I'm here with the Z-Man, and we are going to be discussing the unbelievably interesting scene that seems to be developing globally for us, the reasons for optimism, the reasons for pessimism, and where we go from here.
So, how are you holding up today?
I'm doing well.
As long as the cat doesn't come in the room and start screaming, I think we'll be fine.
Well, I've got a baby in the next room over, so, you know, we're always dependent on our circumstances with these kinds of things.
Well, in my day job, we closed up our office in July, and so we're doing the work at home thing.
And I figured that would be fine.
We did a lot of work at home during COVID.
Well, for whatever reason, every time I have a Zoom session, a conference call, the cat starts screaming bloody murder.
And it's starting to make me crazy.
I'm thinking he's going to be an outdoor cat here soon.
Well this is one of the things that's really doesn't seem to be going back is the work from home thing and the idea that people just kind of expect it at this point.
That seems to be permanent at this point and I think it actually raises a lot of questions about the nature of cities when you see this footage of how a lot of these cities are falling apart because the local the administration usually, well not usually, almost always
run entirely by Democrats just refuse to enforce basic laws, starts raising certain
questions like why do we even need these cities anymore? Yeah it's a funny thing because yeah
You know, like when we had an office in the city, we couldn't hire anybody.
So we had to close up the office and move out to the suburbs because people were afraid to come into the city.
And rightly so.
I mean, we were near a murder zone.
So, right.
It was, uh, you know, it was understandable, but, uh, I have clients like in Northern Virginia and they, their problem is, is that their people say, look, I'm not going to spend two hours driving to work every day, even though it's only 10 miles away.
Uh, you know, I have to work at home and, you know, you know, there's no choice really.
So it is.
It's going to, it's one of those things that's going to keep evolving and changing.
I think they don't, I said this when it happened back during COVID, these people didn't realize the forces they were unleashing.
Yeah.
And, uh, you know, and, and, well, you know, it'll probably be years before it really settles out.
Yeah, certainly the expectations have gone up and also now the workers definitely have a lot of power in terms of their bargaining ability.
Uh, you see unionization driving, I mean, it's one thing when it's at Amazon or something like that, you could imagine them, Simply replacing a lot of the workers with robots and whatever else but Starbucks, I think it's over 200 locations a lot of these places and It's interesting that a lot of these woke capital things that were very performative about their left-wing politics All of a sudden now it's actually they're starting to have to pay the cost for these things and I'm kind of wondering if we're gonna see the shutdown of woke capital as a result of that and also the fact that you have some Republican officials who are actually willing to push back at this point and
Yeah, there's also, you know, I call it the crisis of competence, because this big blob of baby boomers are retiring.
And they've occupied these positions in upper middle management and upper management for a very long time.
And they're not being replaced, because there's just not enough people.
I mean, my generation is a small cohort.
The millennials, they have an entirely different set of expectations in the workplace, and they're so even though they can take these positions, they're not necessarily qualified to do the same role in the same way.
And of course, you have lots of lots of diversity that has been packed into the lower ranks to make the brochure look good.
Well, guess what, you know, those people who are retiring, who do we have replaced them?
And I'm seeing this everywhere.
Everybody's talking about the same thing.
Yeah.
And, and, you know, the other, the other side of this too, is that, you know, the, the people who then have, have, uh, you know, competence and, and they know it, well, the demands change, you know, this, this is what you're going to have to do to pay me.
Look, I run into this myself.
I mean, I, I jokingly say that, At this point, I might be able to do my job from prison because my clients will simply say, well, you know, we just have to put up with the fact that he's in prison because we can't replace him.
Yeah, there's definitely a crisis of competence.
And I'm hearing this from a lot of people in engineering and everything else, not just because nobody knows how to do anything anymore.
And that's also because the education system has just been systematically and I would say deliberately gutted.
But a lot of these diversity hires, as you mentioned, it's not that they don't know how to do the job.
That's that's almost something you could get around or you could train them up.
It's that they've been systematically trained in how to invent grievances and file lawsuits.
So for the longest time, there was sort of this premise that, OK, we have these inequalities.
So what we're going to do is we're going to send them to college and then they'll be trained up and everything will go on great.
But actually, What you're turning out from a college is actually a bigger liability than somebody who wasn't educated at all, because now they're schooled in the lingo and they know how to drag you before a civil rights board or file a lawsuit for civil rights violations or whatever else.
And at this point, I think a lot of employers are very quietly thinking to themselves, do we really need to deal with this?
Yeah, I mean, it's like inviting a vampire into your house when you hire these people.
And, you know, it's a shame because, you know, in all candor, there's probably the majority of people we're talking about honestly want to do a good job.
Oh, no question.
But, you know, it's just, you know, it's like we say, you know, not all snakes are poisonous, but you have to treat them that way.
And that's what happens.
And, you know, there's also a weird thing that's happened.
In like the STEM fields, this is not just computer programming, although it's most obvious there, but it's true in engineering, it's true in the human sciences, where all these entry-level jobs were farmed out to low-cost aliens, particularly South Asians, but also East Asians, on these two-year contracts.
So there was no bench developed.
So all of a sudden, these managers, there's no one to replace them.
I have a friend who's in high-end engineering And he says, look, I'll operate a contract work until I die.
He says, because there's just nobody around.
There's no one who can do this work.
And, uh, you know, he works with a lot of, you know, um, oddly enough, up until recently, it was working with a lot of Eastern Europeans, Belarusians and Ukrainians, right.
Yeah.
Cause they're, they're well-trained and, uh, you know, their English skills are pretty good.
So, Hey, you know, they'll, they'll, they'll do the work.
But, uh, now of course, that's all off the table.
Yeah, I was struck by, I think it was a couple years ago when the FBI director said that China presented a whole of society threat to the United States, which is about the most extreme language I can possibly imagine somebody saying.
And he had to kind of walk it back a little bit after some people yelled at him.
But right now you're seeing the United States try to separate a supply chain from China.
And the problem, of course, is you just can't do that midway.
I mean, these It's like trying to stop a ship, you know, and you can't just like stop it and do a 180 and go.
I mean, the system is breaking down at a lot of different levels and the human capital and the ingenuity just isn't there anymore.
Not just because of demographic issues, but just because the incentives are all screwed up.
I mean, as you say, there are, I would say, the majority of nonwhite workers just are there to do the job and want to do the job well.
But as we've learned, the most intolerant minority tends to win.
And so if you've got somebody who's harping on these types of things, I mean, that's a lot of overhead, and that's a lot of people looking over their shoulders, and eventually you're just unable to do collaborative work.
Yeah, the days of allowing people, you know, what's the term they used to use?
Empowering people, you know, just giving them a task and saying, look, here are your available tools.
Use them as you need to accomplish your task.
It's quickly coming to an end, and the effort to try and replace this with robots It only goes so far, because, you know, we're not that smart.
We can't make the algorithms that smart.
I mean, look, I work in the software world, and I've written a lot of code in my life, and I tell people, you know, I write stuff that looks really, really cool.
But guess what?
It's about, it's one grain of sand in the beach compared to what a normal human being, what properly trained can do.
It just, it's not even close.
All this talk about artificial intelligence and all that is wildly overblown.
We're nowhere near close to, uh, you know, having smart robots run our, our businesses and run our lives.
And it's going to be an interesting thing.
Cause I did a post, uh, last week, week before I, maybe it was this week.
I don't remember.
We just did a little back of the envelope math on IQ.
And you know, as you change the IQ mix of the population, the average IQ falls a lot quicker than people realize.
Yeah.
And that, and that means that smart fraction shrinks a lot faster too.
People don't realize that how important that is.
And then that's, you know, it kind of brings us back to where we started, the crisis of competence.
We have, you know, there's plenty, it's funny, employers have plenty of work and their choices are hire a bunch of dumb people and hope that together they can get the job done or overpay for one smart guy.
Right.
And it's only going to get worse.
And at some point things break.
I mean, here in Baltimore, you see it, the water system is breaking.
You know, the normal functioning of government is just collapsing a little here, a little there.
You know, a pothole shows up and it takes months for it to be filled.
There's a water main leak not far from me that's been going on for six weeks.
Yeah.
And, you know, six weeks eventually become six months and then eventually just never gets fixed.
And, you know, before long, I forget what the name of the movie was with Bruce Willis, where he keeps going back in time and they show the scene.
It's in the future after some great plague.
Twelve Monkeys, that's it.
You know, where, where people are living like cavemen, there's lions in the, in, in our public buildings, you know, it's kind of where we're headed here in Baltimore, where at some point, you know, there's going to be a, uh, uh, you know, planet of the apes like future where we're, the structures are still there, but you know, civilization is not.
Well, Baltimore is the city of course, that's losing population.
I remember seeing the wire, which, you know, it's, it's a show that could not be made now.
Of course.
I remember when, uh, president Trump, Criticized Baltimore.
I think David Simon is the creator of the show and he was like no Baltimore is a great city And how dare you criticize it?
It's like dude you made a show where the whole point of the show is that the city is literally unreformable and that all the systems are broken and that there's nothing you can do about it and there's a scene where one of the very few Actual plausible interracial friendships with McNulty and Bunker are drinking and talking about the city and Bunk says something like the city's going to hell man We're gonna hit 300 homicides next year and it's like they're way over that year after year now I mean and that was considered like the crazy nightmare is in this wacky scenario and they're hitting those numbers even as the city is losing population as a whole and
Yeah, and more remarkable and we can't even trust the numbers a few years.
Oh, yeah, they got busted for reclassifying rapes as a simple assault.
And the best one, I love telling the story because it's just so emblematic of the city.
They started finding freezer trucks in parking lots, just running 24 hours a day, and they were full of dead people because the morgue got backed up.
So their solution was not to go and say, hey, you know, let's get another morgue, you know, let's get this, you know, get caught up.
Instead, they went and rented freezer trucks from, you know, like Ryder or something like that, and were sticking dead guys in there.
And it's, you know, they forgot about them, I guess.
And the question is, how many freezer trucks are sitting around the city full of dead guys?
And how many of those guys died of lead poisoning?
No one knows.
And no one will ever know.
And that's the thing that we're seeing everywhere with all these numbers from government.
And I think you have to be very cynical about anything that comes out, even homicide numbers, which used to be the bedrock of crime.
Yeah, right, right.
And if you look at how many of those are even solved at this point in cities like Chicago, It's out of control.
I mean, when Sam Francis wrote about anarcho-tyranny, and I've always kind of been a little about that phrase just because it's a little awkward, but I mean, it's the only one that seems to do it.
Where you have, I remember the most indicative case was in Chicago.
I think it was just one of these kind of very soft sort of nationalist movements.
It might have been like American Identity Movement, something like that.
They put like a sticker.
On a telephone pole something like that during like an Irish American parade and you know the police chief said like this is we're going to launch a full investigation and this is going to be a we're going to have a big thing and we're going to go all after this and this is in Chicago where I don't even think they solve half of the homicides and you look at the number of people who are shot every weekend and if it weren't for the fact that these people are just such lousy shots I mean the murder rate would just be skyrocketing to levels that Would seem like an 80s dystopia movie would would find unbelievable.
And when it comes to the more mundane type stuff, of course, we saw what just happened in Jackson, Mississippi, where you just clean water.
That's just nope.
We can't do that anymore.
That's just not something the government is capable of doing.
And I remember the news was saying, well, racism is seen as the main cause of how this happened.
And I'm thinking, well, yeah, but probably not in the way that you think.
The interesting thing, of course, is that the mayor, the current mayor, his father was a black nationalist.
And I'm not saying that as like a smear or to be extremist or something.
I mean, I think he literally ran something called the Republic of New Africa with a K and was actually calling for an independent black ethnostate, essentially.
The problem is, if you have your independent black ethnostate, apparently the water doesn't work.
And you're also seeing the same sort of... And I said something at the time where, you know, from Jackson to Johannesburg, it's the same thing.
And I just said that because of alliteration.
But sure enough, the day I said that, there were also water problems in Johannesburg.
Strangely enough, everything in Orania seems to be running just fine, even though it's just in the middle of nowhere.
I mean, I think that the level of selective tyranny For political cases, I mean, the government, if the government wants you, they can get you.
I think we all kind of know that if they really concentrate on somebody, they can get them on something.
