%, no matter what the polls say, he keeps hitting that 35, 36%.
But that's all he needs if Rubio and Cruz go on fighting it out.
And once they get to the winner-take-all states, there's none of this dispersing the delegates, and Trump could really take a big lead.
I mean, he did remind me a little bit of the way the press spun that tsunami, that Republican tsunami at the midterm elections.
Remember, the press was going, oh, this is bad for the GOP to win this many seats.
Just the gasoline they'll have to spend getting to Washington is really going to destroy the party.
Conservatives And Extremism00:11:44
I mean, that's kind of what he sounded like.
This is a bad night for Donald Trump.
That's why Donald Trump hasn't stopped grinning since Super Tuesday happened.
But he does, it's not over.
It actually isn't over.
It's a difficult, difficult situation.
The Republican establishment, if we have to call them that, the Republican money, is waking up to the fact that this guy is the real deal and a real problem and could destroy the party.
The question is for the rest of us, I've been trying to think about what this reminds me of, because that's always where your wisdom comes from.
You look back.
That's why people who get older get wiser because they've actually seen more stuff and read more stuff and they've seen it.
And you have this tendency to go back to the big events in history, like Julius Caesar getting assassinated.
But it actually doesn't remind me of anything like that.
It's more subtle.
It seems like that because we're up close to it.
But I think it's a more subtle change than that.
What I really have been thinking about, so I've been thinking about the 60s, the way the 60s were for Democrats.
There's this thing in nature, and I've never seen anybody write about this, and I've only picked it up from reading an article here, an article there, but there's a thing in nature where, like this sort of evolutionary system, where an animal or an insect is attracted to a trait in a mate.
And if you exaggerate that trait, he's more attracted to the more exaggerated traits.
So for instance, I read once that a moth who likes, you know, a male moth who likes darker female moths, if they die the moth, even darker than exists in nature, the moth will go after that moth.
So people like things even beyond what actually exists.
There's a mechanism for idealism, essentially.
And I mean, that's why women wear makeup, right?
That's why women shave their legs.
It's because they have certain traits that men like, and they exaggerate them, you know.
And men like that even more.
But when you push it too far, when you push it to the extreme, what happens is you get the appearance of the thing and the content gets emptied out.
And we all know this in human life.
We all have met women who are girly girls, you know, full of pink things and fluff and little teddy bear pillows, but they haven't got the requisite nature, feminine nature, you know, of compassion and insight and the tenderness and way of looking at things that a woman really has.
They've just got the appearance.
And men, the same thing.
You've got these guys with the big muscles and they tough talk.
They talk tough and maybe they can knock you out, but they haven't got the integrity and courage that are the real stuff of manhood.
And I think this happens in nature, and I think it happens in philosophies.
Back in the 60s, it's hard to remember this, but back in the 60s, liberalism was a principled, before the 60s, liberalism was a principled philosophy.
Right-wingers tend to say, oh, the New Deal, that was the end of everything.
That was when the welfare state started and just got worse and worse.
And there's some truth to that.
But you forget that the New Deal was there to save capitalism.
It was not Woodrow Wilson's progressivism.
It was actually a new thing where they said, look, capitalism, we've got a depression here.
People are rioting all through Europe.
People are going to the fascist left.
We've got to stop them.
We've got to make some adjustments here to keep capitalism alive.
And all at that time, during the 50s and 60s, all the intellectuals, with the exception of William Buckley, because he was just starting to build his movement, all the intellectuals and thinkers were on the left, and they were reasonable men.
They were liberal men in the true sense of that word, trying to save capitalism by adjusting it to the new times.
Whether they were right or wrong is not the question.
The point is they were principled people.
But after the Kennedy assassination, all that changed.
After the Kennedy assassination, Kennedy, when you heard Ted Cruz make his speech on Super Tuesday, who did he quote?
He quoted JFK and FDR.
They were principled men.
If you listen to a JFK speech today, you cannot tell the difference between him and a modern Republican.
You can't tell the difference.
I mean, they wanted, they were patriotic.
They knew the enemy when they saw him.
JFK cut taxes.
They were pro-business.
And it was not, you know, the right was yelling and screaming about them, but they were principled people.
I mean, let alone leave out whether JFK was a principled character himself, but their ideas were principled.
After JFK's assassination had unleashed this tsunami of radicalism, and the party that had once still seen itself as the party of liberty became, as Van Jones said the other night, became the party of liberation.
Liberation from tradition, liberation from moral values, liberation from all the things that have held society together for all these years.
And it really became a disaster.
And liberalism became the function of the right.
