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Aug. 18, 2023 - Radio Renaissance - Jared Taylor
42:34
Keith Woods — "An Island for Everyone? Ireland at a Crossroads." (2023)
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Our next speaker is Keith Woods.
I assume he's with us.
Our next speaker is Keith Woods.
He was born and raised in the west of Ireland.
He attended the National University of Ireland in Galway.
He has become quite influential on YouTube and Twitter, where he was re-accepted.
His accounts were re-established under the new Musk dispensation.
His acerbic and insightful commentaries on the astonishing anti-hate crime laws or hate speech laws in Ireland were so interesting that they attracted the attention of Elon Musk himself, also Jordan Peterson, and Donald Trump Jr.
This, of course, extended Mr. Woods' reach considerably.
This year he has started writing for Substack and has been picked up by the Underview.
Please welcome Keith Woods.
Thank you.
First of all, thank you to Jared for inviting me.
It's great to be here.
A very beautiful part of the world.
Thank you to Amran for putting me up.
And I'm actually glad I'm following Dr. Duchesne because I think what he speaks about with liberal pluralism is quite relevant to the topic I'm going to be discussing today.
So, you know, the title of the speech is Ireland at a Crossroads, an island for everyone.
And I want to get a little bit into the background of You know, why Ireland has ended up where it is, where we have these radical thought crime laws now, where you have Sinn Féin politicians that were senior members of the IRA, you know, kneeling for Black Lives Matter and waving the trans flag.
I know this is a topic that interests a foreign audience a lot.
You know, Ireland's a small country, but certainly gets talked about in our circles more than the Negrlands or other small European countries.
I can understand why.
You know, Ireland was founded on ethno-nationalist principles.
You walk through any street in Dublin, you see any monument, they're named after national revolutionaries, people that would be considered, you know, radical right-wing identitarians today.
It was Catholic, it was conservative, it was homogeneous, it was mostly rural.
In other words, I'd say Ireland was the kind of country a lot of people here would...
Like to live in or like to, if they were creating a country based on their ideals, it would be quite similar to the Ireland of old.
And if it's interesting for that reason, I think it's also interesting for how far it's gone in the opposite direction, obviously, some of the examples I mentioned.
But the fact that this has happened in such a short space of time, you know, even still in the early 90s, Ireland had laws like sodomy was criminalized, right?
It was 95, 98% plus ethnically Irish.
So this transformation has been very rapid, and I think that's what makes it an interesting case study is, you know, we've seen there is this kind of linear progression in all Western countries, but in Ireland it happened in such a short space of time that it seems like an interesting way to kind of study that in the microcosm.
I've also noticed it's kind of interesting the range of explanations you get, you know, for the decline in the West generally, but especially Ireland, you know, you see the...
The wasp chauvinists will say it shows that Irish independence was a mistake.
You know, Brits out, blacks in that kind of thing.
The pan-European identitarians will say that it shows the limitations of what they call petty nationalism.
Or people with a more anti-capitalist bent will look at the inflow of foreign investment into Ireland and how that correlated with this decline.
So it's this weird kind of Rorschach test for dissidents.
You know, tell me why Ireland declined, and I'll tell you if you're a Catholic integralist or a racist liberal or what ideology you have.
But my take is a little bit different, and this is why I'm glad I'm following Dr. Duchesne.
I think the denationalization project began in earnest quite a time before the more obvious results of it.
I think what was the cause of this was this kind of divergence that happened between this kind of aspirational upper-middle class, mostly focused in the urban area, South Dublin.
Ireland, for historical geographical reasons, has a very concentrated lead.
And it is this kind of upper-middle class Dublin area.
And they began to see themselves as quite distinct from the rest of the country.
I think this gets to something in the psychology of white people generally, maybe.
And, you know, we can look to university professors and whiteness studies professors and the kind of subversion they engage in.
But maybe this is a more important psychological phenomenon, is this tendency of white people to signal status by deconstructing the ordinary, by deconstructing, you know, traditions, folkways.
With the tools of postmodernism.
