I'm Gregory Hood and I'm here as always with Paul Kersey.
And today we've got an interesting episode because it's been brought to me by a number of people in the movement, both people who are relatively new and people who have been in this really since almost the beginning, or at least what seems like the beginning.
And the question is, Are we winning?
And as some have even argued, did we win?
And the reason for this is that the idea of anti-white racism is now mainstream within the conservative movement.
You can talk about it.
Ten years ago, that was sufficient reason to be purged.
Your career would be over even if you said white people are being punished by the system.
Now, I believe it was actually Rich Lowry at National Review, the same person who purged John Derbyshire, Writing an article saying, yes, the Trump administration should focus on anti-white racism if it takes power again.
That was unthinkable a decade ago.
And yet, at the same time, we're more deplatformed than ever before.
The greatest cultural change of my lifetime is the complete abolition of the norm of free speech, not just in the United States, but throughout the entire Western world.
There's been almost no resistance to this whatsoever.
Even Elon Musk's much-heralded takeover of Twitter, now X, Jared Taylor and American Renaissance are still not allowed on X, the so-called free speech thing, even as Elon Musk continues to talk about free speech.
You can't get basic financial services.
People are losing bank accounts.
We've seen the lawfare that is shutting down Vidar.com, which was one of the earliest and most influential immigration reform websites.
Certainly, there's been no protection for people getting fired because of their ideology, because of their job.
Just about every university has an extremism research center or some sort of study for right-wing extremism.
It goes entirely one way.
And while groups like the ADL and the Southern Poverty Law Center aren't particularly influential, at least not the way they used to be, and I don't think most people in the conservative movement particularly care if they have the opposition of such groups, that's because the New York Times and Time and Newsweek basically sound the way these guys sounded 15 years ago.
And while anti-white racism is now recognized within the conservative movement, the conservative movement also doesn't particularly matter.
And what matters is Harvard and Yale and the aforementioned New York Times and the Washington Post and all these groups, the elites, the people that actually have influence, that actually have power.
They will defend anti-white racism and say, yes, this is happening and it's a good thing because we need to do this.
All that being said, I think we matter in a way that we just didn't 15 years ago.
I was talking to somebody who's dealing with some hard times and I said, well, look, the reason we're going through this is because a decade ago you were essentially shouting into the void when you wrote a column.
Maybe you could still raise money.
Maybe you could count on keeping your job.
Maybe you didn't have to worry about being docked so much.
Maybe you didn't have to worry about a lot of the things people have to worry about now, but that's because you weren't particularly important.
It was easy to ignore.
Now nobody can ignore us.
Now we are driving the conversation.
Now the American left is basically defined by their opposition to white identity.
As some people have pointed out, you can join the campus socialist club and not be particularly opposed to capitalism.
You can have different stances on the environment.
You can have different stances on just about anything you want, which would have gotten you kicked out of a Marxist group a hundred years ago.
But the one thing that you cannot Be against is the left's cultural policy.
You have to be pro-trans, you have to be anti-white, you have to be open borders, because if you aren't any of those things, you won't be allowed in the club.
Therefore, that is what leftism is.
Therefore, that is what socialism is.
That means the opposition is going to be a lot more fervent, and the obstacles we face are a lot greater, but it also means at least we're in the fight.
And I'm not sure that was really true a decade ago.
What do you think, Paul?
I mean, do you think I'm just being too... I don't know.
It's a weird mix of, like, optimism and pessimism.
I'm often accused of being a doomer, but I don't think that this is dooming.
I think that going through the fire like this is basically a necessary and inevitable step.
We've been through the fire.
I mean, I think... Yeah, both of us have.
I think one of the most important things is the transformation has happened.
That some of the ideas that are now being discussed openly by Key makers on the right, you know, you mentioned it alluded to the VDare situation, which is something I think we have to talk about in the coming weeks because you and I are very close with the Brimlows.
You know, I consider Peter and Lydia family.
And as I do, Jared, as I do you, you know, pulling back the curtain a little bit here, folks, for those listening.
Point is, Matt Walsh, one of the main people on the right right now, one of the more respected people, one of the more feared and venerated people on the right with the Daily Wire.
He did a forceful defense of what VDARE is going through with the Letitia James situation, which is basically just endless lawfare, requesting more and more documentation without actually charging anything.
I think there was a piece in the Huffington Post where they tried to denounce Matt Walsh and say, oh, Matt Walsh should be Defenestrated for this.
He should lose his job.
How dare he talk about, you know, this website that has talked about, you know, white advocacy in a white homeland.
And Matt Walsh is like, hey, you know, go F yourself, for lack of a better term.
I mean, that's where we are right now.
Yeah, and that's something we've been saying for a long time.
And one of the reasons, if you look at the history of the American conservative movement, really since Buckley on, there are these much heralded purges, which If you've ever worked in the conservative movement, they defend these things as a good thing.
You basically get this company history where you had a bunch of lunatics, then Buckley came in, kicked out a bunch of people, and the conservative movement rolled from victory to victory.
He wrote a fictional book called Getting It Right.
Yeah.
So yeah, getting rid of Reveille Oliver and the Birchers.
The Birchers.
And of course the Birchers were all right.
Well yeah, I mean that's kind of the funny thing is that a lot of the so-called purges Really led the conservative movement down a dead end, because if you go to some of these training courses, if you go to some of these conferences and things like that, I mean, the story basically ends with Reagan.
And it's like, that was 40 years ago.
I mean, like, what are you talking about?
And you look at the country now, and you look at the West now, and I mean, you and I have said this a lot of times, like, we did not win the Cold War.
I mean, this is just complete nonsense.
And there is something to be said for the fact that Certainly 15 years ago, if you got a call from a far left advocacy group, you were going to have a bad day at work.
Your bosses were going to come in, they were going to grill you, they were going to go over these kinds of things, and the guilt by association was enough.
The fact that you know about this is actually a mark against you.
It's actually good to be ignorant.
It's actually good not to know what's going on on the far right, because even to know about these things is to have a certain guilt.
That is no longer true.
Certainly the Internet and social media plays a big part in it, but I do think it's also a changing attitude because the left is now entirely defined by race and I guess also sexual politics, whereas the right.
It's kind of grasping in all directions, but they still try to put forward this sort of Reagan stuff about limited government and tax cuts and capitalism and stuff.
But it just seems so totally irrelevant.
Because none of that is really what's going on right now.
It's all about identity politics.
And people are coming to understand that all politics is identity politics.
And so, unless you just want to be in a defensive crouch forever, you have to at least push back on some of these things.
And that means, as you and I have often said, All conservatives and more broadly white people have to do to end all of this is just say no.
I mean certainly if a conservative writer doesn't expose about how so-and-so was a communist or something and now works for the Democratic Party, nobody cares.
Nobody's gonna take his calls.
Nobody's gonna care what some right-wing bloc says.
They contemptuously ignore it and move on.
Well, that's how the right needs to handle the other side, and for a very long time they have not done that.
Now there are some signs that it's beginning to change.
Yeah, and I think the most important article was published this past week in Axios, exclusive Trump allies plot anti-white racism protection dot dot dot for white people.
It was by a guy named Alex Thompson.
That name sounds familiar.
I think he's some Some.
Was he a former right wing guy who turned left?
Something like that.
I've heard shadowy rumors, but anyway.
But yeah, and the article just goes on to say, and I'll quote it real quick.
If Trump returns to the White House, close allies want to dramatically change the government's interpretation of civil rights era laws to focus on anti-white racism rather than discrimination against people of color.
And then it goes on to say why it matters.
Trump's Justice Department would push to eliminate or upend programs in government and corporate America that are designed to counter racism that favored white, that is favored white.
And targets would range from decadal policy aimed at giving minorities economic opportunities to
more recent programs that began in response to the pandemic and the killing of George Floyd.