I mean, one of the most viewed YouTube videos is how, you know, why not to talk to the police and the guy, I'm not endorsing that one way or the other, but one of the things this guy says is that there are so many federal laws, you might be breaking one.
And not even know it, because technically every violation of a treaty or transporting seeds across state lines, any one of these crazy things.
But while the government has that capability, the things that we used to be able to take for granted, just the basic things that make a middle class society work just aren't there anymore.
And I think that they're just never coming back.
And COVID and BLM were just kind of the one-two punch to that.
Yeah, it really, it's amazing in a way.
I mean, someone my age, you know, I remember the 1980s, you know, it was kind of like, you know, when you're when you were a teenager, those years, you know, your formative years, because it did stick with you.
Right.
The age kind of imprints on you to a certain degree.
And, you know, we we talked all the time.
I mean, everyone left and right talked about, you know, the difference between the West and the East was this openness that you were allowed to disagree with the government and you were allowed to You know, uh, you know, uh, debate things in public and, you know, all the stuff, the, all these civil liberties that was always talked about.
And of course, one of the things that also came up and it usually came up from the right was the fact that everything worked in the way, in a sensible way, you know, and, you know, we made fun of the cars, you know, look, I, I was in high school.
I know a guy, he got out of, I was just, I was in college rather.
He, uh, he was fluent in Russian and German and he got a job working in, uh, for the, uh, state department in Russia.
And he would come back with empty suitcases and buy denim jeans and cigarettes and all the other stuff.
And then he would get back on the plane because he could make money on it.
I mean, and that's, that's, that's what we, and he wasn't alone.
They were all doing this stuff because they didn't have these things.
Right now we're, we're starting, you know, we're, we're in almost, it's almost like the roles have become reversed in a way in that, you know, you have Germany that's heating its homes with a firewood and candles.
Yeah, well, you know, the Russians are making troll videos where they just put a camera 24 hours a day on their stove that's permanently lit.
Right, right.
It's not just the demographics either.
No, it's not.
It's not just that.
I mean, you look at a country like Argentina, say, Obviously, there's an article on Amaranth about how the demographic situation there turned that country, which used to be above developed countries in Europe, into kind of a basket case.
But that's a country where you can also point to policy decisions and say, that's what screwed it up.
But I think, you know, they're screwing up on policy, too.
Yeah, I mean, I think, you know, one of the things that the Paleos really got right, and I always go back to Burnham on this, he got a lot wrong, but, you know, he got some big broad stroke things that are right.
And one is this It's a managerial mentality.
It is a having spent my life in the dreaded private sector.
I've seen this all the time and I can I can walk into a client and I can I can smell whether or not it's going to be a good fit.
You know, I just recently had a new client.
And the owners of the business, the senior management, these are all entrepreneurs.
Hey, we want to grow the business.
We want to expand.
And these guys, they have the intellectual capacity to say, this is how we make the business run and work and all that stuff.
You go into other places and it's all managers.
These are all people.
Hey, let's have meetings.
Let's have committees.
Let's have this and that.
And I've gotten to the point in my career where when I run into that situation, I say, I'm not the guy for you because I won't get along well with you.
But our countries are now run by meeting people, you know, people who enjoy meetings.
And as a result, you know, a weird evolution takes over in collective decision making when there's no one really in charge.
And you see this, you see it in the war stuff.
I mean, this is insane what's going on.
There's a, this could have been settled months ago, but it's just a psychology takes over and it just, it's like a train running, you know, out of control.
And anyway, the Ukraine stuff is an easy one to point to, but this happens all over the place.
I mean, look at Joe Biden, who was basically just an affable doofus most of his career.
Right.
A moderate, he was known for that.
And now he sounds like some museum piece from, you know, the display on Leninism, Marxist Leninism, you know?
Yeah.
You know, and it's because, you know, the whirlwind of Of the managerial politics keeps leading towards more and more radical statements, maybe not solutions, but certainly statements.
And I, I, I'm, I'm very, I say this, you know, I don't want to be a pessimistic guy because I think in the long run, biological reality will wheel out.
I might not be around to see it.
I probably won't be, but.
You know, so we have to think about the short term and the medium term, and I think medium term is probably where the optimism lies.
But in the short term, this is pretty damn scary right now.
I mean, we have a lot of extremely incompetent and stupid people exercising power in a global American empire.
I mean, this is not, you know, we're not Lichtenstein, you know?
Yeah.
And so it's, you know, it's easy to see these guys making a mistake that could be really, really bad for all of us.
Yeah.
Now, certainly authoritarianism or what I think we would agree that Russia is an authoritarian state and that has its own problems in terms of the biggest problem with authoritarianism, I would say, is yes men, right?
Because you have to hire people who are going to be loyal to the regime, maybe not necessarily the best at their job.
And that's why I think just about everybody would agree that the Russian military underperformed compared to what a lot of people were expecting.
The managerial regime that we have here has its own problem.
And I think it's, as you pointed out, it really doesn't have a way to stop itself.
We're seeing a weird kind of purity spiraling, but it's not a purity spiraling that's even driven by ideologues so much.
It's just everybody has an incentive to keep going farther and farther and farther.
So when you have Biden going on and on about semi-fascists and everything else, And, you know, the red and black, you know, dark Brandon thing that I guess somebody saw on the Internet and said, yeah, we're just going to run with this.
It's and him up there rhapsodizing about, you know, possibly bombing the American people with F-15s.
It's almost, you know, within the year after America lost its longest war in Afghanistan, no less.
You question, I mean, does he really believe this stuff?
And there's an element to where you know it's cynical.
So, for example, we know the Democrats were actually funding a lot of these candidates in the primaries who they're calling insurrectionists and MAGA semi-fascists and everything else because they think they'll be easier to beat in the general election.
Now, if you actually thought these people were a danger to the country, you wouldn't be giving them all this money.
So, obviously, there is an element of just cynical politics here.
But I don't think that is trickling down to the grassroots and to the normal people just watching television.
And they always talk about radicalization, but I think the scariest radicalization that's going on is just what's happening with MSNBC and CNN and, you know, the nice, normal suburban couples who are out there putting the intersectional flags, who are absolutely convinced that we're two weeks away from Civil War II.
I don't know any right-wingers who are talking in this way.
I don't know any conservatives who seriously believe that it's this close because, and part of it, it might even just be a cynical thing because they don't think that conservatives will actually do anything, right?
I mean, there was this author who wrote for some sci-fi thing.
And he got canceled for writing this sort of Civil War book called Blue Dawn, I think it was.
And basically some left-wing government, revolutionary government, takes over the country.
And the hidden guy who is going to restore America and who has to be smuggled around the country is like Mike Pence.
As if Mike Pence is going to be a check on the regime.
I think that it's just the left is radicalizing while the conservatives are still just sort of wandering around in circles, not really fully grasping what's going on.
And they're just in a state of permanent confusion, whereas those of us on the dissident right are kind of saying like, look, we've been trying to tell you guys, and here it is.
Yeah, it's a it is a very weird thing that's happening.
I get an opportunity to be around Normie a lot in my day job, right?
I'm always around Normie people, not always, I mean, but You know, I get to kind of take their temperature on a regular basis, you know, a few times a week.
And what I kind of imagine is that we're in this weird theater where the people are some sort of postmodern, you know, interpretive dance thing that's going on, and that's the left.
The right is in the audience with their jaws dropped, afraid to look at each other and say, you know, for fear of being called out, but wondering, what the hell am I looking at?
I ran into this recently.
It's the race mixing on TV ads.
That comes, it keeps coming up.
People, when you talk about something and they'll say, yeah, and you're not going to see a white couple on TV.
People are noticing this.
Yeah.
It's not, it's not people like us who say this.
It's like normal people who say this.
And they don't know what to make of it.
You know, that's the thing.
They don't know what the problem is.
They don't have the conditioning to process it because, you know, hey, noticing it almost makes them feel bad.
Yeah, that's one of the biggest things in a weird way.
I mean, because I've been doing, I don't know, with YWC, I mean, no one will believe me, but you know, I actually wasn't, you know, white nationalist or at that time, but at least dealing with white advocacy for more than a decade now.
And In a weird way that gives you a certain amount of protection because you know where certain conversations are going and you're just like you know what I'm just not going to say this or like you see a certain situation developing and you just say you know what I'm not going to put myself in that situation but you see normal people.
Saying these things and putting themselves in these situations Not quite understanding that you're really not allowed to do these things or say these things I mean the most extreme case I think are these people who got caught up with January 6th where a lot of these people just didn't understand that You know, after seeing the left burn down the country for all of 2020, they didn't quite understand that, no, if you try to walk through the Capitol, the rules don't apply to you.
Like it's, it's not gonna, you don't get like applauded by the media when you do something like that.
You go to jail for 20 years.
That's how it works.
Whereas people on the distant right kind of knew like, yeah, there's no such thing as equal rule of law.
I don't know where you've been.
And it's sort of the, to keep going with the movie illusions, you know, the diehard thing where he throws the body out the window on Carl Winslow's car and says, you know, welcome to the party, pal.
And I sort of feel like everybody's catching up to us here.
And the amount of cognitive dissonance that People are having to reconcile is getting to a point now.
I with media power.
I think you can pretty much make a majority of people believe anything but at this point, I mean you to believe in our democracy capital O capital D. You have to believe you have to believe that what's on social media needs to be carefully cultivated by experts.
Lest people be radicalized because we can't trust adults to make decisions.
But at the same time, a five-year-old can tell you that he was born the wrong sex and needs to be put on chemical treatments that are irreversible.
Like you have to believe that.
And you have to believe that firearms are being marketed the wrong way and therefore gun companies should be held accountable for all this stuff.
But or that Donald Trump somehow inspired black people to start attacking Asian people and somehow this is all actually white supremacist fault and.
To really have these narratives to sit down and think about it and quiet for a second, I mean, there's no way you can really have it, but I think there's just so much noise and the narrative is so all encompassing and the media is just so all encompassing and tightly controlled now that.
I mean, you actually have to Not many people have the ability or to stand back from it and even think about it a little bit, but those that do notice and then they say something and it's almost like then they're surprised when everybody turns on them because they haven't realized that like, no, this, this isn't a free country.
Like you, you just can't discuss issues like this anymore.
Yeah.
I think I've my, my sense is.
Is that the double standard stuff?
I mean, everyone always knew that.
Hey, there was a liberal bias people, right?
You can reconcile that because you can you could look at it and say, well, look these people with whom I disagree.
They also they have the same goals in mind as me exactly, right?
But that's the people are losing that now and that is an extremely big error that the that the regime is making especially with this, you know, the 2016 election.
They immediately started howling about how Putin used brain control to make people vote the wrong way and all this stuff.
And it was nutty as hell to begin with.
And they kept at it.
It wasn't just some momentary fad that they ran for a month or two and then let it go.
You know, the New York Times reorganized its newsroom around covering the Russian collusion story.
Yeah.
You know, they were committed to it.
Yeah.
And people notice now that not only are they howling with outrage of anyone questioning the 2020 election,
they were acting as if they didn't do those things for five years.
And you can't get away with that.
I mean, it's the old Lincoln program.
I don't even think he actually Lincoln said it, but we always credit Lincoln with it, you know, about you can lie
a fool.
Some of the people, some of the people, and all that does it.
Well, we've kind of reached this point where you can't fool anybody with this anymore.
It's just too easy to notice.
And I mean, I see Normie, Stone Cold, Griller Con type people who have become completely cynical about the media.
Their assumption is, they'll tell you something.
Oh, I saw something in the news, which was probably a lie, but I'll tell it to you anyway.
I wish I could get a nickel for every time people are saying this.
And it's because, you know, after a while, I mean, people do notice, they do eventually notice.
Now, I'm not really sure it matters all that much, frankly, if the masses notice, but I think, you know, I'm kind of in this group, you know, I suppose I spent way too much time reading Marxist and communist literature when I was a young person, although I was never a Marxist or a communist, I did it for purely intellectual curiosity and anthropological reasons.
I do think that that's the one thing they had right, is that you really, you need a vanguard, you need a 20% that, that, you know, who can lead the masses, the masses will follow.
I mean, I just, you can't take it for granted, but you know, it's not, you know, we're not going to vote our way out of this.
I mean, that's the thing is that.
You know, I've got a post on Monday coming on Tacky that goes into some detail, but there's a guy, you've probably read this, Robert Nozick, the Anarchy, State, and Utopia.