That's quite an easy way for anyone that wants to signal intelligence, to signal status, to achieve that, is to engage in these kinds of liberal deconstructions of the ordinary, of the masses.
And I think this class, which was distinct from the rest of the country, which was mostly rural, mostly engaged in agriculture, this class was separate economically.
And I believe that they began to craft this more liberal cosmopolitan identity as a marker of their status.
And that economic distinction became a divergence in the sense of national identity.
Now, there were also kinds of contingent historical reasons why this project of denationalization began.
Chief among them that the governments of Ireland post-independence had really not delivered.
On the promises of independence.
The whole basis for the state was that it would represent the ideals of the nation, that it would deepen Irish independence.
And it really didn't deliver on any of the immediate goals after the revolution.
And so what happened was it became a lot more economically focused.
It began to re-emphasize aspects.
Of the founders of the state.
It began to focus on, well, you know, they wanted an Ireland that was economically strong.
I began to pursue this project of economic liberalization in the 1960s, where the strategy of the Irish economy shifted from one that was, you know, generally based on trade tariffs and kind of a nationalist conception of things,
trying to have a very independent economy, which...
It was not very successful.
There was never much of a plan there in terms of development, dynamism.
So they began to rely on this new strategy of attracting foreign investment.
While, you know, Lenin's new economic plan was temporary, this was indefinite.
And over time it became orthodoxy in the country.
And this was a problem.
The country became entirely reliant on foreign inflows of capital to deliver on economic growth.
And at the same time, the governments in the South had shifted the basis of their legitimacy from many of these national ideals towards just delivering on economic growth.
Well, I think more than any economic changes, the biggest factor was this intellectual deconstruction, this denationalization project that began.
Roger Scruton described something like this, I believe, when...
He spoke about oikophobia, the pathological hatred of home.
And this is certainly something that seems to uniquely afflict white people for whatever reason.
As Cruden said, oikophobia comes with the secularization of society and the final loss by the intellectual of his once priestly role.
There seems to be no special place for the intellectual in a capitalist democracy.
Lacking the religious feeling that an able man to bear their isolation, he sinks into an agitated melancholy and resentment towards the ordinary human world.
It is then he begins to invent his magisterial stereotypes of home in order to take his revenge on it.
And I think that's quite central to the project that played out in Ireland.
Again, if you see that this elite is quite isolated, quite separate economically, geographically.
And there was also the kind of weight of the troubles at the time.
The fact that this elite is becoming more globalized.
They're introduced to cheap airline travel to Brussels and London, and they're interacting with global media.
And you have this kind of old conflict that seems to drag on in the north.
The slogans of Irish nationalism are being used to justify car bombings.
The tales of Irish terrorism are being used to lionize a terrorist campaign.
Catholicism becomes associated with the most base kind of sectarianism in the North.
So there was a lot of kind of contingent Irish factors that were pushing this elite in the direction of denationalization and towards this cosmopolitan identity.
And it was a kind of virtue signaling against the majority.
It was a sign of status.
People talk about this idea of luxury beliefs now.
I think that was a big part of it in this small, impoverished country was people expressing these luxury beliefs to separate themselves as an economic class from the rest of the country.
What does liberalism rot?
We rarely...
Break this down and look at what are the actual effects in raw numbers of when a country denationalizes and embraces liberalism.
Well, there was an organization called the Newman Forum that did report on this.
It studied the social effects of Ireland's embrace of liberalism since the 60s, 70s.
And found that in that time, the suicide rate rose 655%.
The homicide rate rose 609%.
We know we all know the stereotype of the Irish and alcoholism, right?
It's probably fair for the immigrants from America, at least.
But Ireland actually had one of the lowest rates of alcohol consumption in Europe in the 1950s.
In this time, alcohol consumption rose 128%.
Drug debts rose 6,115%.
I actually read an interesting book recently called The Globalization of Addiction, which meant this kind of argument that addiction is actually kind of an adaptive...
It's adaptive on the individual level, and it's a way of coping with deterritorialization.
So the argument of the book was that globalization kind of directly causes addiction.