I mean, Mr. Hood, one of the things that's been so difficult for me to wrap my head around,
just because of a lot that was going on at the time when the COVID started and George Floyd is
just how, you know, the word totality has been used a lot today because of this eclipse that happened.
You know, were you in the totality of the eclipse?
Well, we were in the totality of the apex of the civil rights blackness madness with George Floyd.
And you think about all that's happened since, and it's been basically, I think enough people said, WTF?
What's going on here?
And I mean, that's why you've seen the rise of Stephen Miller and his great non-profit that's pushing all this.
America First, yeah.
Yeah, I mean, Stephen Miller gets a lot of heat from some quarters, but I mean, this is a guy who's been doing the work from day one, who's done a lot of great productive things.
And certainly, these are the sorts of legal efforts that need to have been done a long time ago.
And the question is obviously, well, why hasn't this been done?
I mean, what I think is really revealing is, It was never about colorblindness.
It was never about equality.
It was never about all Americans being in this together.
It was about take whitey stuff and give it to non-whites.
the implicit admission that civil rights was always a lie.
It was never about colorblindness.
It was never about equality.
It was never about all Americans being in this together.
It was about take whitey stuff and give it to non-whites.
That was it.
It was about hunting white people for being white.
And the civil rights, people talk about like, well, the civil rights movement had a lot
of progress, but it's got a long way to go.
And it's well, no, the civil rights movement accomplished its goals because now Selma is wreck.
Now, nobody can send their kids to public schools in big cities, at least not if they actually want to have an education and not get the snot kicked out of them now.
You have essentially an artificial black middle class that's created by set-asides and government subsidies.
Now you essentially have political commissars in every company because you have to have some sort of a DEI program if you don't want to risk a civil rights lawsuit, and you're probably going to get a lawsuit anyway.
The point was destruction.
The point was punishment.
There was never The only people who have ever believed in colorblindness or equality were American conservatives post-1980.
None of the people who were actually pushing for any of this stuff ever believed a word of it.
It was just for naive goobers and one Martin Luther King speech taken out of context, which he didn't even write.
Well, he didn't write anything that he did, but that's beside the point.
I mean, certainly the idea that Martin Luther King valued colorblindness or that he valued American identity or he valued the idea of all of us working together, he valued those things about as much as he valued his marriage, which is to say not at all.
No, not at all.
Yeah.
But I mean, that's another point, though.
I mean, when we had Charlie Kirk criticizing Martin Luther King, that would certainly have gotten you fired.
15 years ago within the movement, simply criticizing Martin Luther King because he was a conservative hero and he's a Republican and he's the guy that we need to listen to.
Real quick, I never knew this, but when the state of Arizona refused to pass Martin Luther King Day, The NFL, this is John McCain.
It was John McCain who opposed it at the time.
This was it.
This was in the 90s.
The NFL said, hey, you're not getting the Super Bowl.
And this is the 90s.
This is the this is the late 80s, early 90s.
And that just showed you the suffocating vice that the that corporate America already had on the individual states.
If you dare deviate from the putting blacks upon a pedestal and they finally came back
and said, all right, all right, you know, we quit me a culpa and they passed a law said,
yeah, okay, we're going to honor Martin Luther King day.
Then the NFL said, and corporate America said, Hey, you can have the Superbowl now that you've
now that you've decided that MLK is worthy of admiration and veneration.
And you're right.
The whole thing with Charlie Kirk and Martin Luther King.
I mean, I remember reading years ago in Beautiful Losers, Sam Francis is phenomenal.
That's such a good book, man.
Sam Francis, anything he wrote, whether it was about Burnham.
Or his principalities and powers call him.
Yeah, Sam Francis was gold.
Anything he said was perfect.
I mean, they called him, I think Buchanan called him the Clausewitz of the right.
And I think the more I read him and the more I study him, the more I think that's true.
I think everything, I mean, a lot of the intellectual groundwork still needs to be laid, but the bulk of it is already there.
And Leviathan may not be the most polished book, and it certainly wasn't his complete magnum opus, because it was taken from us a bit too early.
A lot of it is already there.
And if you look at politics the way Francis looked at politics, particularly this idea, it was just like a little pamphlet almost that he wrote about ethnic politics and ethno-politics, I believe he called it, when he was looking at the 2000 election and the way the different racial groups voted.
More and more you see the idea, and this is something I've been hammering on for a while, that all politics is who, not what.
That when you talk about policies, when you talk about philosophy, when you talk about administering program, all of this is a complete waste of time.
All of this is completely irrelevant because when it comes to the people who matter, the only thing they're asking is which people are being rewarded by this and at the expense of what other people.
That's it.
Who, whom.
That's it.
And certainly the reaction to the Trump administration protecting civil rights for all Americans.
It's not like they're saying, oh, and now we're going to discriminate against blacks or something.
It's just we're going to do what they always told the civil rights was about to begin with.
The reaction is stunned outrage.
So what does that tell you?
It was always about rewarding this group at the expense of this other group.
I think the American right is waking up to this at some point.
All that said, and this is where we have to get a bit more pessimistic, certainly a lot of the things that have happened over the last 10-15 years I don't think any of us could have really predicted it or expected it, though perhaps we were just naive.
Certainly the idea that the federal government would be building profiles against conservatives based on the purchases you make at like Amazon and things like that, that you wouldn't be able to travel into Europe, that Europeans wouldn't be allowed to travel here.
I mean, certainly you always have problems every time somebody wants to come over to a conference or something, DHS grabs you and starts screaming at you and everything else.
I've been through that.
People losing their bank accounts, people losing their websites, people getting their books censored on Amazon.
I mean, Jared Taylor tells this story, said it at the last speech.
Keep in mind, Amazon went to the mat to defend their right to sell a book about basically how to molest kids and get away with it.
I mean, probably the most noxious thing you can think of, but they were willing to go to the mat for that because free speech was just so utterly taken for granted.
Now forget it.
I mean, one article, one blog post and anything that you've got is going down.
And like we said with Elon Musk, I mean, he keeps talking about even today, he keeps giving these like grand pronouncements about free speeches are right for everyone.
It's like, all right, we'll let Jared Taylor back on.
Just no response.
There's nothing you can do.
Certainly YouTube, even Spotify and things like that, all of these things have been taken down.
We have a couple alternative sites, you know, Rumble, Gab, things like that.
But let's face it.
I mean, the whole point of an alternative site is it's not mainstream and de-platforming in a democracy is how you dictate public opinion.
And public opinion is always dictated.
It's a product.
It's the effect.
It's never the cause.
It's manufacturing consent.
Yeah, it's always.
I mean, Chomsky was right about that.
Fundamentally, it's just, you know, he never applies his Analysis to his own thought.
I remember Chomsky was giving this speech one time where somebody said, well, you're at MIT and.
Your university develops all these weapons and the Pentagon is in bed with all these people.
Why do they let you still have a job?
I mean, shouldn't you be punished if anything you say is true?
And in his little way, he was like, well, as long as you are still funding the weapons, they don't really care what you do.
And they just see me as sort of irrelevant.
And therefore, they just let me say whatever I want, because fundamentally, it's still the military industrial complex.
And it's like, OK, Imagine an MIT professor said, hey, it is factually true that race exists and they differ in intelligence.
What do you think the reaction would be like?
Well, it doesn't matter because they're still funding weapons.
Well, it doesn't matter what professors say because nobody really cares about that.
They just care about the stuff that's happening behind the scenes.
No, of course not.
The whole thing would shut down and the big corporations in the military would be at the forefront screaming about it.
So don't give me this that The people who have analyzed the way power works on the left, and certainly a lot of the best work has been done in terms of describing the structure of it and how you can manufacture consent, they never turn around and apply to themselves because these guys are the system at this point.
These guys are the establishment.
These guys are the ones with privileged positions where they don't actually have to do anything and all their expenses are bankrolled.