Yeah, had to read him in college, actually.
Yeah, and one of the things, you know, he wrote that in response to Rawls, I think, and, you know, one of his central insights, which really doesn't get a lot of attention, I think, but is that When you have an organization that's going to work off consensus, inevitably, consensus has to get very narrow because consensus becomes a moral thing.
It becomes the moral center, and no one wants to be seen as immoral.
So inevitably, people are always going to be jockeying to be inside somebody else in the moral consensus.
So the moral consensus continues to narrow, and that seems to be what we have happening now.
And a lot of it is the internet.
I mean, look, I was online before most people had a computer.
I mean, I was there at the dawn of the internet before there was a mouse or anything else.
And everyone assumed that it would liberate everyone.
All of a sudden, all these voices are shut out.
And they weren't wrong about that.
It did bring all these voices in, but that was bad.
We don't want that.
I mean, it was terrible.
And because what happens is you get all these people in, you get a big crowded room, and then inevitably you get this sort of narrowing, narrowing, narrowing.
And that's where we are now.
I mean, you think about what the range of acceptable opinion is.
It's crazy in a way.
I mean, PayPal is deplatforming people right now who are promoting free speech.
I think it was a gay group that just got deplatformed, right?
It was a gay group that was against children being transgender or something.
So, you know, it's basically a group that would have been on the far left two years ago is like far right now.
Yeah, I mean, and when you can when you're comfortable saying that, hey, advocating against child molestation is beyond the pale.
I mean, something has gone completely wrong.
I mean, this secular religion that controls our ruling class has gotten so it's not so narrow so much as it is bizarre.
You know, it's it's almost as if they pick things purely reactionary.
And I think that's an important thing.
These guys really are reactionary.
They look out into the world, you know, they look over the hive walls, they look at what we're doing.
And they react to it and you know, so, you know, they think that all normal white people in the suburbs don't like child molesters.
So we're going to be pro child molester.
I mean, it's it's to you and I that's insane, but it seems to work that way.
They keep it does and then, you know, it's and it's almost at random.
I mean, I remember at the very beginning of covid.
Same people would be saying, I will not take a Trump vaccine.
I will not take a vaccine that Trump is rushing to office.
This is dangerous.
Even earlier, before there was even talk of a vaccine, we remember that they were doing the hug a Chinese person day.
There is no virus.
We actually need more like immigration and The minute you just saw that shift,
then it turned into you should be fired and actually you're a bad person
and if you die in the hospital and you were unvaccinated, you deserve it and all the rest of it.
And going back to what you were saying before about how the media covered shifts,
I mean, not to get too much into the COVID stuff, but just the changing narratives on that,
how it went from, and this was the president of the United States.
I mean, you always hear the boomers saying like, oh, Nixon, it was so horrific
because the president had lied.
And it's like, think about this now.
You had Biden saying stuff like, oh, well, if you get these vaccines,
you're just not gonna get the disease.
And then later when people are getting vaccinated and then they die anyway,
I mean, you would actually have people saying yes, but it would have been worse if they weren't vaccinated.
Like, well, how could it have been worse?
Yeah, it's, you know, where you, and of course it's the speed at which this stuff is happening.
You know, you'd say, oh, well, you know, the, the way, way back, you know, my grandmother's time or my father's time, you know, it was in a more innocent age.
And people used to say, they even know it wasn't true.
We've never, human beings have never been innocent at all.
We've all known all the stuff of the human condition, but you know, we, we tend to think of it this way, but we're now in a world in which last week is seen as an innocent age because things get so bizarre so quickly.
And what's, I mean, I was kicking around in Washington as a late teenager in the 1980s, and Joe Biden back then was known as just kind of a lovable moron.
I mean, it's really what he was seen as.
He was, you know, he told these crazy outlandish whoppers, and he was known for this, right?
And when he ran for president in 88, people literally laughed about the idea.
I remember people, I mean, left-wing people in the news, they would just crack up.
They're like, oh man, you know, he's the entertainment for this election cycle.
And if 1988 me were confronted to 2022 me, and 2022 me told me what's going on, 1988, how would you say, well, apparently I must have some weird drug habit in the future because there's no way in hell that could possibly happen.
I mean, it's really hard to overstate just how impossible our age seemed maybe even 10 years ago, much less 30 years ago.
I do think that, I mean, I hate being hung up on Trump just because I think that from where we are now, I don't think that there's much to be gained from talking about or even talking about 2024, even hypothetically, but I'm fascinated the extent to just the way the left just will not let Trump go.
It's all they talk about.
It's all, I mean, and Drudge, the Drudge Report is just the, I mean, he hasn't run it anymore.
It's just unreadable.
It's just every, every story is about Donald Trump.
He used to, and I just, I don't care.
And I don't know who does, but apparently you've just got these, I don't know, like 50 year old women in the suburbs, just having like hysterical meltdowns because they haven't thought of something to imprison them on yet.
You know, it's, it's, it's funny that you bring that up because you know, in my life, I've run into more than a few divorced women who can't shut up about their ex-husband.
And I keep thinking about that with the left and Donald Trump.
There's something at some visceral level, and I think it's one of those things that we can easily forget about.
But there was this talk of consensus.
You know, this is the post-Cold War consensus that was formed, you know, the Clintons, you know, kind of freed, supposedly freed the, uh, the Democratic Party of the crazies on the left.
They were going to go ahead with business and stuff like that.
And then, you know, on the conservative side, they got rid of all the, the racist, like Pat Buchanan and me and you, you know, all these bad guys, you know, and this was this new consensus where we're all going to be, you know, um, Uh, you know, pro business and open culture, open society, all this junk.
And, and I think they convinced themselves that the, that someone like Pat Buchanan was an impossibility or, or cause I think if Bernie Sanders had won the nomination, he would've gotten the same treatment.
I think they've convinced themselves.
Yeah, he'd still be running.
He'd still be running his business.
He'd probably have a conservative media network.
And when Trump won, I think if he had lost in the regular election, it would have been
all over with and that would have been it.
But by winning the general election- Yeah, he'd still be running his business.
He'd probably have a conservative media network.
We might even have less censorship had he lost.
Yeah.
Yeah.
I mean, but he, in a way, it's kind of like he violated them.
He, he, he exposed this, you know, reality that they're living in as being a false reality.
Cause that gets back to that consensus stuff.
It's that perception.
They hear it in their language, polarizing, divisive.
They get all excited about it.
It only goes one way too.
Yeah.
Yeah.
Yeah, I mean, they get so excited about anything they can point to as unanimous consent.
I saw a story in the LA Times where this person was almost, I mean, they were so excited by the fact that this universal, this text messaging system they created to tell people to turn off their electric for like 20 minutes, you know, shut off your air conditioner, your lights and everything else to keep the grid from collapsing.
And there's like, see, we all pull together.
We can, we can get through this heat wave.
And I'm thinking, you know, maybe that, I mean, that's crazy.
First of all, you shouldn't, you know, it's a first world country.
You shouldn't have electric going out like this, but, but you know, this idea that we're all pulling together.
No, we're not pulling together.
We're being forced to do something we don't want to do.
But from our perspective, it's that perception that we're all pulling the rope together.
You know, there's a heroic pictures from the communist days where they, you know, they'd show the workers all kind of leading in uniform.
That's the image these people have.
And in a way, Trump, he violated the dream by, you know, by reminding them that, hey, there's 70 million people out there who don't want to be a part of your deal.
They don't want to be in your deal and they reject your deal.
And I think that's why they'll never forgive him.
I mean, and I, I have to say, I was never really a Trump fan, to be honest.
I mean, you know this, you probably saw some of my lampooning of him, but, but I, I gotta say the man's got a lot of courage because You know, what's the next step?
They're going to put him in jail or kill him.
I mean, oh yeah, there's, there's a one, there's a 100% chance.
I mean, when you look at what the, uh, New York attorney general is doing, I mean, it's just, uh, after a year's long fishing exit exit, uh, fishing exhibition, they basically said he inflated the value of his properties and that allowed him to get more favorable loans than he otherwise would have gotten.
So, like, he said he was richer than he actually was, and that's, and he got loans.
Like, and you compare that to, and I'm not even, I'm not even going to get into it because I know nobody cares.
And I think, you know, Breitbart's, like, Hunter Biden movie, like, no one's going to care just because we all know, like, the rules don't apply to them.
But you compare what they're saying to Trump, about Trump, to what Hunter Biden is alleged to have done.
And it's just totally, it's on a totally different scale when you're talking about like actual corruption, corruption in the sense of, I am going to use my government position and use my power that I got from the people for private ends.
I mean, I don't know if there's a single business in the country that doesn't try to make its financial picture look as good as possible to banks.
I'm not even sure what the crime is.
Yeah.
I mean, the banks are all, we're all happy to not only lend them money, but get paid back.
I mean, look, I've done a lot of financials and I've done a lot of financials for companies to go to their banks with.
And, you know, I tell, you know, the, my clients all the time, look, you know, What I put down on a page is what I'm willing to sign my name to that doesn't necessarily mean it's a, you know, 100% right.
I'm just using the available information.
I have right and you have to be comfortable with it.
You know, I explained them because there's a fact is even though it's a financial statement.
There are differences of opinion and that's when you sit.
Of course, you almost always when these kind of things happen.
I would wind up being in a room with someone from the bank who would say, well, let me grill you on this stuff.
And, oh, OK, I understand where you're coming from.
Off we go.
That's what Trump's organization does.
I mean, they're constantly working with banks.
I mean, and it's not like the bankers don't know what's going on.
Exactly.
They're not unsophisticated parties.
They took took advantage of these poor rubes from Goldman Sachs, these poor guys.
I mean, Trump even joked about that once during the 2015 election.
Yeah, like, I'm the king of debt or something like that, right?
And he joked, he says, hey, look, nobody should feel sorry for the bankers.
And everybody just started laughing because everybody knew it was true.
Yeah.
But, you know, it's the pettiness of that whole business.
They can't let it go.
They've got to somehow ruin him.
I think this guy, Garland, I don't know, it's weird.
I'm kind of surprised they haven't arrested him yet, because I thought that would have happened a little sooner.
They're waiting until after the midterms, I think.
Yeah, I think there's some concern, though, that, you know, you want to radicalize a lot of people, start arresting political opponents.
I mean, that's, you know, that's right out of every movie that everybody's seen about how banana republics work.
So, there might be some sober minds there.
I don't know.
I mean, this is the question is, do they want to?
Because this is one of the things that not to get conspiratorial, but you see these kind of weird media pushes where it almost seems like they're rooting for violence.
You certainly see this whenever there's a shooting and there's just this glee.
And and for for a while, it's the most important story in the world.
And then they find out that it was like a black guy who did it.
And then you just never hear from it again.
I remember there was one case in particular, where because obviously, Charlottesville, you had the James Fields thing and everything else, there was a case, it was either Portland or Seattle, where these protesters were in the middle of the highway or on street now why police are letting them do this, you know, laws don't matter anymore, nothing matters anymore.
And somebody Ran into a person, I think it was a transgender, and person died.
And this was, I remember sitting on Twitter and this was every single thing on trending terms.
Everything was about this.
It was the most important city.
It was the most important story in the world.
And then it turned out to be a black immigrant.
And then it was just gone.
You never heard from, I still have no idea whether the person got found guilty or was just a loose or whatever else.
It just doesn't matter.
And you would also see this even with pop culture stuff.
I remember when the movie Joker came out, there was this whole wave of stories about how this was going to lead to white incels shooting up theaters and how it was going to be all this dangerous message.
And of course, nothing happened.
And there was almost a sense of disappointment about it.
And so I almost wonder, are they trying to get people Riled up are they trying to get somebody to do something because that will provide the justification for the more sweeping crackdown that they really want to do Well, you know, I think part of the appeal of what we consider the left and really I Struggle to use the terms left and right anymore because yeah, because they're so meaningless at this point.
Yeah And I honestly, I have respect for the old commies and the old socialists and even the old progressives.
It was at least aspirational.
I mean, you at least knew what they were.
They had a goal in mind where they were going to create a new kind of person, you know, the new Soviet man, whatever you want to call it, but at least it would be something better than what existed at the current time.
Whereas now it's almost like they actively, it's not that just they, they bring everything down.
It's that's the stated end.
It's intellectual.
Yeah.