And of course, you look at communities that are generally afflicted by it, and yes, it is.
Immigrant groups...
In this case, country that has undergone liberalism in a quick period of time.
And of course, we see whites in America now with the opioid crisis.
And other people that are undergoing denationalization.
Very most significantly of all, the fertility rate fell 58%.
As late as 2010, Ireland still had an above replacement birth rate.
Now that's 1.6.
So this all happened very rapidly.
But nevertheless, the economic reforms did deliver in the area of economic growth.
By the 1990s, Ireland was undergoing the Celtic Tiger.
It was the fastest developing economy in the world.
We also got the end of the Troubles in the 1990s with the Good Friday Agreement in 1997.
And so there was this kind of air of optimism about the new Ireland that the bourgeois elite had been pushing forward, that it was finally delivering.
But the End of the Troubles also brought this rewriting of history on the part of Sinn Féin, because Sinn Féin had accepted the legitimacy of these governments, North and South, which they used to refuse to participate in.
But they also had to ensure that no one continued the armed struggle in their name.
So they had to rewrite what the whole conflict was about.
This involved basically a denial of ethno-nationalism on a basic level because they had to say that this wasn't kind of an intractable conflict between people with two competing claims, two competing ethnic groups that did not want to be part of the same state.
They had to say that armed conflict would no longer be justified because they had delivered on the goals.
The goal couldn't be...
You know, an ethno-nationalist goal of United Ireland or something.
And so they shifted the historical interpretation of the Troubles to be about equality.
It was actually about how Catholics were discriminated against.
They denied the ethnic basis for the conflict and they brought in this kind of Marxist interpretation that kind of let them off the hook.
It allowed them to take away legitimacy from, you know, dissident Republicans and it allowed them to paint their...
Surrender of their older principles as a victory.
And so they had this Marxist interpretation that, well, actually, the Unionists would love to be part of United Ireland if not for this false consciousness imposed from the outside.
Actually, you know, the Ulster Scots, they're not so distinct, right?
But the problem was inequality.
That's what created conflict.
The problem was discrimination that existed in the Northern Irish system.
And so Sinn Féin's whole basis became that equality is a path towards unity.
And of course, as the party became more and more leftist, this focus on equality went from more obvious economic aspects, or older forms of discrimination that may have existed against Catholics in the North, to, you know, the whole progressive bargain,
the trans rights, the gay rights, to effectively just become a Marxist party.
Although I would say there's this weird dynamic in Ireland where we had a poll this year that 75% of Irish people are opposed to taking any more immigrants or refugees.
And Sinn Féin was the party whose supporters were most against immigration.
So it is this weird dynamic where there's still kind of aesthetically associated with populism and nationalism.
But that brings us to today.
Ireland has obviously become front and centre, like I said, of this conversation, because really through the will of ordinary people, they have organised a pushback against this.
This began with the government busting in hundreds of military-aged men into small local communities, often working class.
One such community was East Wall in the inner city of Dublin that began to...
Turn out in huge numbers to protest this.
And this protest spread to the rest of the country.
Ordinary families coming out holding signs like Ireland for the Irish.
We are the majority and so on.
And the response of the government has been to roundly condemn these people.
But the more they condemn, the more support for the anti-immigration position seems to rise.
So the regime is in this kind of strange position.
In a way, it's a blessing, because in most English-speaking countries, you have a kind of fake populist parity.
You have the Tories or the GOP, and that tends to soak up a lot of the populist energy.
But that's not the case in Ireland.
Like I said, you have this kind of left-wing populist parity.
So it's a much different dynamic when you have the entirety of the establishment political spectrum.
Condemning this people's movement.
It is creating this air of dissent.
Of course, the response of the government has been to bring in some of the most draconian hate speech laws we've seen anywhere.
Ireland was, again, shown that the kind of union chaos was quite behind the rest of Europe in terms of having hate speech laws.
Now we've caught up, and these are probably more radical than any other.
Basically a thought crime clause in the bill that if you possess hateful material, even if you did not intend to distribute that material, you can be jailed.
So that is effectively a thought crime.