I mean, it's the right that has to Scrape and scringe and try to do whatever we can just to get, you know, a book out there and then try to fight censorship every step of the way.
I mean, none of these leftists have really experienced opposition once in their entire lives.
And that's sort of the doomer take on all this is that you're getting some progress within the conservative movement.
Not a lot, but some.
Oh no, I'd actually stop you right there.
You're getting phenomenal pushback.
Not only pushback, you're seeing the entire DEI industry erased in red states on college campuses, which was basically a patronage system to employ otherwise unemployable leftists.
Yeah, but I mean, I would still say that it's in a stronger position than it was, say, three years ago.
You know, before 2020, I mean, maybe five years ago would be a better thing.
I think I guess the fact that these terms woke and D.I.
have become and gotten to a point where you had some black preacher.
I can't remember the guy's name, but he basically said this is the N word of all these terms.
And conservatives kind of laugh at this now.
Oh, yeah.
I mean, they were trying to.
That was what we talked about with the Baltimore thing.
Needless to say, there was an article today.
I just said this in Passant.
That's civil rights groups.
Are already calling for the Francis Scott Key bridge, whatever's rebuilt, uh, have a different name.
I just, I just read that article and it's funny because again, it's, it's, it's Francis Scott Key does not belong to the civil rights groups.
The civil rights groups are everything that Francis Scott Key tried to.
Yeah.
I mean this, this root in America, right?
I mean the, the fundamental problem, and this is sort of the thing where we're dancing around, but let's just come out and say it.
The fundamental problem is that.
And this is something Sam Francis wrote.
Fundamentally, if you accept the idea of white privilege, if you accept the idea that American institutions are structurally racist, and therefore they need to be redesigned to be, quote unquote, fair to non-whites, and also that mass immigration is non-white is good because it provides a way to sort of accelerate this process.
You can't believe all of these things, and everybody Most in power, at least claims to believe in these things, that anti-racism is the highest moral good and everything else, including many Republicans.
You can't believe in these things and then defend traditional American symbols and identity.
You can't do it.
The woke are more correct than the mainstream.
It's not just, you can't defend Francis Scott Key.
Francis Scott Key thought America should be for whites only, full stop.
He did.
If that offends you, you don't really have a leg to stand on when you're defending him or the National Anthem.
For that matter, if you're defending the American flag but you're upset by the Confederate flag, well, slavery existed for a lot longer under the American flag than it did under the Confederate flag, not to mention Indian removal and whatever other crybaby sins people want to scream about now.
Eventually, if you accept the validity of these complaints, You're going to have to get rid of that, too.
You can't defend George Washington.
You can't defend Thomas Jefferson.
You can't defend James Madison.
You can't defend even people in the 20th century.
You can't defend Teddy Roosevelt.
I mean, Teddy Roosevelt, frankly, was a huge supporter of eugenics.
Senator Josh Hawley wrote a book about Teddy Roosevelt, and he pointed out that Roosevelt is very different than most American leaders because he openly embraced state power, but also because he was very strongly Driven by a sense of race and that government should actually do something to improve the race, like this should be a primary concern to the state.
Now, of course, he hemmed and hawed about how terrible this is, but that is there and you can't defend TR.
You can't have Mount Rushmore.
All of these things are going to go.
There's no way to defend any of them unless you are willing to say, well, actually, America was built for whites.
Like, you are right, woke people, but that's a good thing.
And furthermore, what are you even doing here?
It's time to go.
We do have to get to that point.
And if we don't get to that point, we're all just kind of wasting time and goofing off because You're trying to do this sort of halfway defense that can never really be intellectually coherent or satisfying, frankly.
I mean, one of the things you always see.
As conservatives will say, I mean, this is sort of the mainstream argument.
You'll see this within the movement is if, let's say you're defending, I don't know, George Washington, you might say, well, it's terrible that he was a slave holder, but the revolution that he defended set in motion egalitarianism and therefore it's good to honor him because it led to where we are today.
Well, the problem with that is why do we need To look back to a flawed character, if we understand morality so much better today, why not just rename everything about somebody whose morality is better?
Furthermore, is it really true that he was fighting for egalitarianism?
Here are all these comments where he talks about how great it is to conquer the West.
Here are all these comments where he talks about not wanting to do anything about Equality because class distinctions are good.
Here's where he talks about the idea of democracy being problematic and everything else.
You are going to have to grapple with what these men actually said, not just what conservatives want to believe they said.
It is a big step forward that people seem to be getting this with Martin Luther King, at least within the conservative movement.
All that being said, It really doesn't make a difference in terms of Republican officials.
There's been no change whatsoever there.
And it also doesn't make a difference if we're sort of in this little, I don't want to say echo chamber, because it's bigger than that, because we are making some headway.
But you can't publish a book about this and have it discussed at a major university.
You can't get it published on Amazon, frankly, in a lot of these cases.
You're not going to be able to do stuff on YouTube.
You're not going to be able to fundraise.
Using a lot of the main sites, so it's always going to be marginal purely because of structural factors.
And until you overcome that, I mean, the biggest thing that I want to see is platform access mandated as a civil right, because post Civil Rights Act, I mean, there is no freedom of association.
We might as well use that for us.
I'd like to see people start taking that up.
Once we start making some progress there, I think I'll be a bit more optimistic.
As it stands, I think it's a bit It's a bit of a cope to say that we're winning.
It's more that the heat is being turned up so high that people can't help but react, but we're still being driven back, at least in my view.
Well, here's the thing, and I'll push back and I'll ask this.
I mean, from the point of winning, when you have the entire state dedicated and basically erected and constructed to stop White identity from becoming from becoming from going from implicit to explicit.
That's what everything is about in every level in every institution.
Basically, what you're saying, it's like a video game.
There's always a final boss in a video game.
You think you've got the game one.
You're like, oh, yes, I've just beat level 83.
It's over.
Then all of a sudden, some new villain shows up you didn't know about.
The thing is, we know already what the left fears the most, and that's White identity going from
Uh, implicit to explicit.
And so everything, because again, our country was founded on, uh, and I hate the term white.
I, I hate these terms, white identity.
I mean, it's American.
I mean, that's, that's, that's what it is.
That's a huge debate in itself, whether we should even use that or you just say American.
I mean, to me, it's Americans are white full stop and the founders are with me on that.
Like white nationalists.
It's almost got to hate the word cringy, but it's like, ah, seriously guys, we're American.
Yeah.
It's, it's already.
It's sort of like saying, well, I am a racist and I'm proud of it.
It's like, well, you're already, you're taking their word and their ghettoization and marginalization of it and you're embracing it.
But at the same time, there's also like, what other word do you use?
And sometimes We look at a lot of these things.
Peter Brimel talks about this all the time when it comes to Christophobic.
I mean, this is something that he talks about in terms of anti-Christian discrimination.
And isn't it interesting that in a majority Christian country, still a majority Christian country, there's almost just no word for it, the idea of discrimination against Christians.
Certainly, when it comes to discrimination against whites, even someone like Elon Musk will say, well, this is racist.
And then, you know, the comments will be filled with people saying, well, you can't be racist against whites because racism is prejudice plus power, and we don't have power.
And of course, the way we know they don't have power is because the people saying this are majoring in black studies.
And a set aside judge is set aside jobs guaranteed by the government and whose entire lives are basically subsidized by the people they hate so much, but that's why they don't have power.
It's actually the people who are denied any of these predictions that do have power.
And the reason we know this is because professional anti-racists tell us so.
I mean, there's this sort of backwards logic and it's, it's so obvious on some level, but There's a real problem when the only people who you can count on as sort of a mass base are conservatives, because what is conservatism except to say that the way things are now are basically good?
Maybe we need some reforms here and there, but the existing system is doing okay.
But as you point out, it really is entirely dedicated to making sure that explicit white identity never comes to fruition.
And if you're defending that system, that is what you're defending.
Until we get explicit white identity, I just feel like all of this is a complete waste of time.