Liberalism and intellectual reason became the function of the right.
When people ask me why I became a conservative, I always say I became a conservative because I'm a liberal.
America is a liberal idea.
When I say liberal, what I mean is it's in favor of individual rights, of freedom of conscience, of people doing essentially what they want, of people being free.
That's liberal.
It comes from the word meaning freedom.
And that's what I'm for, and that's what most of the principal conservatives I know are for.
And that's why we, even on the conservative side, we get into arguments about social issues because we don't know how much control, how much we want to preach to people rather than enforce social control.
I mean, I'm always in the favor of preaching to people rather than enforcing anything.
So in the 60s, there was this transformation when liberalism kept the image.
It became the extreme.
It kept the image, like the girly girl or the muscle man.
It kept the image of being for freedom, but it was empty.
It was empty of that content.
And that content came over to the right, which is why I became a right-winger.
If you look at the right for the last 40 years, all the intellectuals are on the right.
Go ask, if you have a left-wing friend, go ask him what book or books caused him to become a left-winger.
He will not be able to name one.
I almost can guarantee it.
He will not say, oh, well, you know, I read this and I read that, and that's what shaped me and that shaped me.
Go ask a right-winger, you know, any right-winger who writes, certainly, or talks or anything like that.
And he'll tell you about Hayek, he'll tell you about Buckley, he'll tell you about all the books he read that really changed him.
Witness, you know, one of my favorite books, the Whitaker Chamber book.
You know, it's been an intellectual movement.
It's been a movement of ideas.
And what Trump is to me is he's kind of, you know, the other day the New York Times compared him to Goldwater because they want to tar him.
They think that's a bad thing.
But he really reminds me of George McGovern.
He reminds me of McGovern when the party switched over to the far left.
That was really the beginning of it.
And they lost.
They kept losing elections.
They lost to Nixon and they lost to Reagan and they lost.
Really, in a way, they lost to Bill Clinton because Bill Clinton was a moderate.
He kept the party from going too far to the left, from going the way his wife wanted it to go and the way it will go if she continues on to victory.
And so that's what I think we're seeing.
What I think we're seeing in Donald Trump is the emptying out of content from our philosophy and just this radical image coming out, which is the extreme.
It's the extreme.
It's the moth with black wings.
That's what my next book will be called, Donald Trump, The Moth with Black Wings.
So I don't know.
That's what I think I'm seeing.
And that's why I really can't support Donald Trump no matter what.
There are people who are saying, get on the Trump trainer, get run over.
And to them, I don't want to say my response on the air.
I mean, I'll say it in French, which is Kishmir Tukis.
Maybe that's not French.
Maybe that's Yiddish.
But it's one of the romance languages, I know.
But there are people making principled arguments.
They're making principled arguments.
They're saying, look, the Supreme Court is up for grabs.
Donald Trump might support a bad court candidate, but Hillary Clinton will support a bad court candidate.
And Donald Trump will be at least responsible to the conservative voters who elected him, where Hillary Clinton has already called them her enemies.
So we know where she's going to stand.
My problem with that is that's what conservatives have been doing all this time.
And when we did it, we did it with George W. Bush.
He wasn't a conservative.
He wasn't the guy who believed all the things that I believe.
But I kept thinking, gee, it's an emergency.
You know, we are in this war.
John Kerry's going to lose this war.
Bush will potentially win it.
So I'm going to go with him.
And now I keep having to explain to people that George W. Bush didn't represent me.
He was just the best thing I could get my hands on.
George W. Bush was a good guy.
I mean, a really good person.
He didn't have the philosophical backing that he required to do the job he needed to do, but he was a good human being.
I can't say that about Donald Trump.
I can't say that about a guy who calls for his followers to beat people up.
And so it's just, I think it's a bridge too far.
It's a bridge too far.
I would rather lose the court, and I say this advisedly, but I'd rather lose the court than give the Oval Office over to a thug.
And that's just the way it is.
I mean, I think there comes a point when you can't compromise anymore.
Because remember, policies, we can argue with policies, but character doesn't change.
Character doesn't change.
And a guy who calls for opponents to be beaten up, a guy who treats women the way he treats women, which is unacceptable in any conservative circle I know.
I've never been in a conservative circle where women are spoken of the way he speaks about them.
The guy treats people like that.
That's a character issue, who treats John McCain.
I mean, never mind about John McCain's philosophy, but he was a war hero who disses him as a war hero.
It's just unacceptable.
It's unacceptable, and I don't think I can go down that road.
So let me just deal quickly with some of the craziness that's going on in Hollywood.