And, you know, when you see a broken down slum where everybody is homeless and there's garbage on the streets and the crime has gone through the roof and they're just like, OK, we did it because now white people can't live here anymore.
And it's like, congratulations, I guess.
I mean, yeah, it's it's and I think a part of the appeal, you know, it's the old Ed Dutton, you know, the spiteful mutant stuff.
But I think some some appeal is there in that this sense, this constant sense That something's about to happen that the revolution is about to happen and so they keep you know, there's a market for that emotional hit.
It's almost like what they say about people who use a methamphetamine, you know, they have to keep taking more and more of it because they're chasing the dragon that kind of thing.
Yeah, and I think that's what's happened to these people is that they're You know, the, the thought that, Hey, the revolution is coming, has moved along to this point of addiction, where they've got to get this huge adrenaline rush.
Okay, guys, today, this is it.
The training got ran over by, Oh, it's a black guy.
The big letdown, you know, I wouldn't be surprised if there isn't some.
Some psychological hit that comes from getting the super high and then the, the, the, the, the drop when they find out that, Oh, well, you know, it was the wrong guy.
And there was a part of this that has existed and I can I got weird hobbies, but I read a lot of communist stuff and one of that was part of what wouldn't one with the Marxist that a lot of the people that seem to be attracted to Marxism operated under this.
The revolution is coming now and Marx actually talked a lot about how.
The need to tamp that down because, you know, he initially got involved with, you know, the actual activism and was greatly disappointed.
The lesson he took out of it is that, hey, this is going to take a lot longer.
We can't keep telling people it's happening next week.
But he also noticed that it just seemed to be part of the appeal is that people were drawn into radical politics because they believe that it's going to happen now.
And I think that's a big part of what drives all this stuff.
And, of course, if, you know, if you took away social media, you know, Twitter and a lot of this would go away.
Yeah, I think it would.
And, you know, it's amazing how many people how much time people spend online.
I mean, I worry about my own time online and I don't spend anywhere near what these people do.
I mean, I I'm online in the morning for an hour or so and around lunchtime for an hour, maybe, you know, I'll meet my lunch or something, you know, and then in the evening, you know, it's maybe, you know, Three or four times a day, I'm actually deeply online.
But there's people who must be online constantly because you look at their Twitter feed and it's every 10 minutes or something.
And it's like it's an addiction, really.
Well, it's it's designed that way.
I mean, to with your dopamine and everything else, and you also see it with video games, especially on these phones where it's, you know, these pay to win type games.
I mean, you're essentially hacking people's brains to give them attention and money.
Well, I think that's one of the hard things that I think people struggle with is that we our side tends to want to put things in practical terms.
Oh, we're doing it for money.
They're doing it for power.
But I think there's a lot of a sadism really to it.
It's almost like the prison guard mentality where they just get some sort of thrill out of pushing people's buttons.
You know, there's always people like that.
You know, when we were kids, there was always that there was always that guy who was constantly creating problems.
And then once everybody figured it out, you beat his ass and that was the end of him.
You know, you chased him off and he was no longer around.
I mean, I played sports and it was always, you know, one of the things you always had to look for is there was a guy on the team who would just be a troublemaker and.
And you know, there's this that kind of person and I think into some way they seem like they've gotten in charge where they're constantly just stir the pot stir the pot and they're very good at stirring certain pots.
They stir their own people which in turn riles up, you know people on the other side and you know, so you just back and forth this dynamic, but I don't think there's a willfulness to it.
And you know a lot of the Christian nationalist types, you know, they've taken to just calling it evil and I've never really comfortable using the demonic.
Yeah, literally blaming it on demons or anything else.
And I think it's you don't need to go that far because it's just it's something that's always been there.
Yeah, but I've always felt that way that let's not let's not bring Lucifer into this.
He's got, you know, he gets a bad enough rap, but But you know what, maybe it's just the good shorthand.
Lucifer isn't quite as lame as these people.
I mean, that's the biggest thing.
I mean, because so much of it, too, is not just excitement and sedition.
You know, if we still had a country, what we would call sedition.
But a lot of it is just the tattletale instinct, which I just find so it's just.
We need to bring back, we need to bring back bullying.
I mean, there's just no other way to deal with it.
It's just this, you know, teacher teacher, this guy said a word that you're not allowed to say.
And of course the goalposts are always moving.
So sometimes you'll see people reporting people for tweets that they made four years ago, when four years ago, it was totally different in terms of what was What you were allowed to say, what you were not allowed to say, what was and what was even considered permissible.
And it seems to be totally random.
I mean, that's the most terrifying thing of all.
This is that five years from now, if there is not radical change.
You know, come the revolution from our side, but if there is not radical change, there's going to be something and it almost doesn't matter what it is five years from now that everyone's going to have to pretend was the most monstrous thing ever.
It might be eating meat.
It might be The right to have a handgun, it might be any number of things, it might be a word that we all say now, which like apparently is will be offensive then.
And the fact that, and I think this is part of the system, you know, in Europe, you have these hate speech laws, but they're actual laws.
And so if you get dragged into court, You can go before a court and sometimes you win.
So obviously, you know, it's bad that these laws exist, but you know, they brought Marine Le Pen up on these charges and she went to court and she won.
But when they decide to nuke your PayPal, for example, which is kind of a small thing, but let's say you're somebody on YouTube and that's your job.
You built up a mass audience, you're raking in hundreds of thousands of dollars, you've built a family, you've put all your plans forward on this thing, and then the company just destroys it overnight.
And they don't even tell you why.
I mean, these things get taken away without a justification, and I think that's part of the design.
Yeah, it's the arbitrariness of it.
I did a post a while back.
I don't know.
Did I do a tacky post?
I don't know.
I write so much, I forget what the hell I wrote.
I forget which name I write under.
That's the worst problem.
There's, like, different personalities for that.
You know, it's... I mean, there are worse problems to have, but...
If you go back and you start looking at what liberalism meant, going back to Locke or Hobbes, going back to the very beginning, wherever you want to place that starting point, it's ultimately about having neutral arbiters.
What's the free market?
Well, there's somebody that's going to decide between a buyer and seller who was wrong and who was right.
You're going to settle a contract dispute to settle these things.
There's always a neutral arbiter.
And what this attack we see going on by the people in charge is an assault on the idea of a neutral arbiter, and that the only people who get to decide is the managerial class.
You know, this group of people who see themselves as the custodians of society, and by making it impossible to appeal to a set of rules, you know, they set themselves up as basically not just the managerial class, but as a clerisy, really.
Yeah.
And secular theocracy is Godfrey calls it.
Yeah, it's exactly it.
And, and I think that that's the arbitrariness is, is deliberate because as soon as you start writing it down, then it can be disputed.
We, we, we immediately become Puritans and we all start pulling out the rules and becoming expert on them.
And right.
And, uh, you know, and, and that's, I think as part of it, but you know, I think too, that the, the, the arbitrariness that, that comes into play.
Is that anti-intellectual?
I'm struck, and this is true of conservatives.
I noticed this about conservatives 25 years ago, just how dumb they were.
They didn't know anything.
It's like, where did you go to college?
I mean, or don't you have libraries near where you live?
I mean, this is, it's inexcusable to be this ignorant of Western intellectual history.
I mean, look, I'm an average guy.
It's sort of like the, uh, I mean, you've seen the bell curve, high, low memes where the, uh, the caveman guy says something and the super smart guy says something.
And the midwit is the one who says something, which is completely idiotic.
And that's how it always is with conservatism, where if you go to your average right wing nor, I mean, I hate using that term because I consider myself like normal, but like, Normal people hanging out with your friends and they'll just say their gut feeling they have, you know, they've never read Russell Kirk or any of this nonsense, but they've got a gut feeling about something and they'll say it and you're like, yeah, that's true.
That's right.
And then you might read everything.
I don't know, Evola ever worth.
It's just like, no, you can't do that.
I mean, I think the biggest thing is not just that the idea of the neutral institution is gone.
And I think that's one of the biggest things.
have come along and they'll say, well, Ronald Reagan said America is about freedom, so everything's
fine.
And it's just like, no, you can't do that.
I mean, I think the biggest thing is not just that the idea of the neutral institution is
gone.
And I think that's one of the biggest things.
I mean, one of the things I'm going to talk about at Amarin, of course, is just that all
the theoretical pillars of democracy have just been blown apart by the left.
I mean, there's just no defense possible for this regime anymore on a philosophical basis, because all the institutions they're appealing to, all the sources of legitimacy, they've gotten rid of or actively disowned.
And so now it's just power.
Yeah.
Are you familiar with a guy named Robert Dahl?
D-A-H-L?
Yeah.
I mean, you know, if you go and review his stuff now, granted, he was kind of, I guess you'd call him an old school liberal, you know, in the liberal tradition and you read his understanding of democracy, you say, well, you know what?
We, you know, all the chanting about our democracy is in direct contradiction to what the basic rules of democracy would be.
I mean, you know, it's, it's all right there.
In other words, these are things that we all understood 25, 30 years ago.
And as you point out this, there's been a systemic assault on Well, maybe it was never possible.
I mean, that's one of the things Burnham talks about in the Machiavellians, where he essentially, I mean, to grossly summarize it, but what he essentially says in the Machiavellians, you know, in the subtitle Defenders of Freedom, which is not what you're expecting when you first pick it up, but that What we could call liberty is essentially the scraps that we get from competing elites and Ideology is just the mask that powers what that power wears but there are these things Juridical defense.
I mean that there are there are certain norms and it's not just laws.
It's it's norms of Civic society and deeply held beliefs and that's what it means to have something like free speech and that's what it means to have something like property rights and so it's not just a question of Oh, the laws are being changed, but when you have such a sea change in public opinion, and of course now I'd go so far as to say that public opinion is just downstream from power and media control, then these things just don't exist and maybe have never existed.
I mean, the only way you could really have a democracy that works, and there are some thinkers on the right who have contended with this question, is if you basically had A certain amount of property, a certain amount of almost imposed ideological diversity where you have a certain hearing for all points of view just to say you have it.
But that's gone now because, as you say, they want to create this idea that we're all in this together.
And it's one thing if you're fighting a war or something like that, but when you're trying to do something about policy disputes where there can be no unanimous agreement, you just end up with Not just tyranny, but incompetent and stupid and lame tyranny.
You don't even get the Soviet tyranny where it's like, oh, they put the first man in space.
You get the kind of tyranny where you can't fix a pothole and you also can't put a guy in space.
Yeah, I think it gets to that notion that as soon as you go down, as soon as you say, well, look, we're going to have consensual government and it means we're all going to vote.
We're going to try and follow these rules.
Inevitably, though, human nature being what it is, the majority We'll look at the people who refuse to go along with it and say, there must be something wrong with them.
We are moral animals.
We're oral species.
It's a part of our nature and we inevitably think of.
People as good guys and bad guys and and even though, you know, you take something as simple as a lunch order.
Hey, we're all going to go together and we're all going to go out to someplace for lunch.
And that one guy says, nah, I'm going to go to McDonald's by myself.
You guys have a good time.
Or everybody, everybody pays cash and then the one guy pulls out the credit card and everybody goes, oh God, we're going to be here for 15 more minutes now.
Yeah, I mean, that one outlier, that one independent in human nature is that what a jerk, what a jerk he is.
Yeah.
And of course, that soon that sense that he's a jerk becomes because no one wants to put the black hat on and say that they're the villain says, well, he must be a bad guy.
You know, and you just keep working this through.
I mean, that's really where I say, you know, I mentioned Nozick before.
I think that's an important insight is the great flaw of any kind of Consensual government, consensual management system is that the consensus inevitably has to narrow and it has to become hostile to dissent.
And we're seeing this now.
Look, we're seeing this in the foreign policy realm.
The primary reason that China and Russia are on the bad list.
Is that they're not willing to go along with liberal democracy.
They explicitly reject.
Yes, you know all the other stuff.
It's not even it's not even liberal democracy because we've already I mean, what have we been talking about?
That's not even a thing anymore, but it's with the social values and maybe you can pinpoint the exact moment.
Russia became an enemy because let's not forget when you had the Romney Obama debate and Romney was talking about the danger of Russia and Obama basically made fun of him and said the 80s call they want their foreign policy back and Hillary Clinton then Secretary of State had the cutesy little button that said reset with President Putin but it was the exact moment When, and I think at the time, Russian laws on homosexuality were actually more liberal than some American states.