We're just, you know, deck chairs in the Titanic.
Yeah, I mean, the funny thing is, I would even go ahead and say that we've already seen the capsizing and the breaking apart of the Titanic, and we're basically floating around waiting for someone to save us.
I'm not even sure what that means.
I mean, it's a terrible metaphor, but the point is, We're all, we all want to celebrate.
And again, I'm kind of going back on what I've said, because we want to celebrate small victories when maybe the battle was already lost.
And so the victories don't even matter.
But the point is there is still enough.
There are still enough individuals who are motivated to and galvanize.
It scares the left and it scares the numbers are there.
I mean, that's it.
But, Let's let's do another.
I mean, I got to give you guys some bleak pills, because that's what I do.
So there was a recent local election where a guy who had got elected to, I believe, city council or some sort of local position like that.
He had gone to, you know, at the right.
They knew about this before the election.
Nobody cared.
He got elected.
Then I'm not kidding.
It was actually some sort of pro tranny quote unquote Christian and a few others.
A few other far-left activists got the media excited.
They wanted to do a recall.
And, of course, this wouldn't particularly matter because this city is overwhelmingly Republican, but you had the conservatives rally to this and you had them saying things like, well, if this guy gets elected, I'm not sure we can get the military base and the business things that we want.
Shades of John McCain and Arizona and the Martin Luther King thing in the Super Bowl where it's just, Well, we don't, our community needs this money and we don't want to get in trouble.
So he gets recalled.
And this is in an overwhelmingly Republican city.
And what is the lesson?
The lesson is that if you pressure these people, they will cave.
Because at the end of the day, it wasn't the case that Republicans in this made here.
It wasn't a moral case.
It wasn't deeply held ideological case.
It was basically This may cost us money, we don't want to get in trouble, therefore we're going to throw this guy to the dogs and hope they leave us alone.
And that's basically been the conservative message for my entire life, certainly.
Whereas the left's message is, we are right, they are wrong, we seek power, we will use it to destroy them and help you.
And so they do these things.
The right really has no science of power.
I mean, that was one of the reasons that Francis was so important.
He was one of the few who thought about this and combined what Burnham was saying with the emerging reality that the most important political issue is race.
But we have to get the right to that point because if we don't, we continue to sort of just chase tangents and go on little adventures that lead nowhere.
And certainly, I think in many ways, again, to kind of push back on the optimism, I promise I will kind of end with a white pill, but we do have to go through some of the dark stuff.
Certainly, if you look on social media now, I mean, it's just a bunch of nonsense and conspiracy theories.
People today talking about how the solar eclipse is a free masonic ritual, which has something to do with the vaccines.
I mean, this is just, this is either content farming or insanity.
Wait, it's not?
I mean, maybe it is.
I kind of, I just don't think our rulers are that cool.
I think our rulers are lame and they don't, they don't have, we don't get like cool conspiracies.
Like every once in a while, Alex Jones will be like, the demon leaders who are running the show are actually trying to do a plot to sell us all to extraterrestrial, extraterrestrial aliens and they're going to turn us into slaves and we're not going to put up with that anymore.
It's like, I mean, that would be pretty awesome if like that was true, but like, that's not actually true at all.
Oh, they've got a global eugenics plan for Africa.
It's like, man, I would sign up with that tomorrow.
But like, that's not what's happening at all, actually.
The African population is booming.
Great.
No, exactly.
So I guess what you're saying is I should I should go give my Manly Hall books on the Masons to, uh, right.
Yeah, I think, I mean, I'll say this, the Freemasons now, I mean, first of all, the people who founded this country were Freemasons.
So, but more than that, if you look at the Masons now, I mean, it's essentially kind of a nostalgic, Backwards looking community service self-improvement type thing, which is you know Protestant because it's not really a Catholic thing Catholics have nights at Columbus But the idea that they're pulling the strings or the idea that they have any real power I think it's just laughable and I'm not I don't want to talk about the Freemasons active.
It almost like proves a point I mean the point is like that doesn't matter.
It's just a tangent.
It's just silliness.
It's just oh here is Here are some symbols and some numerological codes and we can get all excited because we want to believe.
That the elites are these somehow still right-wing guys who have like mystical orders and hierarchies and we have to uncover it like we're detectives in some stupid movie.
That's not true at all.
We know who the elites are.
I mean, they're right there.
They're telling you what they're going to do.
They're taking your money quite openly and giving it to people that you can see.
I mean, this is all right there in front of you and they're going to continue to do it until you stand up for yourselves as white people.
Because all these other things that you're screaming about, none of this matters, and none of it has anything to do with what's really at stake here.
If I could jump in and ask you a question, if you saw on Twitter, there was a hilarious tweet from a San Francisco Giants game of the Black National Anthem, and this one white guy, everyone's... Yeah, he's turning around, he's got his hands over his ears.
Exactly.
Look at what this guy is doing!
I mean, the thing that people have to understand, I think Scott Greer even talked about this a little bit, Juneteenth, for example, when they made that a holiday, thanks Trump, when they made that a holiday.
Well, Corbyn.
Corbyn, yeah, more than anyone, him.
They called it National Independence Day as well.
It wasn't just Juneteenth.
And you're like, well, why is it being lumped in as an Independence Day?
And then you have the Black National Anthem.
Keep that in mind as you see these attacks against Francis Scott Key.
A number of people have already proposed getting rid of the Star Spangled Banner.
And people are missing the point when they say, well, these are separate Black anthems and symbols and institutions, and we're all supposed to be Americans, whatever that means.
But what's really happening is this is the replacement.
Because once you've bought into the idea that American identity is about this endless quest for equality, why would you not get rid of these symbols?
Why would you not make the American national anthem lift every voice and sing?
Why would you not make Juneteenth the real Independence Day?
Because what America is really about is emancipation and abolition, not breaking away For national sovereignty from the British Empire, because national sovereignty isn't really what we want anyway, because we are part of a global community and we need global solutions, and independence is kind of an outdated right-wing nationalist idea that arouses achy feelings.
So, these sorts of things are going to be the replacement, and I think it's basically inevitable, because the underlying logic of decolonization It is truly unlimited because there's always anything that is rooted in history, anything that is rooted in tradition, anything that comes out of a specific people's experience can be identified as colonialist.
I mean, the original decolonialist revolution was the American Revolution, but somehow we find that Washington and the other founders are colonizers.
If you truly believe, and you have to believe this if you deny race, you have to believe this, If you truly believe that institutional racism is the explanation for why these other groups can't perform, you have to scrap every institution.
You have to scrap every symbol.
You have to replace everything.
I mean, why not rename America itself to Turtle Island or whatever the indigenous name is?
I mean, I fully expect that we'll actually see that at some point.
And people laugh about these kinds of things and they say, well, that will never happen.
But at every stage, it's basically been The right wing conspiracy theorists who are true about what the next step is.
If you look at reparations, for example, it now has near majority support among Democrats.
But if you look at support among Republicans, it has been trickling up.
And the reason is because Republicans have no real moral certainty.
They have no real will.
They have no They're not sure of themselves.
They feel fundamentally guilty, and they think that the leftists are right in some sense.
And so they might trail behind and mutter things once in a while, but ultimately they get to where the left tells them they have to go.
Reparations, again, barring radical change, barring a complete change in the way we talk about politics, and especially the way we talk about race, obviously reparations are inevitable.
Obviously.
Obviously National Review is going to write an article one day that says the conservative case for reparations.
How can you not have these things?
But the pushback within the conservative movement is at least beginning.
It's just When has the conservative movement ever done anything, A, and B, without platform access, frankly, on the internet and certainly on broadcast television, I question whether we can get anywhere.
I mean, a lot of people got really excited, for example, say when Tucker Carlson started doing a show on X, but I think he was far more influential when he was on Fox News.