And the government have been pretty clear that they will use that to quell protest.
They've discussed it in the form of protest.
They blame these protests on so-called fair-right agitators.
So this will be the crackdown.
These laws are a way to silence ethnic majorities from expressing sovereignty over their homeland.
That's how they've been used in the UK, in other European countries.
And this is kind of perfect, of course, in modern liberal societies.
Ireland also got its own Black Lives Matter.
In the middle of COVID, we had some young, interesting-looking leftists coming out to Protest for Black Lives Matter alongside migrants to Ireland.
And then BLM got their own George in Ireland.
He was also black.
He was also a criminal who resisted arrest.
George in Kensho, he attacked a store manager in Dublin, threatened people with a large knife, resisted arrest for quite some time.
Police tried to...
Taze him and pepper spray him.
It wasn't a success on George.
And eventually, armed police had to shoot him dead.
Now, immediately, George's family came onto social media and cried racism and said that this was a sign that the Irish people now would have to confront their systemic racism.
All of the American racial grievance narratives were clumsily applied to Ireland.
By this black minority.
And they didn't just complain on social media.
They began to organize protests.
200 mostly black people protested outside the local Garda station, where George was from.
They made threats against police.
They hurled objects at the station.
So Ireland got the full BLM treatment.
Now, I will say, I think it probably is true that there was an idealism among the Irish people.
About what race relations would be in Ireland with these new immigrants.
And this is, I think, largely the fault of the media again.
But I think there was this sense that, well, the US, the UK, they have these racial problems, but that's probably the fault of the white people there.
That's probably because of the history of racial injustice and so on.
Well, you know, when we have blacks attacking our police and talking about Ireland's history of systemic racism, we begin to see that this is clearly motivated simply by anti-white enmity.
Now, you may say, well, they couldn't possibly squeeze that into an intellectual narrative, right?
They can't possibly apply the same racial grievance narratives to Ireland.
Well, actually, the day before George died, ironically, there was an article published in the Irish Times called, Ireland has yet to come to terms with its imperial past.
laughter
The author Jane Allmire wrote that, as well as remembering our role as victims of...
We must remember the complicity of the Irishmen who fought alongside active colonists in the British and other European empires.
She also complained of the attempt to even put the indentured servitude of Irish people in the same conversation as black slavery.
She wrote, white supremacists in the USA, for instance, misleadingly suggest that Irish indentured servitude in the 17th century Caribbean equated to white chattel slavery.
And thereby distort the true meaning and misery of black slavery.
So, God forbid anyone in any country would talk about the suffering of any group lest to distract from the worst thing ever in history, which was black chattel slavery in America.
And, you know, as a sign of how far things came so rapidly, the same newspaper the Irish Times published an article by a nationalist intellectual in 2008 called The Grim Reality of Why the West's White Race is Now a Dying Breed.
Would not get published today, at least.
But these justifications just show how shallow the anti-white narrative is.
Like I said, racial grievance narratives clumsily applied, intellectuals trying to find tenuous connections between the history of the Irish and justices against blacks.
We have now, with the benefit of social media and the internet, we can see how these anti-white narratives are applied across different countries.
And of course, in the US, you have to take infinite, many immigrants because you're a nation of immigrants, right?
In the UK and France, they have to open their borders because they had colonial empires, and they must pay for that guilt.
In Ireland, we have to take infinite many immigrants because we're a nation of emigrants, and because we went elsewhere, we're not entitled to police our borders.
You could argue that, of course, we'll...
How could you say, you know, maybe Ireland's economy isn't directly based off the exploitation of non-whites, but from the egalitarian perspective, why are northern European countries wealthier than sub-Saharan African countries, right?
If you don't believe in racial distinctiveness, the only explanation must be historical contingencies.
That would be unjust.
And so the white privilege narrative...
Follows quite naturally from the equality narrative and the liberal pluralism that Dr. Duchesne was talking about.
But ultimately, I believe Ireland demonstrates this, that these are all post-hoc rationalizations for anti-white animals.
They don't ultimately hate us because we're Irish.
They hate us because we're white.