This is before, I mean, how quickly the standards have changed.
I mean, they only decriminalized homosexuality nationwide a few years before they mandated homosexual marriage.
But it was when the Russian government banned homosexual activism.
And I actually don't think it was so much about social conservatism, but it was more about preventing these foreign NGOs and color revolutions, which has always been the big thing that scares Putin and also Ludachenko in Belarus.
Because that is the way American soft power is exercised.
You have NGOs that are funded directly either by somebody like Soros or directly by the State Department.
Incidentally, even during the Trump administration, the Trump administration was funding media outlets that were deliberately trying to take down Orban.
That is just what the federal government does.
That's what your money is being spent on.
That's what those 87,000 new IRS agents are looking to get your money to do.
And they banned these foreign NGOs from working.
And it was at that moment that Russia became evil.
And that's when you started seeing Pussy Riot and all the rest of this nonsense.
And they became heroes.
And you even saw conservatives defending it as this great thing.
And of course, they kind of covered up a lot of the realities of what these activists were doing, you know, disrupting masses, orthodox masses and stuff.
And you've got You know, these these so-called Christians and National Review telling the telling you that these are actually like the real true Christians here and everything else.
But I think it's to get back to to Burnham to in Machiavelli.
I mean, it's the the Fox and the line as far as the two models of leadership and right now China and Russia really have gone with what I'd say most states have Usually define themselves as which is you have strong leaders.
You try to make your people stronger physically more patriotic more united and By making the state stronger That's how you exercise your control and I have no illusions about morality or everything else but every ruling class acts in defense of its own survival and best interests and this is the way they see it happening for them and But the American ruling class works very differently.
We work by not just weakening other people, weakening other nations by creating division in other nations and making people more dependent and creating grievances where none existed before, but we almost we do it to ourselves because that creates new problems that the managerial elite then gets to solve.
And of course, one of the greatest indications of this is on race, where you see these polls Where people were reporting a couple years ago that racial problems are worse now than they were like 30 years ago.
I mean, you would actually, you have people seriously arguing that racial problems and racism is worse now than it was before Barack Obama was president.
And I just keep thinking back to that one conservative friend of mine, the day back when I was still, you know, in Conservatism Inc, when Lost the election and, you know, he kind of put his arm around me and he said, you know, well, we lost, but America has a black president now.
And so no one will ever call us racist ever again.
It's like, I wonder what he thinks now.
Yeah.
Yeah.
You know, it's funny about the whole Obama thing because people should have saw that coming.
You know, Steve Saylor did.
Yeah.
I mean, Baltimore had a black mayor.
His name was, um, uh, smoke, smoke.
And he, this was, I mean, I was a teenager when he was a big deal and he was a Princeton guy.
He, everyone said he's the new model, not Jesse Jackson in the street preacher stuff, but this guy, he went to Princeton.
Right background.
Yeah.
And, and he came in and he was going to, he was going to fix Baltimore.
People were talking about it.
He'll fix Baltimore, then he'll be the governor and then he'll be president.
He was ticketed for that.
And by the time he ended his term, he's wearing, you know, the Toshiki thing and the, uh, waving the African national Congress, uh, flag around because Baltimore is unfixable.
So what did he had to do?
He had to play the race card.
It was inevitable.
And it was obvious what would happen with Obama as well.
And it happened with Wilder in Virginia.
Virginia, yeah.
And there was the mayor of New York, was it Dinkins?
The same way.
I mean, there's a pattern here.
And in Newark, too, because, well, with Obama, first of all, and I'm blanking, I'm on like two hours sleep as I'm recording this, because I was writing all last night.
With Obama, his first, because he did not have, and some people at the time were saying this, true of Kamala Harris too, did not have a typical African-American upbringing.
You could actually say it's a bit of a stretch to even call him African-American.
I don't think he, I mean, he's not an American descendant.
He's not, what's the word, ADOS, not an African descendant of slaves or American descendant of slaves, whatever that would be.
He spent a lot of his life overseas, raised by these white relatives, and his first political campaign, I believe the only political race he ever lost, was when he ran for Congress against one of these kind of black power congressmen in Chicago, and he just got crushed.
Yeah.
And I think he learned the lessons from that, and he was very savvy in that he presented himself as the unity candidate.
Remember, there is no red America, there is no blue America, there's only America.
And then that just went out the window in the second term.
But you also saw this with Cory Booker.
I remember being from Newark, Jersey, we had a guy, the mayor of Newark, I think his name was Sharp James, and just, you know, whatever your stereotypical corrupt black machine politician, this was the guy.
And so Booker moved into a housing project, I think he's a Princeton grad too, And he moved into a housing project, you know, was living among the people.
Basically, he was going to be the clean government guy and he was going to beat James.
And James just did every trick in the book and beat him.
And then they had a rematch.
And this time Booker got in.
I think James actually did end up getting convicted of something or other.
And then Booker went on to, of course, go to the Senate and everything else.
And now he's out there talking about reparations.
And it has to go this way.
I mean, by 2024, I think Scott Greer had a post where he said every at least one leading Democratic candidate in 2024 is going to say that reparations have to be front and center.
And I think the way reparations are going to be framed is also extremely important, which is they're going to talk about it as a cash transfer and there's going to be some sort of dollar figure.
But that's not what they actually want.
What they actually want is some kind of a patronage network that will be in place forever.
Because if you actually had a cash figure, you could imagine there's an end to this.
And there can never be an end.
There can never be a point where the racism problem is solved.
Because if it was solved, then what would these people have to do?
I've always said that.
You know, one, first of all, whites need to be talking in terms of reparations for us and actually talk of specific examples like the capital that was lost in these cities after white flight.
Just what happened in 2020 alone, how much that cost the insurance companies and everything else was billions and billions of dollars.
But even if how much if you wanted to get technical about it, if the idea is that they suffered for being here, I would have been better off had these things not happened.
You know, compare the per capita income of somebody in Africa to an African-American.
I mean, if that's how we're going to calculate it, you know, what are these numbers being based on?
So I would, you know, as a, as a identitarian, I'd be saying, no, whites are the ones owed reparations.
But even if we just put that aside, any amount of money, $5 trillion, take whatever ridiculous figure you want, any amount of money would be worth it if it meant it was over.
But it's not going to mean it's over.
Yeah, I see that.
And what's going to be worse is that you'll, you know, National Review will have the conservative case for reparation.
Oh, no question.
No question.
It's coming because the right answer is, is this and see, there's a reason why they make sure to keep, you know, we were talking about earlier about how they.
You know, the cynical politics of funding QAnon people and stuff like that.
The left has always been very skilled at picking the leaders of the opposition.
And so they're never going to bring somebody up there who would say, OK, I'm willing to talk about reparations, but you write down a figure that closes the books.
That's it.
We're done anymore.
We get rid of all the, you know, all the other stuff, the affirmative action, all the other things.
And we no longer talk about this because they couldn't write that number down.
They would not be able to.
And that would give the game away.
So that'll never happen.
But it, I think, I do think that that'll happen, but I think kind of like what, you know, the, the assault on people's sensibilities with the race mixing on TV and ads and stuff.
I mean, removing all the white guys from ads.
People notice this, and it's almost as if it feels like a bridge too far,
in that I keep running into, again, normie people who lack the language.
They don't really know how to say it.
You know, they're afraid to use the word race-mixing.
I've actually used that word on normie audiences who somebody cautiously brings up the fact
that the insurance guy who used to be this white guy, and now he was replaced by a black guy
during George Floyd riots for some reason.
And I said, you know, and I just dropped the word race-mixing, and it was like this weird wave
of relief that comes over.
I'm like, aha, I have a word I can use now, you know?
And, and I think if they bring up reparations, I think, I do think that that would be, that's going to be a big problem.
That's going to be a hard sell.
That's kind of the final straw.
And if you don't see whites start developing a group identity, then you're not going to, I mean, one of the, to kind of get back to where we were talking about with the, the problem with conservatism, there's a, Brief little pamphlet, you can actually get it on Kindle for like 99 cents or something, but it was St.
Francis writing on Burnham.
And he says essentially that what makes Burnham unique is that he was a modernist.
And so he doesn't, he doesn't appeal to tradition.
He doesn't appeal to the supernatural and he's also not a libertarian.
So he doesn't create, you know, an elaborate structure of imaginary rights, which as we've discussed, like Don't exist and arguably never really existed.
And if they did exist, they were backed by concrete power, not just words on paper.
And.
He created a theoretical framework that you could use to not only describe this is how the left exercises power, but this is also how you could dismantle it.
And this is how you could take back power.
And I'm not a modernist.
I mean, I've made no secret of the fact that I'm traditionalist capital T and I like, you know, Ebola, but listening to Ride the Tiger the other day, and he's talking about the exact same thing.
He's talking about, he uses different words, but he's talking about the managerial elites.
Now granted, he's dressing it up in all this spiritual language that's going to sound crazy to somebody who's not in that realm, but you actually see this as an identifiable class, and you can point to it and say, look, they're deliberately creating problems that can't be solved.
And everything that's being done here isn't is in bad faith.
And if it's not being done in bad faith, I mean, if these people really believe what they're saying, at least the people on the ground, if not the leaders, in some ways, that's worse.
Because I think at this point, there comes a point where after decade and decade after decade, the deliberate refusal to understand to to avert your eyes from what's actually happening.
I think that's There's a point where stupidity and ignorance becomes a moral crime that's worse than malice.
Because you have to actually be saying, I am choosing not to learn from this.
And I think we're getting to that point with race relations because you can't even say that it's helping blacks.
Not that we should constantly be trying to justify ourselves in this way, but I mean, if you look at what the results of Black Lives Matter were, other than getting some black activists, most of whom, you know, Sean King, are either entirely white or mostly white, other than getting them millions of dollars and other than giving some activists the right to buy mansions and stuff because they need, you know, space or whatever, it just got a bunch of poor blacks killed.
And it got a bunch what few blacks are trying to operate a business and play by the rules and everything else.
It got their businesses shut down.
And their leaders don't care.
The Democrats don't care.
The media doesn't care.
And it seems like the only people who do care, weirdly enough, are basically naive Republicans.
and who wonder why nobody cares, and then basically white identitarians who notice and
because we don't actually hate these people and rejoice in human suffering, think it's bad, but
also have no expectation that us noticing is going to change anything. Yeah, I think, you know, this
push, I mean, I think it's one of those things, it's really hard when you're in the middle of
something to kind of see what's the ground is shifting and I think we're starting, and I may
be kidding myself, but I think we're lots of people who do pay attention, who are engaged, and are not
stupid people.
And they do have resources, they have money, you know, not the billionaire class, because they have a different set of motives.
But I think the shift is slowly going from practical reasons to moral concerns.
In other words, you know, the stuff that goes on with television, it's not that Normie knows, hey, you're not doing this because of money.
You're doing this to piss me off.
And that's a moral claim.
That's not a practical claim.
You know, if Normie could be convinced that, hey, they're doing this because they're trying to market to these people or those people, he could probably go for it.
But, you know, because it reminds, this is the one, I think, that the reparations, but also the majority minority stuff.
When you bring this up to the average white guy that, hey, your kids and grandkids are going to be minorities in this country, it is like they get struck by lightning.
Yeah, there's a lot of data backing that up to showing that racial attitudes change quite a bit.
And even during 2016, the places that voted for Trump were actually the ones where you had the greatest demographic transformations, whereas the places that were whiter went for Cruz, because frankly, they just didn't have to deal with these problems.
Yeah, I mean, it's the old, was it Moynihan's law, the Canadian border?
Yeah, right.
And I mean, it's absolutely true.
Look, I experienced this.
I tell the story all the time.
I was in Iceland and this woman starts, you know, telling me about how diversity kept the peace in Europe.
And I said, no, it didn't.
The U.S.
military kept the peace in Europe.
And then she wanted to talk about race.
I'm like, you're in Iceland.
You have no idea what the hell you're talking about.
I'm from Baltimore.
I've seen more black people at lunch than you've seen in your entire life.
Yeah, I was in Iceland when the government fell and I saw one black guy the entire time I was there.
Do you want to see an entirely white group of rioters bringing down a government?
That was a novel experience, let me tell you.
But I think what happens, though, is that because the paradigm has been in American society is that we have this consensus, if you will, the left, right, conservative, liberal, whatever, they had this this moral claim.