And as we remember, AOC was bragging about how deplatforming works when they got him kicked off, and that was a powerful voice who was talking about anti-white discrimination, if not explicit white identity, who has now been silenced.
I agree with that.
I'd push back, though.
One of the things that we've seen that I think shows what is actually happening when you get off these social media sites and you actually see how normal people exist, who probably Don't know and they don't read and they don't retain the amount of knowledge.
I just actually read a book.
You can laugh.
All you guys can laugh out there in podcast land and in the comments section.
Big fan of professional wrestling.
There's a book that just came out about macho man Randy Savage.
Amazing pro wrestler.
Died back in 2011.
And I literally knew everything.
Every episode comes back to pro wrestling by the way.
I agree and it's a theme of the show going forward.
As it should.
But again, here's my point though.
Here's my point.
I knew everything about, I knew every story in the books.
I've listened to podcasts and I've got, you know, I remember stuff and it's like, wow, there's nothing new in this.
But then again, I'm reading it and I'm sitting there and I realize I'm not the target audience of this book.
This guy's trying to do something for people who may have heard this guy who said sap into a slim Jim.
Oh yeah.
And uh, They've never, they've never encountered some of these stories and the whole Tucker Carlson thing of him being on X and Twitter and not having a show on Fox anymore.
You, you see him go to these big cultural events with, with, uh, Donald Trump, the, uh, Tucker Carlson.
I'm sorry.
Uh, when Tucker went with Donald Trump and, uh, the guy who, um, Dana White at the UFC event and the crowd is going insane, they're going insane.
They love Tucker.
And I just saw a video of Tucker going to a, Kid Rock concert today just dropped and everybody's trying to get a picture with him, a selfie.
They love Tucker.
But isn't this sort of the problem, though?
You've got these sort of minor league celebrities.
I mean, none of these guys are true cultural leaders.
I mean, UFC is obviously a major cultural force, but it's not The same thing as the combined power of the NBA or professional baseball, or certainly the NFL, where they sang the black national anthem at the Super Bowl, which is the closest thing America has to a national holiday, a true national holiday that everybody cares about.
And so you sort of have these, it reminds me of like when some celebrity, usually somebody who's over the hill, some movie star, says something vaguely conservative, and then he ends his career making sort of, you know, Christian movies about how Turning to prayer at a dark time in his life helped him and it makes 50 million dollars and everybody talks about how this is going to change the world.
I mean this is all still just sort of happening in a certain ghetto and for these people who are cheering, I mean are they going to turn out to vote?
Because the biggest problem that the GOP faces right now is you've got all these white working class guys who don't vote normally, but you need to actually get them to the polls for 2024 and Without a major league effort of the sort that you see in the Democrats for blacks, you're probably not going to get these guys to emerge as a real political force.
It's just, I don't know, a consumer base that maybe you can get to cheer for the right things.
And I think certainly have potential.
And these are our people.
I mean, these are the people who at the end of the day, I care most about, but you have to, give them something to turn them into a real political
force.
They're not just gonna do it on their own.
Any more than any group can just do it on their own.
Yeah, I think one of the sad things about 2020, we can talk about what, again, Time Magazine
wrote an article where they basically cataloged everything that happened well before the election
to rig the algorithms for mail-in balloting, mail-in voting, canvassing, and everything that they did,
bragged about stealing the election.
Again, you can look it up.
Jared Taylor and I have talked about this.
It was an article.
But the point is, one of the most important aspects about what you just said is, again, actually,
what did you just say?
And forgive me, because I had this great point to make, and then I started thinking about something else.
So go back.
I said that the problem with a lot of the people that you're talking about, a lot of these sort of
minor league celebrities, is that they don't really have real cultural power, real cultural influence.
And the popular base, basically white working class people, they have to be, they have to be taken to the, you need a sort of political machine the way that Democrats have for urban blacks.
That has to be built among white working class voters for the GOP.
And here's the key, nobody in the GOP itself It's not a question of, oh, well, we don't know how to do it or we don't have the skill.
They hate these people.
And I think that might be changing somewhat within the conservative movement.
But I don't think it's changing within the higher ranks of it.
I don't think it's changing within the GOP.
And Trump, for all everybody talks about him, I mean, Trump is the guy who might get these guys excited.
But let's face it, he's not a political systems builder.
And insofar as he's raising money, he's raising money to fight lawfare.
Yeah, that's, that's the issue is that we have the popular base.
I mean, the numbers are already there in some sense, but directing them and organizing them and getting them to push in a common direction is extremely difficult when you can't use a lot of the institutions and a lot of platforms that every other political movement can take for granted.
And when morally people are unsure of themselves, mostly because of intimidation and I think the biggest single thing, Is people's fear of losing their jobs?
I mean, if you were talking to like, what are the three things that I would do beyond, you know, stop immigration or affirmative action or all this kind of stuff?
It's like, yeah, okay.
But if you actually wanted to turn the tide to actually make it so we could fight back effectively, one is you would add ideology to the Civil Rights Act.
So you can't get fired because of your ideology.
Two is you would mandate platform access as a civil right so you couldn't lose these sorts of things because they would be considered fundamental to having a life in a modern society, like you have a right essentially to a bank account, for example.
And then the third thing is essentially what Stephen Miller is talking about, where you would actually use these sorts of laws and say, well, these actually apply to white people too.
And that by itself, you would do what people who actually put forward the Civil Rights Act said it was going to do.
But within like two years of it being implemented, it turned into the negation of what it was supposedly all about.
And it created this ridiculously complicated and stupid racial caste system that we have today.
Well, you could turn that around, but these are all things that could be done tomorrow.
These are all things that could have been done during Trump's first term.
These are things that people were urging him to do in his first term, and nobody did.
I think Ann Coulter might have been one of Stephen Miller's critics.
I hope I'm not misquoting her here.
But Stephen Miller is one of the few people in the first Trump administration who Was generally on the right side of a lot of these things who wasn't purged, who didn't get kicked out when the media cried about him.
He was able to be a political survivor, and certainly he's done a lot of good since, but you have to wonder, was that because he wasn't pushing a lot of these things, maybe at a time he could have?
We're going to find out.
I mean, because even though we're not really talking about elections and we can't talk about elections in terms of endorsing people, There does seem to be just as a factor of analysis.
I mean, I think that there does seem to be this weird combination of complacency and desperation regarding The Trump campaign, because on the one hand, you see people saying things, you know, to leftists like you have less than one year.
We're going to do these things.
You can't stop what is coming.
And on the other hand, the fact is, I mean, the polls are slipping away.
Biden has been consistently gaining for weeks now, really ever since the State of the Union, which is what I predicted in the American Renaissance column.
And there's no evidence whatsoever.
That the Trump administration, that the Trump campaign or the GOP or even the conservative movement are doing anything about ballot harvesting, not complaining about it, but like doing it ourselves or getting people to the polls or making sure the white working class is actually going to turn out.
Because those are the things that actually matter, building a real political force.
And right now, even though people were pushing back against anti-white stuff, On the internet, or maybe within some conservative groups, you still don't have any of that being turned into like a real concrete political force.
You still don't have any evidence that it can win at the polls.
And most importantly, you still don't have any explicit whiteness that can push back against everything that's happening, because that is still cancelable, for lack of a better term, within the conservative movement.
I mean, let's just put it directly.
You and I both worked at a number of conservative institutions.
You think those guys would ever rehire us?
Forget it.
Well, one of them's gone.
Yeah, one's gone.
We actually use that organization to actually get Trump elected.
It's just a story for another day.
L.I., we raise way too much money for that organization.
I mean, I actually have nothing against L.I.
particularly.
I mean, they always treated me great and I, you know, I left on good terms with them.
But like, the thing with L.I.
is that, from what I've been told, is the Guilt Buy Association has actually become stronger since Trump was elected.
And certainly we've seen a lot of the so-called leaders of the alt-right, mostly people who are selected by the media, turning traitor, complaining about the, you know, why didn't people just follow me to the end?