Armani. Thank you.
We see now that many forms of justification exist for one outcome.
The destruction of homogeneous white countries anywhere in the world, and ultimately the erasure of white people.
A European may recognize the difference between a Pole and a German, or an Irishman and an Englishman.
Obviously these ethnic differences are very...
But two non-whites in our land, we are all white people.
That means we are guilty.
No further justification required.
Now, in some ways, the international struggle is more complicated than ever today.
You know, we ask, why do people tolerate this?
You know, if there was an occupying army in our land that were forcing through these changes and cracking down on speech and importing immigrants by the millions, there would probably be huge popular resistance.
Of course, it's very difficult today.
Our enemies are diverse.
There's no central node to deal with.
International lobby groups, organizations like the European Union, radical leftists, international finance capital, And yet
we are focused on our own local small nations.
So it's a much more complicated dynamic.
For the Irish revolutionaries of old, it was quite simple.
There was an occupying power.
The enemy was that power and the people administering its rule.
And it was a much simpler thing to be an ethno-nationalist.
We also have this dynamic where our struggle is very particularist.
What could be more particularist than identitarianism we're fighting for?
Our people, our biological inheritance, our customs, our ways.
But it also has this universal aspect.
And this was something that the original revolutionaries in Ireland recognized, I believe.
They saw it as a struggle for a people in a land with a culture.
But they also saw it as an expression of the attempt at freedom of mankind and of the race in one particular ethnic instantiation.
You know, I found this interesting article that Arthur Griffith, who was the original founder of Sinn Féin and definitely one of the most influential and powerful figures in the history of Irish nationalism, he wrote this article while editor of the newspaper Nationality during the First World War.
And he called the entry of non-whites into Europe that was facilitated by the colonial powers during the fighting of this war, the crime against Europe.
I want to read this.
He said...
The nations who introduced into a European war these Asiatic and African savages will stand condemned at the bar of posterity for the worst act ever committed by white men against the white race.
Europe is the white man's land, and the introduction of savage Asiatics and Africans into Europe in war between civilized powers is unparalleled in history since Anno Domini.
It is a betrayal of the white race, And an infamy pregnant with a grim and horrible danger and woe in the future.
And how prescient that was.
Thank you.
So like I said, we have this interesting dynamic where our struggle is particular and universal, and we have to combat these universal narratives.
Ultimately, we must focus primarily on our own countries, but we deal with narratives that are disseminated globally.
We deal with narratives that come out of university departments in the US and make their way across the world through social media very rapidly.
And the core of that narrative is the white guilt narrative as it relates to white countries.
This has spread across the Western world.
Even in Eastern Europe, people are increasingly...
Gripped by the same problem that I discussed with the Irish kind of bourgeois intellectual elite in the 60s and 70s.
So our struggle is particular, but it is universal.
In asserting our particular folk, we not only assert that folk, but we say no to the drive of liberalism, which is a push towards homogenization and merely quantitative progress.
The liberal of today is on a quest to flatten, to reduce.
As long as an Irishman or an Estonian or an American can plant a flag and say, this is mine, this is ours, that quest is frustrated.
This is why the struggle against globalism is global, though it will take particular forms in particular places.
We must start by recognizing that the main thrust of this force today is an attack on the white race.
What could be a more particularist creed than Ireland for the Irish or Germany for the Germans?
Liberals recognize the particularist nature of these statements, but they also balk at the universal message, I believe.
Because most of humanity still believes in a world of peoples, a world of nations.
For most people, for most time, this has been the level on which freedom mattered.
Asserting oneself not just as universal man, but as a man in a time and a place.
Gifted a heritage and inheritance to pass on to one's descendants.
And as long as there are peoples, There will be this impulse until ethnic Europeans and their descendants can shake off the distorted morality of the current day and realize their civilizational and biological inheritance.
We've read that the way of modern Ireland and its project of denationalization will be the way of all nations.
Let's move to the next stage.
Thank you.
Hello. I did just want to say thank you for making the trip and giving your talk today.
It was very excellent.