They stood on the moral high ground, you know, and, you know, conservative would try to argue for practical reasons and progressives would argue for moral causes.
And that's why everything's kept moving towards a left wing morality.
But we're kind of reaching this point where a lot of people, you can't practically go along with the morality, so you have to start questioning the morality.
And as soon as it's possible to question the prevailing orthodoxy, the morality of the age, now it opens the door for other people to come in and argue for a different morality.
And that's where we come in.
And I think we're going to start to see this.
I mean, I think the Italian election and the Swedish election.
The Swedish election was what I was going to bring up.
I mean, who were the people who wrote The American Dilemma, right?
Yeah, and I'm pretty sure you know some of those guys who were in that party.
I know, I do.
And we know what their opinions are about a lot of things.
So, you know, that's a hugely important thing that didn't get discussed.
Now, it's not going to change anything.
But what it means is that all of a sudden, a whole set of things that people have been conditioned to just shut out and say, no, no, no, I can't listen to these.
They're now saying, maybe I can listen to these.
Maybe I need to hear an alternative opinion here.
And that's, I think, what's happening in Italy.
I mean, this woman who's running, oh, what the heck is her name?
Melonia, I think her name is.
Yeah.
Yeah.
I mean, you know, she's, I mean, she's not a fascist, what they're calling her in the media.
No, she's not a fascist.
But she's, she's making, you know, observations.
Yeah, I mean, I just did a thing on her for AR, and the thing with fascism, I did this for the book on Antifa.
I did for WND way back when.
I mean, the thing about fascism is that it was a revolutionary response to the Marxist revolutionary uprisings.
You had the two red years in Italy, where you basically had a communist takeover.
And so you can't You can't understand fascism without that context, and also to speak about fascism now in an entirely different context just doesn't make any sense.
I said, you know, calling somebody a fascist is like calling them a Jacobite or something.
I mean, it just, it's not, yeah, it's just not, you know, it came up for a specific reason.
It's like, why did they all wear uniforms?
Because every party wore uniforms then, and also every single one of these guys had been in World War I, and that's just how things were.
I mean, it's, It's not, and also the idea of central control of all these things.
I mean, you're talking about the fact that the left seems to be, and I checked it with the tool where you can see how often the word is being used, that fascism is being spoken of.
We're not quite at World War II levels, but it's on the upswing.
And the fact that they're focusing on this so much, and it's like, we're talking about something that really has not Been relevant in any meaningful sense in 80 years.
Uh, even.
Even what they call it.
Yeah, right.
I mean, like even what Mosley Mosley never didn't win a single seat in parliament or anything like that.
And also the, even the economic circumstances that they talked about back then are just totally different now.
And so when.
The fact that during World War II, the fact that.
While this was happening, George Orwell, who was certainly no fascist and who, you know, caught a bullet in the throat fighting them, said that fascist has ceased to mean anything other than something you vaguely dislike.
Or I think he said it was something along the lines of it just vaguely means bully.
But who are the bullies now?
And I think that I mean, I don't want to fall into the conservative thing.
Like imagine if it was if she was on the other foot, because I mean, that's how we've ended up here.
But I can't help but bring up the fact that now, again, this is alleged nobody's been convicted yet, but there was a man arrested for supposedly killing a kid for being a Republican.
And this is a white guy who was arrested for killing another white kid.
Actually, I think it was a white older man for killing a white essentially with like a zoomer, wasn't he?
Yeah, he's an 18 year old kid.
Yeah High school.
So the left calls this stochastic terrorism, right?
I mean and that's The thing is they say they talk about radicalization and they talk stochastic terrorism is a term that gets thrown around a lot but you have to ask yourself Who is it that controls?
The media that actually can influence people.
It's not, if you're talking about getting radicalized, people talk about going down like internet wormholes and stuff.
Yeah, okay, maybe that can happen, but I think the 24-7 single narrative that just surrounds everything all the time, especially since Trump, it's being inserted into things that don't even make any sense.
I mean, you can't have a fantasy show or a sci-fi show or a sitcom or a Right.
Yeah.
I mean, you got to have like, you know, we interrupt this program about the Crusades to talk about like how bad Mussolini was.
And it's just what, what is even happening here?
And so you've got people constantly on the brink of hysteria for a threat that not only is non-existent, but I mean, it hasn't been around since most of them were even born.
And you see the same thing too, where people who actually fought the Confederacy were far more willing to reconcile with Confederate soldiers than people who didn't have a single family member in this country when the Civil War was fought.
And we're supposed to get, you know, take these people's opinions seriously about like why we should dig up somebody's body in a grave and move it because it makes them upset?
I mean, I note that I don't know if it was the same mayor, but they removed a lot of monuments in New Orleans because of various political incorrectness and shameful past and everything else.
And of course, I think New Orleans was just judged to be the most dangerous city in the United States.
Baltimore certainly has had its share of monument moving.
Jackson.
I mean, one might almost say that there's a kind of curse, like if you move a Confederate statue, the murder rate triples.
Yeah, well, it's funny.
My office was not far from where there was a Confederate statue and I can guarantee you not a single black person had any idea who the statue was for.
They had no idea because mostly it was just drug addicts used to hang around the base of it.
I mean, you know, they didn't care who was who was at the top of it and Yeah.
I mean, I think, you know, it's again, it's that, that need to feel as if, um, you know, the left has always had the belief that they're the little guy and they're facing the big guy.
They're, they're, they're the underdog.
They can never admit, they can never admit they're in power.
That's the biggest blind spot they have.
It's amazing how this works.
I see this here in Baltimore.
I was talking to a woman, it was a couple of years ago.
And, uh, maybe longer ago was when the, uh, the current Republican governor got in power.
And something terrible, maybe it was the Freddie Gray riots or something, I forget, something happened.
And I just casually said to her, I go, well, you know, I mean, the city has been mismanaged for a long time.
She goes, yeah, you know, we get a Republican governor and these things happen.
I'm like, are you out of your mind?
I mean, we have a one party state for, you know, 70 years.
Not to mention that that Republican governor is Hogan, who is like the most moderate Republican in the country.
Yeah, I mean, he's so far, I mean, you know, in any other state, he's a Democrat.
He'd be a Democrat, yeah.
I mean, the only reason that the guy won was because he was a guy named Anthony Brown who was probably, most people thought maybe he was insane because he had this hilarious campaign where he claimed that this guy Hogan, who no one had heard of, was giving machine guns to toddlers.
I kid you not, he would send out flyers to that effect.
And that's, you know, so in other words, the only reason we ended up with a Republican is because we had this crazy black guy running as a Democrat.
Well, DeSantis won by like, what was it, half of like 1%?
And then a few months later, the Democratic candidate gets found.
Drugs with like a male prostitute or something?
Yeah, apparently he was into something.
It's one of those times.
It's hilarious going back looking at all the articles like the rising new star.
This is who we should look to.
He's defeating Trumpism.
Yeah, I saw it.
It's one of those times where I tell people, you know, when you get older, you lose track of the pop slang and all that stuff.
It's just a part of it.
And I'm reading this article about that guy.
I forget what his name was.
And the word chem sex came up.
I'm like, what the hell is that?
And so I Google it.
I'm like, oh my God, I never intended to know this.
I'm technically a millennial and I have no idea what that means.
And I don't want to know.
Exactly.
You know, you're like, who thinks of this stuff?
How did that conversation happen?
You know, and, you know, but for all my reading of Evola, I'm a very conservative, married
I don't need to know any of this stuff.
Yeah, I mean, it's like, you know, but, you know, it's one of those things.
I mean, it's like, this guy wasn't just a little weird.
He was way out there.
No, he was nuts.
And you even see this where they're tearing down the left, I mean, the ultimate left-wing hero, right?
Kennedy.
Uh, Camelot, the great myth.
And apparently they've got this new movie coming out about Marilyn Monroe and they're basically going to show John F. Kennedy raping her.
And this is just one of these things where it's like, oh, we're just going to like throw that myth down too.
And, you know, obviously there's a lot that could be said about LBJ and his personal behavior, including the way he got his career started, which, you know, you want to talk about fraudulent election and the lack of Historical memory is just one of the most, I mean, people, it's a cliche to cite 1984, but the idea of there was never a past.
There's just always an eternal present.
And the party is always right.
You actually don't need to do that through force.
You just do it through an overload of information.
So, you know, for example, I was just looking for something to watch.
This was like years ago, back when I had things like free time.
And I think what the movie was called like recount with Kevin Spacey, another person who, you know, it's been done them to a memory, whatever that is.
And it was about the 2000 election, which is really the first election that I paid any attention to old enough to have some idea of what the hell is going on.
And The way they frame this thing is hilarious.
It's, you know, the Democrats are these, like, soft, oh, we want to show that democracy works, whereas the Republicans are ruthless and just want to win at all costs.
The actual things that they're talking about are completely different from the thing now, because it's the Democrats who are saying, wait a minute, these votes, we can't trust these mail-in votes, and the signatures are wrong, and there's no valid IDs, and these verifications are made up.
How do we know if these are even real votes?
Which, of course, now we're told that even asking these questions is the big lie, big B, big L.
If you bring that up, I mean, you're just going to get a blank stare.
I mean, that's just in the past.
They don't even know that it happened.
It really is.
I run into this with my own readers, you know, part of my sort of, I don't want to say act, but part of my style is I like, I'll start off with some historical fact, you know, you know, first paragraph is this historical fact.
And I use that as a jumping off point to talk about something in the present.
And, you know, it's just a, I don't know, I just like doing it.
I wish I had a nickel for every time someone said, I'd never heard of this.
I had no idea this thing existed.
I'm like, how's that?
How did you get out of high school?
Yeah.
And not to mention just, and it's not even the myths.
It's not even the things that they tell you, which turn out not to be true.
Uh, to use just a really petty example, uh, we've all seen the movie Malcolm X, which I think as a movie is quite good, but, You know, it says, it talks about an FBI agent in the movie makes a joke saying this guy, compared to King, this guy's a monk.
Compare, you know, Malcolm X and Betty Shabazz have this, like, passionate, you know, love relationship where they never cheat on each other.
Actually, they were both cuckolding each other, and Malcolm X wrote pleading letters to the Nation of Islam saying that he couldn't sexually satisfy his wife, and the Nation of Islam printed them to make fun of him.
Like, that's how bitter and messed up this whole thing was.
And, like, that's just, whoop, just blank.
Gone.
You know, yeah, you know, it's like the JFK movie.
I mean, it's become trite to say this, but would would you be shocked if JFK is played by, I don't know, Denzel Washington or something?
I mean, you know, as absurd as that sounds.
I mean, if Anne Boleyn can be played by a black woman, why not?
And it's it comes from the same people who talk about representation.
And this this kind of want to I want to kind of bring it home here with some of the big questions and maybe start a fight.
We'll see.
Long time ago, when I was really making the jump away from conservatism and just saying, like, no, like, actually, yeah, white nationalism, not just as a smear term or whatever, but like, no, this is actually what I want, and was reading The Ethnostate, you know, one of the things, and it's just such an obvious petty thing, but just the idea that, you know, if you imagine if you were a sports team, And every time you came out onto the field, everybody was screaming and booing and throwing stuff at you, and you were always playing an away game, so to speak.
And to use another sports metaphor, which was toward the beginning of Death of the West by Pat Buchanan, which I think was the wake-up book for a lot of people, he talks about when the U.S.
soccer team played in Los Angeles, and it essentially was an away game, and people were throwing stuff at them and everything else.
Well, to look at it from a broader point of view, Especially as a parent now, if you're a white kid growing up, everything you see, everything at this point says that you are evil because of what you are.
And it's no longer true that you could once say, OK, don't be racist, treat people equally.
I mean, in my own life, I don't like run around snarling at people who look differently.
I try to treat people the way I want to be treated on an individual basis.
But now we've been told that colorblindness is racism.
And in fact, it's the most subtle and insidious form of racism.
And according to Robin DiAngelo, at least, white privilege is ineradicable.
It's with you forever, so you can do the work.
You can go to all the seminars that you want, but there's nothing you can do to stop being racist.
It's inherent to whiteness, and they always play this little game where they say, oh, whites and whiteness don't mean the same thing.
Whites don't really exist.
Whiteness is a state of mind, but.
It actually does seem to be something pretty permanent because when people like Rachel Dolezal try to transition so that we stay away from whiteness, everybody jumps down their throat.