This is everybody else's fault.
We really, we should just be liberals all along because we want to be elitists and things like that.
I think fundamentally we have to recognize the core reality that our popular base is on the American right and the conservative base, the white conservative base.
These are our people.
And I don't think you can win over sort of, I don't know, call it racist elites.
I don't think that you're going to, because the alt-right originally was sort of, That wouldn't you agree that it was the typical alt-right guy in May 2014 before it really came to the fore was basically the type of white guy who was gentrifying a city who didn't who wasn't a Christian, but he also believed in human biodiversity.
He was aware of crime because it was moving into a city.
He had gone to university, and so therefore he knew about multiculturalism and wanted to push back against this stuff.
The internet was still free, so you could still read about this stuff, you could still buy books about it, you could still talk about it without suffering too many consequences.
All that has obviously changed in the years since, but we have to recognize that that constituency may not really be there anymore, and I think for better or worse we have to You have to hum where the ducks are, and the white conservative base, that's the bulk of our people, and those are the people whose interests we have to defend.
And I mean, I think this is the big difference between me and you and a lot of other people.
We both came out of the conservative movement, and we both like these people.
We are those people, you know?
I've never looked down on them or considered myself separate from them.
I've always considered myself one of them.
Yeah, I was being groomed for a big position at one of those organizations.
You're always told to sell these people out, and it's like, I don't want to sell them out.
I want them to win.
They're good people.
But winning means...
Winning means the irrelevancy of their vocation, their advocation.
And I think that's one of the things you have to realize.
And I want to go back and talk about two things.
I know we're trying to do a shorter program tonight, and thank everyone for listening to View from the Right.
If you want to get in touch with me, you can send me an email to becausewelivehereatprotonmail.com if you have any ideas or any criticism or any corrections.
And you can get in touch with Mr. Hood at... I think it's hood at nc-f.org.
Yeah, but I want to get back to two things.
One, ballot harvesting.
Yeah, I think this is what Republicans should be doing.
You know, they got that goofball Scott Pressler, who back in 2019 went and cleaned up Baltimore because I think Trump said some things about what a What a what a asshole Baltimore was.
So he went and cleaned up some ungodly amount of refuse and trash in Baltimore.
And the Baltimore Sun kind of made fun of him for doing it.
Yeah, of course.
I mean, this is sort of the pearls before swan.
Yeah, exactly.
Excuse me real quick.
But but I think that there's the fact that You have to rely on this kind of thing to basically do the sort of things that a political party should only be doing.
And this palpable disdain for their own base and the unwillingness to defend them in racial terms.
I mean, even something where you have the people on your side, it's always this sort of embarrassed, sheepish tone.
When you do see them go to the mat, it's on something that's stupid and can't possibly win and is obviously just a kind of absurd form of virtue signaling.
Certainly, we saw some of this today, even when Trump He finally gave them what they wanted.
And long, you know, TLDR, he basically said, leave it to the states, which that's what
the repeal of Roe v. Wade was about, was making it a state issue.
That was my entire life in the conservative movement was, that's what we want.
He finally gave them what they wanted.
Nobody else could have done it.
What did they do?
Oh, he's a coward.
He's not a true Christian because we need a nationwide abortion ban.
Even though that's unpopular, it would cost us the election.
It's more important that we say this stuff and puff our chest out and do this.
And it's like, well, I just don't think you're serious.
And furthermore, if you really believed any of this stuff, you wouldn't be talking about how we need to have a national abortion ban in this campaign that can't win.
Like if you really believed what you say you believe and you thought about the logical
conclusions of this, you wouldn't be goofing off with ballot boxes. You know
what I mean? So I just don't take this kind of signaling seriously. I don't think anybody believes
it, including the people who are saying it. I think it's just kind of a grift and a
weird form of a self esteem boost.
We need to be like serious about our situation. And the serious, the real situation is that
white people are being turned into a minority, not just in this country, but in every Western
country. It's happening with remarkable speed. It's being accompanied by explicit efforts.
In governments to discriminate against whites, to make their lives worse.
We see the end result of it in South Africa and the former Rhodesia.
We know how this movie ends.
There's no mystery about it.
No one can pretend that, oh, well, maybe it'll all work out.
We'll be in a colorblind democracy and everyone can make money.
There's no chance of that happening.
No one believes that.
Even worse, there's no post-credits scene to set up the sequel.
No.
If we lose it, it's over.
There has to be a sense of seriousness and there has to be a sense of we are willing to go through the fire here and do what must be done because this really is the most important cause that has ever existed.
Which is why?
Because if you don't win this you're not going to win anything else and this is the big issue and I guess this is where I'll sum it up is that we've seen and I should note that I'm writing a larger piece on this this week so I'd be eager to hear feedback from people.
Before I put my pen to work and say what I'm gonna say, but I think that where I stand right now, the numbers are there.
We actually do have more people, I think, than we had back when you could organize openly.
And we certainly have a lot more people who are with us that are keeping their heads down for various reasons.
The money is there too, getting it to where it needs to go, raising it.
Dealing with all the logistical problems that have been brought up by deplatforming, for example, American Renaissance at this time, I don't think can even accept credit card donations.
And it's the federal government who's actually pressuring these banks to deny processing services to a lot of these things.
I mean, this is what the government does.
Federal Reserve, yeah.
Right.
But all of these things can be overcome with a bit more effort.
The problem is that The temptation is always to go off on a tangent, to talk about something that sort of sounds like you're fighting the system, but not really.
And sometimes that even turns into a sort of I don't even know, like kind of nightmare pessimism porn, like all these accounts you see on X where it's just, oh, well, here's a bunch of black guys beating up a white girl.
Isn't this terrible?
Here's a bunch of Muslims beating up a Christian pastor or something like that, or they're doing a prayer service and some road in Paris.
Isn't this awful?
The West is done.
What do you think about this?
30,000 likes.
And then a lot of these videos, you look at them and they're from like five or 10 years ago, like don't really have anything to do with what's happening right now.
The overall question I've always had my entire life in dealing with this movement is, people talk about these problems and then you say, okay, therefore what?
And the answer to, okay, therefore what, is always something like, give more money to the military, cut taxes for George Soros, make sure that there's no minimum wage laws.
Are you serious about this or not?
Do you actually mean any of this?
And one of the important things about the American right, and I do not include a lot of the people that we've been talking about so far, including many of the people we've worked with, and I've actually somewhat even come around on Charlie Kirk, but for a lot of these guys, particularly those in office, and particularly those who are talking about changing parties now that Trump has won the nomination and stuff, Lisa Murkowski up in Alaska, for example, a couple of the Republicans who have just left Congress, therefore endangering the majority.
Like, if you really believed any of the stuff you've ever said in your entire lives about you seeking office to protect the country, to fight for a limited government because you think it's the most important issue, to not have America spend itself in the bankruptcy or whatever else, you wouldn't be acting this way.
Therefore, you don't actually believe any of this.
So it's not just a question of, well, you disagree with me because you don't think race is as important as I do.
You've never believed any of the stuff you're saying.
And the problem is that the right has always been led by a kind of phony controlled opposition.
And I think the people who are doing that are far more self-aware than people on the outside really understand.
I think they understand that It's meant to lose.
It's meant to kind of run out the clock until there's nothing we can do about it anymore, and then just hope that somehow they can get away from everything.
And we have to have a fighting movement.
We have to have something that says, like, no, this is what we want.
We will do whatever it takes to get there.
Full stop.
Now, are you with us or not?
Yeah.
It really is that simple.
It really is that simple.
And going back to the whole Scott Pressler thing that I was talking about, this guy who goes around trying to register Republicans and trying to register blacks.
He lost in 2020 because 50,000 white working class guys in the Rust Belt switched.
Yep, that's what caused it.
Or they didn't vote.
Or they didn't vote.