Remember, we had this whole thing about the Oscars so white and they didn't.
So Hollywood, I know Hollywood is usually a bastion of calm, reasoned behavior, but instead, all of a sudden, who would have thought it?
They've gone out of their minds.
Okay, so this is, they feel, oh my God, we've been caught, you know, not hiring enough black people.
So here's from the Hollywood Reporter.
Since the Oscar nominations were announced January 14th, a slew of diverse stories and colorblind castings have gained momentum.
So these are screenplays they're talking about.
Newly announced projects include the young Barack Obama movie, Barry.
I'll be first online.
I don't know how early I can get a ticket to that one.
And Disney's immigrant story, Dr. Q.
Those come on the heels of the record-breaking $17.5 million Sundance deal for Nate Parker's slave drama, The Birth of a Nation.
There's definitely a big conversation taking place right now in our business as management 360 partner Darren Friedman from both the filmmaker side and the buyer side.
There's a push for more diverse stories.
It's happening in a genuine way, an understanding that the cast or the directors who get hired should reflect the way the world looks.
J.J. Abrams, your hero, right?
J.J. Abrams, the guy who makes all the nostalgic Star Trek and he just made Star Wars, right?
J.J. Abrams' production company, Bad Robot, has teamed with its agency, CAA, one of the big Hollywood agencies, and studio partners, get this, to require that women and people of color are submitted for writing, directing, and acting jobs in proportion to their representation in the U.S. population.
Okay, so this is truly extremism.
So never mind if you have the talent, if you don't have the color, you know, if you don't have the, you may have the requisite talent, you may have the story, you may be the guy, but if they don't think you're the right color, they're going to, you know, that can only end in tears.
But that's truly extremism without content.
Kids Belong to Communities00:04:02
So same thing over at MSNBC, the host Melissa Harris Perry, right?
This crazy, she's the crazy woman who did that commercial about how we shouldn't be allowed to take care of our own children.
All right, go ahead, play it.
We have it.
We have never invested as much in public education as we should have because we've always had kind of a private notion of children.
Your kid is yours and totally your responsibility.
We haven't had a very collective notion of these are our children.
So part of it is we have to break through our kind of private idea that kids belong to their parents or kids belong to their families and recognize that kids belong to whole communities.
Once it's everybody's responsibility and not just the households, then we start making better investments.
Yeah, that's got to work out right.
All your kids belong to us, right?
You know, that's because it's got to be.
So she has walked off her show, citing frustrations with the network's treatment and a loss of control over the program's content.
Harris Perry, whose show airs on both Saturdays and Sundays from 10 a.m. to noon, is refusing to host this weekend after being sidelined for two weeks by election news.
In a letter to her colleagues published on Medium, she wrote that she was deemed, quote, worthless by the network and fought back by saying, quote, I will not be used as a tool for their purposes.
She's black, by the way, if you can say.
I am not a token mammy or little brown bobblehead, she said.
In a later interview with the New York Times, Ms. Harris Perry clarified her comments and took the focus off her race.
She said, I don't think anyone is doing something mean to me because I'm a black person.
Well, why bring it up in the first place?
All right.
So this is at the same time.
So it has nothing to do with her being black.
It has to do with her being preempted.
And she stormed off and made accusations of race.
This is at the same time at the University of Albany, right?
There were three black students who said they'd been attacked on a city bus by a group of white men who used racial slurs as other passengers and the driver sat silently by.
Okay, so this erupted.
This was January 30th.
This was supposed to have happened.
It was reported to the police, drew hundreds of people to a campus rally against racism, an emotional response from the university's president, and even the attention of Hillary Clinton, who condemned the attack on Twitter.
But only a few weeks later, this is from the New York Times, okay?
What seemed to be the latest iteration of a now familiar debate about race on campus, the protests, the anguish soul-searching, the calls for greater faculty diversity and administrative changes has metastasized into a controversy of an even more scorching kind.
The allegation the authorities said was a lie.
It never happened, okay?
Does that mean that everybody at the university has said, oh, well, never mind, we'll just go back to doing our studying and maybe learn some English literature, some history, maybe learn to engineer something like that?
No.
Amberly Carter, a coordinator at the university's Multicultural Resource Center, who helped organize the rally, said, people were forced to think about things that they didn't think about maybe before.
So do we now stop defending black women because of what happened?
So this is, remember that the rape case, the Duke rape case, and the guy at Newsweek said, well, we got the facts wrong, but the narrative was right.
You know, I'm a novelist.
Like, I write fiction.
I can get the facts wrong, but the narrative right.