One of the things you mentioned was the fact that Sinn Féin had rewritten some of their history in order to come into power and how the Irish government, once they had achieved statehood, had sort of reneged on a lot of their promises towards a national identity and some of these more cultural aspects.
And I think something similar is happening right now in Italy with Maloney, who ran with Fratelli on this big cultural promise of Italy for Italians, essentially, but has recently signed a deal to allow some 450,000
migrants in on workers' visas.
And I wanted to hear your thoughts on the effect of politicians running as culturally right and politically nationalist, but then once they come to power, essentially reneging on
what they promised and the type of damage that would do to other nation right and
Yeah, I mean, it's very grim.
You observe the same thing in a lot of countries.
I mean, the Conservatives have been in power in the UK now for over a decade at least.
The numbers of net migration have been a record high every year for years since Brexit.
So there's this problem, especially with two-party systems.
You know, people go to the right when they're frustrated with immigration, and the right just delivers on economic promises and none of its social-cultural promises.
And same thing with the left.
And it's very hard to see a way out of that in a place like the UK, where you have a two-party system.
I'm not sure of the intricacies of the Italian system.
But yeah, this is something that has happened again and again, is these centralized parties coming into power and betraying their voters.
I'm not sure what the solution is except to just reconstitute the right and say we have to start from a new radical basis, because these conservatives that want to go back to 10 years prior of liberalism just consistently seem to fail on their promises.
I was just wondering, with the title of your talk being Ireland at a Crossroads, what your prognosis is for your home country in the coming decades?
Well, yeah, I mean, it's, you know, it is an interesting situation, though, because, like I said, 75% of people have the view that's considered fair right and not allowed on any media, condemned by every politician.
And so I think it's going to be an interesting case.
Like, where is that populist energy going to go?
You have the majority of the population that's against the policy, that's being totally condemned by every node of the establishment.
What happens in that scenario?
And like I said, there's this uniqueness in that there's no fake center-right party.
The parties traditionally have been divided by historical contingencies arising out of the Civil War.
A lot of populist support is going to Sinn Féin, but...
If they get into government, people are going to realize the extent to which they've embraced all of the same things as the establishment parties.
So I guess the work will be in trying to build a serious political vehicle that can capitalize on that.
So yeah, it's going to be an interesting few years.
But as of now, every establishment party is fully committed to mass replacement migration.
Thank you for coming to us today.
So first, a remark to your friends in the Irish Times.
I observed that about 200,000 black African soldiers served in the British Empire's army in Africa.
So I'd like to ask when Nigeria will come to terms with its imperial past.
But for your talk, one thing that you had mentioned was the corruption of Catholic identity with Marxism in terms of the restructuring of the narrative around the troubles so that it was about the oppression of Catholics at the same time, the erosion of Catholic
identity, where it sounds like you say suicide raising, being
being raised by 600%, drug addiction being raised by 6,000%, symptoms of general social decay among the Irish.
How do you decouple the two?
Because it sounds like the ethnic identity of the Irish is tied very closely to this Catholic identity.
So how do you, in your,
How do you decouple Marxism from Catholicism and the Irish identity right now?
Well, I don't think Marxism has been coupled with Catholicism so much as it was used to reconstruct a new interpretation of the Troubles.
What Sinn Féin did was effectively say that they restructured the Troubles as not being this ethno-nationalist conflict, something like you see in Yugoslavia, but instead something like The black civil rights push in the U.S., right, because it was happening in the 60s.
And there was an ongoing civil rights struggle at that time by Catholics.
But there was something separate, which was the national struggle of the IRA that was based on this principle that the 32-county republic is sovereign, because this was, at one time this was...
It held an election as a single entity.
It voted for independence, and they took the legitimacy from this.
But Sinn Féin rewrote the whole thing to say that this was effectively, the violence was like the ultimate protest against civil rights.
And so they weren't kind of selling out their old principles by going into government in the North and laying down arms, but actually they had succeeded because they delivered civil rights for Catholics.
So it kind of shielded their own legitimacy to have this revisionist interpretation of the past.