And so it does seem to be that there is such a thing as whiteness and there has to be because we have huge government programs that are premised upon a biological distinction being made among these different groups of people for racial purposes.
So the question becomes, Given that in government, in media, which is where the real power is, even in the economy, when you look at BlackRock and you look at what they call ESG, environmental social governments, the standards they're pushing through, a lot of this has to do with diversity as well.
A lot of the programs that, where they say we will no longer take a company public unless they have a certain amount of diversity on their boards and everything else, Whites really don't have a stake in the system.
And I think some try to escape by coming up with some new identity.
I think that's behind a lot of the weird sexual things that come up as a way to escape from the coalition of the oppressors and become part of the oppressed.
But most whites can't do that or won't do that.
And given that whites really don't have a stake in the system anymore, is it time that You know, no euphemisms, no playing clever, no America first.
Just say, yeah, actually, white nationalism.
That's the answer.
Yeah, I think I think it might be approaching.
I mean, you know, it's one of those things.
I'm always hesitant about labels in general because, you know, it's it's easy.
I mean, it is an enemy.
It is an enemy label.
I mean, I will admit that.
But so was Christian nationalism.
And they seem to be running with that for.
I mean, I think that's probably a mistake, but they do seem to be running with it.
Well, it's a lot harder to anathematize Christians because they, you know, most, most white people are just, even if you're not Christian.
Culturally Christian.
Yeah.
You know, you're sympathetic to it.
So, but I think, you know, I think it's one of those things.
I used to say this, I said this to Greg Johnson when he wrote his book, he gave me an advanced copy and asked my opinion.
And I said, you know, my concern is, Do you invest a lot of capital because there's only so much capital you have political capital.
In rehabilitating a term like white nationalism, or do you just simply not worry about it and to speak of it as if it, you know, in all the ways that exist without naming it, you know, because there is a, there is a tradition in religions for this stuff is to talk around the thing.
In other words, it's the blank.
In in the in the painting that everyone can fill in for themselves in the way in which they're comfortable Yeah, I mean, I think the the better term and I when I say white nationalism, too I mean obviously if you start getting into concrete terms, you know, who counts as white and but all this kind of stuff now I would say first of all that they're the reason why I bring this up is I Because, and this is kind of the general thrust of the book I'm working on and why I'm trying to get people to kind of push back against me a little bit, is that white identity is being forced on us from the top down.
Like, it doesn't actually matter what you and I say.
The government sees us as white, classifies us as white, treats us as white.
That's what matters when it comes to filling out the forms.
That's what matters when it comes to determining whether you get this grant or that grant.
And that's what matters also to the media or to law enforcement if you get caught up in a bad situation.
And these are terms that you can't just throw off.
Now, that said, you could say, well, whiteness in and of itself is not a meaningful identity.
And if whiteness was sufficient, we wouldn't have a problem.
But then again, identities, national identities, I mean, are relatively recent.
I mean, most nation states are not that old, and some of them had kind of late comers and still are sort of working themselves out.
I mean, if you look at like Italian national identity, I think it's pretty interesting that one of the parties that's going to be involved in this right wing coalition is Lego, which, of course, was originally a separatist party, which used to joke about using the Italian flag as toilet paper because they wanted the North to break off.
And now they're going to be part of the Italian government.
And so, you know, I know with Greg Johnson's book, he actually, it's not even so much white nationalism, it's more ethno-nationalism or white nations in Europe should still be white nations, basically.
He doesn't call for a kind of pan-European state or empire.
But in America, the situation is a little different because I think white is a more meaningful identity than, say, German-American or Irish-American or English-American.
Because, I mean, the rest of these things are, I don't know, they're sort of like interesting little quirks that you look up on Ancestry.com, but they don't really have much political significance.
And everybody, of course, can pretend to be Irish on St.
Paddy's Day.
Yeah, I have, and I think this is a, you know, I think it's a challenge.
Because I've actually started using the term for Americans, because we can't be nationalist in the way in which Europeans can.
It just doesn't work.
But we do have a civilizational outlook.
Our ancestors came here and they had a shared civilizational outlook.
However, within that civilizational outlook, you do have very distinct subcultures.
New England is a very different place than the South, or Appalachia, or the Southwest.
That this, this understanding of this sort of subgroupings within our civilizational outlook doesn't change the fact that the biology behind the civilizational outlook is European, right?
European peoples.
And I mean, I just like European American generally.
Yeah.
I mean, that's, that's it.
I mean, that's the term I, that's the term I generally use and would prefer to use, but I found that.
You know, the one of the things that was a tell to me is that when people started using the term anti white to describe CRT and and the people we call the left went into a panic.
And that's because it's one of those terms.
It's how do you get mad at it?
How do you anathematize anti white?
You can't well, it's the it's okay to be white thing.
Yeah, exactly.
And so I think just you know, white also kind of works when somebody says well, hey, I actually had somebody do this to me recently.
Well, how do you define white?
I'm like, well, you're white if you don't take the MLK exit to get gas.
Or you say you're white if you don't get government benefits and you're not Asian.
I mean, that's that's the thing is if they say I mean, you have to, I always look at things in terms of power.
I mean, again, fundamentally, I think the way we should approach things, I mean, I've got my own whatever mystical leanings, but in terms of real world politics, I think Burnham and Sam Francis kind of show us the way and we look at it in terms of power.
And so if somebody says, well, how do you define white?
How do you define race?
Race isn't real.
It's like, look, I'm not the one you need to be asking these questions of the US government.
Mandates these things the question you should be asking is if I put on the form that I'm black So I can claim this government program.
Why am I wrong?
What if I identify as black?
I mean somebody like Rachel Dolezal, for example, I Tend to believe her that she has you can call it madness convinced herself That she was black.
I mean, that photo of her reading the book, How to Be Black, has got to be the greatest photo of the last century.
But, you know, it raises, again, for one of the things that you really can't work around with leftism is Matt Walsh At that film, you know, what is a woman?
And so they came up with now, obviously, the the leftist answer to that is shut up transphobe because it's just an enemy signal.
And so they know how to mobilize against it already.
But if you actually pin them down and say, like, no, you have to answer the question.
Essentially, what you end up with is somebody who identifies as such.
It's not even a question of having the surgery or taking hormones or whatever.
It's having a, I mean, you're basically getting back to, in a weird way, they're becoming like the leftist or the real traditionalist.
they're positing an elemental male spirit and an elemental female spirit.
That are not objective.
Right.
They can't be tested or measured.
There's no- Right, right.
It's not biology.
Yeah, it goes back to that new school third party.
You can't be this.
And so if you have this and you're saying, okay, now this is important.
This is what they are saying.
These are what the people with power are putting down on us.
And you're saying this is a subjective identity and no one can tell you that this is right or wrong.
Why does that not apply to Rice?
Especially when.
They're saying that race is entirely a social conflict, a social construct.
And certainly it's a lot easier to argue that race is a social construct than sex is a social construct.
No, I can, I can make a better argument that gravity is a social construct than race is a social construct.
I mean, you know, that's not a hard thing to do.
I mean, and nobody's going to be taking my word for it, sadly, but the, the, the, I think it kind of gets back to something I said earlier, and that is, We need, you know, there's a subtle shift going on away from the facts and reason stuff to the moral stuff.
Because once we get into the moral domain, we start to say, look, ours is the moral position.
Then when somebody outside our moral domain says, well, wait a second, why don't you tell me what it means to be white?
The answer, easy answer is, is that I don't have to.
I don't have to explain this to you.
And I have no interest in it.
If you either get it or you don't.
And this is always one of those things that You know, confident religions have this.
A religion or mass movement, it doesn't spend any time trying to prove itself to other people.
Now, once you try to prove it via reason and everything else, it's just, it falls apart.
I mean, arguably, that's what, why the deconstruction of Christianity was so easy to do with the Enlightenment is they basically tried to fight on the secular ground and wondered why it didn't work.
Yeah, you should never have translated it into the vernacular.
That would have been an issue.
I think, coming back to the whole white nationalism discussion, and you know, I've said for a long time, I think that the term might be too polluted, but I don't know about that anymore.
It doesn't seem to have... It's not up to us, is the thing, whether it's going to be polluted or not.
I mean, we're seeing this on the grassroots, and again, I don't go around talking about this stuff.
Even if like, I don't know, a reporter showed up to my house and said, you know, do you believe this and all this?
It's like, I've already been doxxed.
Yeah, sure.
Fine.
Whatever.
In a weird way, it's because this is what I write about and think about and analyze.
It's also it would be extremely boring if this is all I talked about.
I don't just walk around thinking about race all day.
And because it would be you drive yourself insane and you'd also be a very boring person.
But I think with the left, like they really do walk around thinking about race all day.
And so, I mean, there are times where people will bring stuff like literal And people will bring race into this and I'll be like, I don't even know where you're coming from with this.
Like even I don't see this as a racial thing.
And I think that a lot of it is just sort of most people, most white people, and even me, would probably be satisfied if it was just, yeah, America where we don't have to hate ourselves, the demographics are more or less what they were when I was growing up and we get rid of affirmative action and You know, just don't get too crazy with the CRT and everything else.
Fine.
Good.
Then I'll go be a history professor or something.
But as we said, you know, way back at the beginning, they've with Biden and everything else, they've put themselves in a kind of purity, spiraling progress, a process because of the nature of the managerial regime where they have to keep getting crazier and crazier and crazier.
And so I think more and more people are going to have to, Start acting in self-defense and start using these words, even if they don't really want to just because the arguments are going to get crazier and crazier.
I mean, the idea that colorblindness is racism would have sounded insane a decade ago, but here we are.
Well, I tell you, you know, next month I'm going to be with Greg Johnson.
I'm not sure if you're going to be there or not, but the.
I, he asked me to give, you know, a few words and I, I've been thinking about it, you know, what I'm going to say.
And one of the things that keeps coming to my mind and you kind of reminded me of this about, you know, how, how do we go to market?
You know, how do we go to the marketplace?
Because all of a sudden there is a market out there for the kinds of things, you know, the kind of morality that we, we promote, but we just haven't really.
Well, we're not good at it, really.
We're not good at going to the market with moral claims and saying, look, you know, this is this is the way we do things because of who we are and it's right on its face.
You know, it's not right because X, Y and Z. Right.
But, you know, the radicals of the French Revolution, what did they want?
They wanted to be free of political coercion.
The communists of the 19th century, they want to be free of economic coercion.
That was really their big thing.
You know, they weren't really against private property, they were just against being forced to give their labor to somebody else.
The cultural, the post-Marx culturalists, whatever you want to call these people today, you know, they're trying to be free of cultural coercion.
Yeah, repression.
And I just want to be free of racial coercion.
I don't want to be forced to invite people who are not me and not like me into my life.
That's all I want.
Yeah, yeah.
When it comes down to it, that's really all I want, too.
I mean, I think I'm less Despite all of it, I think, you know, less radical than like a normie leftist when it comes to the racial stuff.
And that sounds bizarre, but that's the reality.
I'm not willing.
I'm not interested.
You know, I used to say all the time.
I mean, Vermont is white nationalism.
It has almost no black people.
It has almost no Hispanic people.
There's lots and lots of towns you could grow up in there and never see a person who's not white.
And yet it has very liberal politics.
It has weird taxes and all kinds of goofy stuff in there.
In other words, The racial component in it when you want to isolate it, if
somebody says to me, hey, we're going to put you in the box labeled white.
Okay, I can enjoy that box as long as we're only us are in that box.
If you're going to put us all in that box, we're going to be fine.
And we can make just about any kind of political system work.
You know, the Swedes made socialism work for a very long time.
Now they can't, can't.
Now they can't.
Yeah.
And that's the one thing you never hear liberal Americans say anymore is we need to be more
like the Europeans.
Yeah, I'm about 20 years older than you.
Let me tell you, when I was a young man, we used to get beat over the head all the time about Sweden.
Oh, well, you're against socialism, but look at Sweden.
Well, yeah, let's talk about Sweden now.
Yeah, we should be more like Sweden.
Yeah, I think it's a challenge, but I gotta say, I mean, I heard John Derbyshire once, I think it was at Ameren, You know, say quite sincerely that he wishes he was 20 years younger, just so he could participate in what's coming.
And I, I feel the same way.