Yeah, you're talking, and the Rust Belt, by the way, you're talking about Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin.
Yeah, maybe Minnesota as a reach.
And Minnesota was closer in 2016, again.
All it would take is a focused effort on these places, and they won't do it.
They will not do it.
And you have to ask yourself, and they will not do any legislative actions to try to appeal to these people.
Biden said today he's just going to cancel student loan debt for a bunch of his guys.
Now, again, the Supreme Court said he couldn't do that, but he just said, well, the hell with it.
I'm just going to do it anyway.
You never see this kind of shall we call it customer service from the GOP.
You I mean think think really hard about this.
When's the last time somebody in the Republican Party or even the conservative movement.
I said to you, as a regular white person, this is what I'm going to do to make your life better.
Not, this is what we have to do to appeal to other groups.
Not, this is the duty we owe to the rest of the world.
Not, oh, my faith teaches me that this is what we have to do, even though it's bad for us.
No, this is what we're gonna do to make your life better.
You vote for me, I'm gonna give you this.
The other side can count on that all the time.
And, I mean, one of the things that I would say is, Sometimes they'll say something like, we, and they'll say, well, aren't you taking a partisan stand?
I would say no, because the Republican Party is just as anti-white as the Democratic Party in many ways.
They're just more dishonest about it.
We do not have, and I said this at American Renaissance last year, we do not have any political representation, not one, because there is not one explicit pro-white Represented in the Congress, there's not one explicit pro-white politician anywhere in the United States who's in office.
Every other group can count on that.
Until that changes... I've got to stop you there because you mentioned what happened in Oklahoma and I've already said the entire system is dedicated to stamping out the implicit becoming explicit.
And that's what happened in Oklahoma where this guy who went to the Unite the Right He became what, a member of the City Council?
It was basically City Council, yeah.
Yeah, again, like you said, it's a very red area, but there was so much effort to humiliate this guy and to try and destroy his life.
Again, he said that his, his what, his, uh... Tires got slashed.
Yeah, tires slashed, brakes cut, and it became this, it became this great moment for MSNBC, Huffington Post, Whatever organizations still exist.
I don't even know what leftist.
Yeah, but the point is you have to I mean, this is we have to bring this home.
And I think this is the critical point is that we are seeing more discussion of our issues and we've made it.
We're in the debate.
We're in the fight that counts for something and I'll give people that but every time there is an actual confrontation.
You always got to count on about 30% of the people who should be on your side breaking ranks and fleeing.
And maybe 10% just joining the other side, even though they're going to get butchered after the battle too.
That has to change.
And we have the numbers in some sense.
We have enough.
We have a critical mass and we have the potential resources.
It's just a question of uniting them behind one thing and some common objectives.
That is difficult to do, given the technical problems that we face, mostly as a result of de-platforming, mostly as a result of financial de-platforming.
And, you know, I'm not saying this is because of lefty non-profits or left-wing activists or Antifa.
No, it's because of the federal government.
Like, that's who's doing it.
That's the people who are really putting pressure on a lot of these things.
I mean, it's the state that is doing this.
It's not people who complain about Antifa.
Antifa do not matter.
the state matters. But that also means it can be turned around and it can be turned around with
remarkable speed. The white pill I want to end with, and then I'll let you wrap it up,
is I think the potential power is, it's almost beyond description because the flip side of,
we don't have a single guy in office on our side is, well, look how much people are still freaking
out about us.
Look how much support you actually see.
Look at what waves we're making already.
What happens when it becomes safe for people to put their head up even for a second?
We're talking hundreds of millions of people ready to do whatever it takes.
It wouldn't take much.
The thing about America is you're always tripping all over the place because of all the crowns lying in the gutters.
It just would take one guy and.
I have my doubts about whether Trump is that guy, but the fact is people are talking in these terms, so the opportunity is there.
And while the persecution is a lot more severe than it was 15 years ago, the opportunity is real.
It's so close you can almost taste it.
It's just a question of can you find somebody who actually wants victory as opposed to somebody who yearns to be defeated because of this idiotic myth of self-sacrifice.
I'll let you wrap it up.
Wow, that's that's such a great point about where we are in terms of is Trump that person or see the bridge.
I think Trump has always been the bridge.
And I think one of the most important things is.
I think everybody's in that kind of waiting period where you're starting to see more and more of the left really going overboard to stop anyone from bringing up and connecting everything back to race.
And that was what happened to poor Steve King when he was voted out.
And didn't he actually even vote himself to center himself?
Yeah, he did.
God.
And it's just, you look at that.
And you realize just the humiliation that goes into things, and you've talked about spite being one of the most powerful factors in politics.
No, not one of the most.
The most powerful.
Yeah, the underlying resentment.
What is leftism?
What is ur-leftism?
I think Umberto Eco wrote a thing on a study, a widely influential study on what is ur-fascism, the primary characteristics of fascism.
Well, I can do a much easier one on what is ur-leftism.
It's just spite.
It's organized spite.
That's all it is.
Yeah, and I just go back to this.
I think we've seen something happening throughout the entire Western world.
You see what happened in Ireland, and one of the people who will be speaking at the Videoconference who spoke at I mean, he's basically shown that the entire government of Ireland is conspiring against the Irish people.
And, you know, he's been someone who has been promoted by Elon Musk.
We've got the situation now with Brazil.
And Elon Musk, as you and I have been talking tonight, I've been kind of following what's happening where he's trying to get all of the Twitter employees in Brazil to safety because they could all be mass arrested.
Uh, as we speak, I mean, basically the entire world is predicated upon, uh, ensuring the survival of the post-World War II liberal, uh, order.
Yeah.
Order.
Yeah.
Yeah.
The moral, the moral consensus of a lot of people have talked about this and if you'll let me riff for a minute there, then I'll, uh, I'll wrap it up.
Yeah.
All right.
Reno wrote in return to the strong gods that, He had a student who basically said, you know, I want to see the end of the 20th century.
He was saying this well into what was technically the 21st century.
But what he meant was the way people talk about the long 19th century that didn't end until World War I, you have the long 20th century, which is still continuing now.
And it's built, it's premised upon the post-war liberal order.
And the post-war order has nothing to do, or at least very little to do, with what people thought World War II over at the time.
At the time, it's actually a very morally complex struggle, even by conventional moral standards, because you essentially have the reactionary...
Conservative colonialist empires joined with the most murderous regime on the planet, which is the Soviet Union, which until a couple years before had been de facto allied with National Socialist Germany.
And then you had the United States of America, which at the time was also a colonialist power, fighting against Japan primarily, which was the main enemy in the eyes of most Americans, as well as Germany.
And Japan was framing itself As an anti-colonialist power that was going to liberate Asia from these white racists.
This is why a lot of the early black nationalists, black civil rights fighters actually supported Japan early in the 20th century and took heart from their victory over Russia, for example.
There's not a simple story about World War II that you can really tell, but it's been turned into a simple story.
And the simple story is essentially that what World War II was really about was not a fight between rival geopolitical blocs.
It was a fight about a spiritual enemy, which is racism, which is in ourselves.
And the real enemy actually is not Germany or Japan.
Japan is almost completely forgotten now.
It's this racist enemy that lies in every single one of us and within our own Souls.
And so even someone like Churchill, or someone like de Gaulle, in a sense, they're guilty too.
They are also the enemy, which is why you see the monuments to all these heroes, even people who fought in World War Two, being taken down, being targeted, being destroyed.
Because Every society needs a creation myth.
Every society needs a foundation myth.
And for just about every single one, it's about the idea of coming from a divine ancestor, the idea of some sacred beginning, and the idea of how you have some destiny to populate some land or accomplish some great things.
We in the West have a negative foundation myth.
What we are told is that the most important thing in our history is Auschwitz, that we are defined by hate, that the most important thing is to Constantly keep this image of death and disgrace in our minds at all time The fact that the United States or Britain or France fought against these things does not buy you any exemption It doesn't get you any credit.