These guys are dealing with reality.
Like, it's real.
Hello, hello, this is really happening.
You know, it didn't happen.
It didn't happen.
If it didn't happen, there's no protest.
If it didn't happen, there's no reason to even think about it.
So the Daily Caller has the biggest, dumbest race hoaxes and fake hate crimes on campus in 2015.
This is one year, okay?
So we have delusional students at the University of Missouri were so dizzy with racism, they saw imaginary Ku Klux Klan hoods.
A Columbia University student pitched a fit and cried racism because she couldn't get into a Yale frat party.
Students at the University of Delaware freaked out because they thought the remains of lanterns hanging from a tree were nooses.
A foreign student hung a noose at Duke University for totally non-racial reasons, but the school collectively cracked up anyway.
Someone slapped easily removable black tape over the portraits of black professors at Harvard Law School.
Rudyard Kipling's Advice00:04:39
This article goes on and on and on.
And the thing is, in Hollywood, to go back to Hollywood for a minute, they're really, you know, things have gotten pretty good as far as I can see.
You know, content for black people is being produced because it makes money, which is a good reason to produce it.
Nobody with talent, I mean, you know, Will Smith is really the last movie star we've had, the last operational movie star we've had.
Nobody is turning away.
By the way, one of the reasons black actors don't get hired more is because in Europe they won't watch their movies.
In America, we don't care.
We'll go see Will Smith as a hero.
Any white guy will go see Will Smith as a hero.
We don't care.
In Europe, they won't go.
And that's one of the things.
They need those profits from Europe because they make such anti-American movies that they can't make the profits.
They can't make the profits here.
So you're dealing with an event that isn't happening, and yet they're going to transform Hollywood.
J.J. Abrams is going to transform his studio into a quota system, a quota system, to react to nothing.
That is what happens when that's what happens when a philosophy becomes emptied out and simply takes on the appearance.
That's the appearance of being not bigoted.
The truth of being not bigoted is being not bigoted, is not caring, is just reading the script, taking the best actor, taking the best person, giving your rewards to the best person.
Some years, no black people will get nominated.
That's just the way it is.
That won't happen again in Hollywood because they have been emptied out.
Their philosophy has been emptied out of content and has just become extreme.
And with Donald Trump, we are in danger of that happening to us as well.
You know, usually for stuff I like, I like to end with music.
But I decided, I was having such a good time reading poetry this week, and I got a lot of nice letters about it.
So I'm going to end with this.
This poem, I love this poem.
Intellectuals hate this poem.
It's very direct.
It doesn't need a single word of explanation.
Every year, I lived in England for seven years.
Every year, they would, not every year, maybe every other year, somebody would take a survey.
What's your favorite poem?
And every year, the same poem won.
And it used to drive the professors crazy.
The poem was called If by Rudyard Kipling.
This is the second Kipling poem we've read this week, but it doesn't matter.
It's called If.
And it's a man's advice to his son on how to be a man.
And it exemplifies the British stiff upper lip tradition.
And so intellect, it drives intellectuals crazy.
First, it drives them crazy because it suggests there is a moral path to manhood, you know, that it actually is a substantial thing.
And second, because they just hate the values that it expresses of courage and being above the fray.
When Americans hear this poem, there are things that make them draw back, you know, but when you think about it and read it more deeply, you realize it's some of the best advice you'll ever get.
So here's Rudyard Kipling's If.
We will end the week with this.
And it may come in handy, as you'll find out, all right?
If you can keep your head when all about you are losing theirs and blaming it on you, if you can trust yourself when all men doubt you, but make allowance for their doubting too, if you can wait and not be tired by waiting, or being lied about, don't deal in lies, or being hated, don't give way to hating, and yet don't look too good or talk too wise.
If you can dream and not make dreams your master, if you can think and not make thoughts your aim, if you can meet with triumph and disaster and treat those two impostors just the same.
If you can bear to hear the truth you've spoken twisted by knaves to make a trap for fools, or watch the things you gave your life to broken and stoop and build them up with worn-out tools.
If you can make one heap of all your winnings and risk it on one turn of pitch and toss and lose and start again at your beginnings and never breathe a word about your loss.
If you can force your heart and nerve and sinew to serve your turn long after they are gone and so hold on when there is nothing in you except the will which says to them, hold on.
If you can talk with crowds and keep your virtue, or walk with kings nor lose the common touch, if neither foes nor loving friends can hurt you, if all men count with you, but none too much.
If you can fill the unforgiving minute with 60 seconds worth of distance run, yours is the earth and everything that's in it.