And then it kind of legitimized them entering parliamentary politics to say that if not for these inequalities between Catholics, Protestants, Unionists, Nationalists, they'd just happily come into United Ireland, because why not?
So, like...
At its base, it was built on this kind of denial of the realities of ethno-nationalism and of what the real basis for the conflict was, which was two distinct ethnic groups with totally different national conceptions.
I'm Stephen McNallan of the McNallans of County Tyrone.
I come from a long line of very nationalist people, which makes me a bit of a nationalist myself in my own way.
First of all, I wanted to thank you for what you're doing for the Irish people.
And... Oh, my God.
I'm having a blank.
I can't remember what else I was going to thank you.
Oh, yes, I do.
Yes, I do.
What is your opinion of the Irish National Party?
Yeah, I support the Irish National Party.
Yeah, I know a lot of people involved.
And yeah, I think it will have to be a vehicle like that to channel this populist sentiment into.
There's a lot of kind of debate in,
guess you could say, populist circles in Ireland right now.
There's a lot of conservatives that have become
I think it has to be...
Transferred into a vehicle that has a kind of national vanguard at its core.
And yeah, I think the national party is the vehicle for that.
How you doing, Keith?
It's great to finally cross your path in the flesh.
I wanted to ask you, are you familiar with the Boston University tapes of Brendan Hughes and David Irvine?
I'm going somewhere with this.
It's just yes or no.
You know what I'm talking about?
Did you say the tapes?
Yeah. No.
Okay. Irvine said something similar to what Billy Wright said shortly before he was murdered in a long cash.
He said that when he was incarcerated with the hunger strikers, he said he was witnessing what he called a moment of pure history, and he said the murder of Bobby Sands.
Now, if the audience doesn't know, Billy Wright was a loyalist hitman.
He had no love for the Republican opposition, but he said that...
Something like a martyrdom of Sands could only happen in Ireland.
Like, it wouldn't have a context in another state, like, at that time in history.
And he said that Catholicism, thus, like, is something that can't, it could never fully be extricated from the Irish political identity.
And he basically said that, like, the Republicans who actually dropped bodies were literally holy warriors.
That said, I mean, number one, you accept that.
Number two, I mean, I can't help but believe, like, most of what comes out of the EU is just, like, astroturfed, and there's, like, no actual relationship to the inner sentiment of the man on the street, like, let alone people who are culturally engaged.
You know, like, what's your take on that?
I mean, I can't see Ireland just becoming, like, I mean, you still, what's the percentage of non-white migrants in terms of total population?
It can't be more than 10%.
No, no, it's about five.
Okay, yeah, so it's nothing like the situation in Germany or the UK.
I mean, I can't really see this continuing to the point where it becomes something that truly threatens the mandate of the regime.
I mean, I can't see within a single generation the Irish just recasting themselves as secular humanists will no longer go to the rightful to resolve these existential conflicts.
What do you think, man?
Well, as far as the...
Catholicism and the martyrdom aspect.
There definitely is something to that.
Supposedly, it was quite common in houses during the 19th century to see a cross next to a picture of Robert Emmet.
And Robert Emmet was this kind of failed revolutionary hero.
You know, a lot of Irish heroes are the kind of, you know, the failed revolutionary, the martyr.
And one thing that kind of galvanized support during the War of Independence was another hunger strike, Terence MacSweeney.
He was the Lord Mayor of Cork, stouted himself to death.
And that was a huge kind of turning point, that galvanized support behind the independence struggle.
So, yeah, there has been this history of the martyr, self-sacrifice kind of at the center of that national mythos.
As far as, you know, the Irish tech, I mean, there's definitely a lot more organic kind of pushback against it in Ireland, especially like the working class types.
You know, you regularly see videos of people kind of dealing out mob justice to new arrivals and so on.
But yeah, was there a second part of your question?
No, no, no.
That covers it, man.
No, I mean, like I said, with the polls, and there's been multiple polls that validate this, you know, the majority of the population are opposed to any new immigrants.
So that's like a pretty radical position.
The problem, of course, it has no political representation.
No, thank you, Guy.
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