In fact, it just makes you even more guilty of And we are expected to essentially embrace our own extinction because there's this evil within all of us, which has now been expanded into white privilege theory, which says that whites are evil no matter what you do.
And there's actually nothing you can do.
It's actually worse than Christianity in terms of its doctrine of original sin, because in Christianity, at least there's redemption.
There is no redemption under this theory.
And there's also no afterlife and no reward.
And we're basically We're imposing this on our entire civilization, this death cult, this cult of self-loathing and weakness and destruction, where you are eternally at war with your own past and yourself, and there's no actual way out.
And then we wonder why people do drugs, and we wonder why people blow their brains out, and we wonder why people become nihilists.
Well, what are you supposed to do?
What do you expect?
I mean, this is why I've always said that when you see some white kid die by suicide or a drug overdose, that's not the system failing.
That's the system working as intended.
That's why these things occur.
And I think at this point, we really have to move past the idea that these things are just unfortunate side effects.
I think we have to understand that this was the goal all along.
And there does need to be... If I could, what would you say?
Yeah, just let me say one thing and then I'll end.
Spare is not a feature, is not a bug, but a feature.
Yeah, yeah.
And this is, at the end of the day, it does call for more revolution, maybe even a spiritual revolution, although I don't want to get into a war over religion or something like that, but I think there does have to be an understanding that You don't invent your identity.
You are who you are.
You become who you are, so to speak.
And you have to move forward with the understanding that there's no alternate version of you.
That everything from the beginning of time happened so you could exist.
And you're not self-created.
You have a duty both to your ancestors and to your descendants.
And you're part of this great chain of being.
everything that is worth fighting for in this world and everything that gives someone fulfillment and everything that gives people joy and a real sense of purpose or Excellence as Aristotle would define it none of these things are particularly new People have talked about these things for a long time the big questions in many ways have already been settled It's just now we're not allowed to talk about these things.
It's just now we're not allowed to do these things It's just now we're told that this poison which in their More free moments, they openly admit is poison.
We're told that this poison is actually the elixir that we're supposed to drink.
There has to be sort of a great cynicism so you can laugh at all this stuff and reject it, followed by an almost astounding amount of authenticity and even naivete to then say, okay, and now we're going to fight like hell for what we know to be truly important.
But that's a big thing, because life is complicated, life is hard, we're all under the gun in terms of money and social pressure and everything else.
And to make it practical and to kind of break away from this metaphysical thing for a second, I think a lot of people do understand what the problems are and have some sense that something is deeply wrong at a fundamental level with the way our society is structured.
But unless you can give them some cover, so to speak, To act on these things, maybe in the ways that I was talking about in terms of making sure they can't get fired from the job, making sure that they can openly organize, make sure that they can do what democracy in theory is supposed to be about, where you basically are allowed to organize and speak your mind and rule yourself.
If we can give people some cover, I think the revolution The moral revolution, the spiritual revolution, the identity revolution that we need to survive will come a lot more quickly than people anticipate.
I think the enemy knows that, and that's why they're so paranoid, and rightly so.
But the people on the right, the people who have the power to do these things, even now, they're still just kind of playing games.
I think we make a mistake at this point when we just attribute it all to stupidity or naivete.
I think they know the stakes, I think they know what could be done, and they just don't particularly want to do it.
And we have to break out of this controlled opposition.
And a lot of people, we can fight about this because I know, Paul, a lot of people are going to disagree with you and I on this, either because we're going too far or perhaps not going far enough.
But to me, the essential thing that separates friend from enemy in the Carl Schmitt sense is, do you support explicit pro-white identity or not?
That is the question.
And if we can get to that point, I think all else will follow.
If we can't get to that point, I think we're just going to keep goofing off and suffering defeat after defeat.
And everything we've talked about, I think, is only important insofar as we get our people to that point.
So, with that, I will let you wrap it up, Paul.
Give the people something to hope for.
I don't want to say I'm too doomer.
Yeah, I think put the doom scrolling behind you and get what Chris... This is what happens when you spend too much time on Twitter.
Yeah, well, look at what Chris Ruffo just tweeted about all the right problems.
And, you know, he's done such a great job.
Creating this amazing, amazing effort to to repeal and push back against DEI.
And then there's a lot going on on the right.
We don't get into it.
It has a lot to do with, you know, what's going on at the Daily Wire.
But again, it fundamentally has to do with the pushback against the gatekeepers.
And he said, oh, the right has to organize.
We got to try and win.
And it's like, hey, dude, you know what?
The only way to win is to finally admit that white people have rights too.
Yeah.
And that's it.
And, and you have to, and you know, as far as people who say we need to go farther, I mean, we have to break down the gatekeepers because that's fundamentally the main thing that's preventing us from doing that.
And I think again, though, I mean, if, if once you have pro white identity, the rest, the rest follows in terms of the policy recommendations that we need in terms of, Of the winning political power in terms of having the strength to, to just say no to the left and overcome everything.
I mean, if we get that, I really don't think that it's even going to be that hard.
I think this is the hard part.
I think what comes later is actually the easy part.
What comes?
I mean, I think, I think, uh, I think maybe that's the white pill.
No, no.
I think the white pill is when we get to that point, it's going to be our enemies are kind of going to almost say, What took you so long?
Yeah, I think about that a lot too.
I know that sounds so weird, but you read the left's literature, the left's books about America's, you know, there's a great book called Documents of American Prejudice, I think that gets written by somebody.
Yeah, it's an amazing book, because basically everything that they document, it's why America was so awesome.
Because it's, it's like, wait a second, our founding fathers believed all this stuff?
Like, what went wrong when they were putting their posterity when they warned about what would happen if, if we had the amalgamation of the races, etc, etc.
And You realize like there's, um, there's a book that came out called teaching white supremacy.
I bought it.
I've actually bought a lot of these books by anti-racist, um, uh, you know, scribers.
And, uh, I love them because it's basically, there's so much you can just take from them and glean from them.
And it's like, our ancestors knew like those who stopped those who stood at little rock when they had to call in the hundred and first airborne.
And they stood against the integration of the school there.
I can't remember what the school was called, the high school.
Those are the heroes.
They knew.
They knew.
They knew and they stood and they fought.
The Battle of Ole Miss back in 1962, those are the heroes.
Like, there's so much in American history where they knew.
But as you've said, the state had already made its decision.
And that it was going to go the post-World War Two mindset.
The paradigm was already there.
The blueprints, the architectural blueprints, were already set up.
And these anomalies, this pushback against that, it was too late.
And the thing is, now we know.
And the thing is, now, as we've seen, Axios, that article.
I mean, to me, that was one of the great moments of where we are in 2024.
In the current year, as people will say, you know, it's 2024.
How can you believe this?
Well, as Axios lamented, white people have rights too.
And you know what?
I think when we realize we have rights, does it really matter, you know, what we're called?
When we assert those rights?
Yeah.
I think a lot of these debates, we, uh, we need to stop worrying so much about the theory and the right names for these things and really do the kind of common sense things where the majority of white people are already on our side.
And if we start doing those things and start giving some people some cover, as I've talked about, I think pro-white identity will come.
And once we have that, the law is false.
Well, and again, I think, uh, I think we should probably, if I get in with this, it's pro-white identity.
The only way for an America Renaissance to happen is for white people to realize that we don't have to call ourselves white people.
We don't have to call ourselves white identitarians.
We have to call ourselves Americans, as our founding fathers wanted it to be, as the true definition of Americanism at its heart.
All right.
And with that, we will call it a night.
Thank you, everyone, for listening to View from the Right.
Definitely want to hear your feedback, and I really appreciate everybody listening to this because, you know, the point is not to listen to ourselves talk.
The point is to get somewhere.
The point is to win.
The point is to see real power and real victory in our lifetimes that we can all enjoy together.