Sometimes I'm envious of young people, you know, like the zoomers, because I do think, yeah, it's going to be an, it's going to be a rough ride at times, but it's going to be a wildly exciting time.
Yeah.
And, and their children and grandchildren are going to pay to look back at their ancestors and say, they did this, they made this for us.
And that, that I think is.
You know, it's something my generation will miss out on, but we can contribute where we can.
Well, not necessarily.
I mean, I think, as you pointed out, it does seem that just as historical memory seems to be fading ever more quickly.
I mean, two years ago seems like a different lifetime just in terms of the issues and everything else.
It seems like the events are also speeding up.
I mean, depending on what happened, we didn't even get into it here, but we should probably bring this to a close.
But I mean, depending on what happens with the war in Europe and everything else, one of the big things that caught all the European socialist movements, World War One, by surprise, was A, the outbreak of the war itself and B, the fact that nobody wanted to hear their stay at home and don't participate and instead ran off to war singing songs of nationalism.
And that forced a lot of people into radical changes.
Everybody from a lot of the left-wing factions to the people who, I guess you could argue, switched sides, like Benito Mussolini, who before the war was probably one of the most radical socialist agitators out there, and one of the most radical anti-war agitators.
So, I mean, we are in a position, I think, where, I mean, don't count yourself out.
I mean, A, I have self-interest in saying this.
You're not that much older than me.
I think we will live to see it, honestly.
And I think that it's, there are things in motion now that can't be stopped.
And it's not, it's not because, like, all we can do is take advantage of it and set up the institutions and set up the networks, more importantly, that will be able to create a new alternative.
And we have to have some idea of what that new alternative will be.
And that's a whole separate discussion.
But the existing system, I think, like you can actually start to see the gears coming off.
I mean, it's like one of those old cartoons where you see some like ridiculous Rube Goldberg contraption and it's just like falling apart.
And I think you're starting to see that now.
And as you say, I think ordinary people are also hearing what the media is telling them.
And they just say that this is all lies and they know it as such.
And what's even more troubling to to kind of end where we began when you were talking about
the way things were in Eastern Europe and everything else.
With my wife watching a show about East Germany and it looked attractive compared to an American city now.
Right.
I mean, East Berlin looks far preferable to like current Philadelphia.
What does that tell you?
Aleppo looks better than West Baltimore.
And I'm not joking about that.
Yeah.
I mean, you know, a war-torn city looks better than West Baltimore.
And this is, you know, we're supposed to be the richest country in the world.
Yeah.
And I think, you know what, I think, I think we're, we're, we're, I, my sense is, and I don't know if you share this or not, but I've, my sense has been growing like this for a while.
Maybe the more I write, the more I think about it.
So that's why, but that we're at the, we're at the end of a very long cycle that started, you know, the enlightenment.
And, um, you know, yeah, I think we are at the end of that.
It's going to be an exciting ride.
I mean, and, and, you know, I honestly, I mean, you know, every person who writes imagines themselves to be, you know, a hundred years from now, someone picking up a book and go, Oh, I wonder who this Greg Hood guy was.
Oh, wow.
We read his stuff.
You know, we all imagine ourselves being eternal because of the written word, but.
Um, but that, but to some degree, that's what makes it fun for me.
And in a sense, it keeps me engaged because I do really think we're at the end of this long cycle.
We're going to see something that.
You know, people will never see again, uh, you know, for another 500 years for another thousand years, quite possibly.
Yeah.
Right.
We're not, we're not quite at the point where we can say certain things, but yeah, I mean, the one thing that I would say though, is that actually kind of proves the point is that the left now.
It's entirely based on power and entirely based on repression and I don't think, aside from the kind of green energy thing, I don't see anything aspirational in what the left is offering.
Nobody seriously believes that racial reconciliation is possible anymore because, frankly, people like us would be more willing to Go in for that than mainstream Democrats.
I mean, they're the ones who who have made things much worse over the last, like, 20 years.
I mean, when I was growing up, it was you didn't think about this stuff.
Oh, no, no.
Nobody cared.
And like, you know, and you could say, oh, you grew up in a majority white thing.
But it's like, yeah, but if I was playing against a majority black team, I didn't think that wasn't like the thing at the top of my head.
I was thinking about how to defeat the other team, you know, and.
I mean, I wrestled for 12 years, and for about half of that time, there was a black guy on my team, and we wrestled in practice every day, every night.
Right.
Nobody cares.
Nobody cares.
And the idea that, I mean, I think there was kind of a moment where they probably would have had to put the lid on mass immigration, basically do what Barbara Jordan, you know, first black female to keynote a Democratic Party, suggested with her immigration thing.
And get rid of affirmative action.
And I think you would have a very different racial climate.
But instead, they've created a constituency that demands continued racial conflict.
And so, you know, we're just kind of along for the ride.
And a lot of things that, you know, maybe would have been annoying underneath the surface, but we could have lived with are going to have to be settled one way or the other, because I think the system is just incapable of continuing.
And I don't think the left has any positive vision to offer, whereas we're at least aspirational.
And even the climate change thing looks pretty silly right now if you look at Europe.
Yeah, I mean, it's I think, you know, the managerialism has reached its end and its end turns out to be sort of a prison guard mentality that we're in charge of this large outdoor prison called the United States or the global American empire, whatever you want to call it.
And for their own entertainment, they decide to pit some groups of prisoners against each other.
You know just for the hell of it, but there's no reason for this to exist You know there was nobody looking around anymore and saying this is who I mean that war thing is an interesting thing I study I pay a lot of attention to Russian media and They're hyper patriotic I mean the Russian channels are full of patriotic stuff and memes and all the others that they're really engaged and for obvious reasons Notice we don't have any of that here.
They're selling the crap out of this and Great conflict against, you know, the evil bear and all this stuff.
And nobody gives a crap.
No American cares.
I mean, you just don't care at all.
They're like, we'd have no business involved in this.
This is stupid.
In fairness.
I see, I see quite a few Ukrainian flags where I am, but I think that the people who are flying them are tend to be older and tend to be kind of the Fox news conservatives.
And, and so they're still kind of bought into something that Just, I mean, it was a beautiful dream, and I think I kind of saw the tail end of it.
I mean, I guess the tail end of it for me would have been the first Persian Gulf War, which I guess was the apogee of American triumphalism.
Yeah.
Um, I actually think the high point of American history was the Metallica concert in Moscow, I think.
Absolutely.
Yeah.
I mean, that was like, that's the exact point where America peaked and it's just been all downhill since.
I have a good story about that.
I was in Russia and I was, I have, I wear these bone conduction headphones that are, you know, they don't go in your ear canal.
They just outside your ear.
And, uh, I was, I'm in a cafe restaurant and, uh, there was an older man or man, my age, actually older man.
And my agent, he had a couple kids with him, and they're pointing at me.
And the kid walked over, his English was pretty good, and he says, oh hey, my father wants to know what are on your head.
And I told him, and I took him off and I put him on, and I'm playing Metallica on my phone.
And he just lights up, he was on the show.
And we sat there for hours talking about heavy metal and all this stuff.
Like, I'm seven time zones away and this is what I'm doing, you know.
It was a better time.
Yeah, but you watch that video from it.
I mean, it's just incredible.
Yeah.
Amazing event.
And I think you even saw some, I, unless I'm misremembering it, I mean, you even see like the occasional rebel flag, because that was just seen as sort of, it was a symbol of rebellion.
Yeah.
You know, it wasn't, it wasn't, it wasn't, it didn't even have anything to do with race.
I mean, there's actually a thing from Morris Dees of all people, uh, from the 1980s talking about the Confederate flag and why, You know, it's not offensive and everything else.
I mean, it's entirely, the hatred against certain symbols and everything else is entirely manufactured.
And so, you know, perhaps they just can't keep playing this trick over and over again because they're having to use more and more force for returns that are not very impressive.
And they're having to do it for to take a lot of ground.
It's one thing to to go against, you know, Charlottesville.
And then it's another thing to go against Robert E. Lee.
But now you're going after George Washington.
And then after that, you're going to have to go after like Teddy Roosevelt.
And then now you're going after, you know, even Democrats in the 20th century.
And at a certain point, you've just kind of you look down and you've sort of like Strip yourself of the legitimacy.
You're, you're, you're not standing on anything.
It's just some guy telling you that we have to listen to him.
And it's like, well, why should we?
Yeah, that, I mean, it's, you know, it's the clap.
Oh, you know, all empires go through this and, you know, it's a collapse of complex, complex societies, you know, that, yeah, right.
It starts to exceed the benefits.
And I think that's really where we are.
We, we, we've been in this mode for 30 years.
We just didn't realize it.
Now we're starting to notice it and, you know, and, and, you know, there's, It's one of those things where I look at myself in the 1980s I was a super patriotic guy and I really believed in the system and all that and now I look at myself and think gosh, you know, I Don't know if I almost from it.
I'm embarrassed by who I used to be as a child Really?
I mean it was a kid but it's because now I've looked at this.
I'm like, I don't owe these people anything I owe them nothing.
Yeah, I think a lot of people feel that way but there is still a I mean, again, not to just rely on pop culture, but if you look at, say, the Top Gun remake they did and how well that did.
Yeah, yeah.
You look at shows like Yellowstone.
I mean, the thing that makes me marvel is that if I was, if they put me in charge and they said, OK, you're not allowed to do any of the stuff that you want to do, but your job is to just kind of keep the system going and make everybody kind of calm down.
I would push this kind of race neutral, America friendly, we're all in this together type stuff.
And it would actually do really well because you see when people are offered this, they take it.
And, you know, to quote from the Malcolm X movie, you know, Elijah Muhammad, he pours ink into a glass and he says, you know, if all you offer them is this glass, the people will drink it if they're thirsty.
And that's all that people are being offered now.
But if you offer them clear water, they'll drink that instead.
And people are just being fed pollution and being fed self-hatred.
And even the people who surely regard us as their enemies, Mr. Taylor would caution me to call them our opponents.
Even those people are being Poisoned I mean if you look at the the kind of people who get wrapped up in Antifa and and Just the the lives they lead and what they you know entirely determined by resentment It's almost like they just have nothing going on other than resentment.
It's almost kind of tragic and I just don't think it can last forever.
It can last a very long time but They could bring it to an end by just toning it down, but I don't think they can.
I think they're completely incapable of it.
It's just gonna keep getting worse and worse and worse, which means that the reaction, when it comes, will be unstoppable.
Yeah, I think that.
Ultimately, every human society has to give people a reason.
Who am I and why am I here?
It has to answer those questions.
And usually, obviously, religion is easy to graft onto it.
You know, the French thought they were the ultimate Catholics and Italians thought they were ultimate Catholics and so forth.
You know, I mean, you know, religion plays a big role, but ultimately, you know, this, you have to believe in, in the enterprise of society, you know, I mean, you don't have to.
And we do in fact live in a society.
Yeah.
And, uh, and, and, and everything we hear from our rulers is telling us, do not believe in the enterprise of society.
And you know what?
It's effective.
People are going to eventually say, yeah, you're right.
Why am I doing this?
Look, fundamentally, this is what happened in the collapse of the Soviet Union.
Everyone started looking around and said, I don't have a reason to keep playing by these rules anymore.
Right, right.
And it's sort of the same thing about doxing, right?
If everybody has doxed all at once, we win.
We win instantly.
Yeah, there's a great story, and before the things really hit the fan, in the border between Hungary and Austria, there was border guards there, and people were picnicking, and watching people just walk across the border, and the guards just sit there and do nothing.
And, you know, in retrospect, the person says, at that point, we should have known that the whole thing was falling apart, because nobody cared anymore.
Because nobody had the will to pull the trigger.
Right.
And that's, I think, Ernst Honecker, right, was the last East German leader and, or the last one who had effective control.
I think he actually gave the order to shoot and just nobody obeyed him.
Yeah.
And that was sort of, and you know, actually the reason people started storming the Berlin wall to begin with is because somebody made a mistake.
I think some newsreader accidentally said something like, Oh yeah, the border controls have been like lifted when it was actually something more moderate than that.
And everybody just rushed it and that was the end of it.
But the big thing, looking at the technical aspects, and I know I said I was going to make it to an end, but it's interesting, so we'll go a little bit longer.
The central government got to a point where it could no longer provide the resources to the regions compared to what it was taking from the regions.
And so that's when a lot of those people on the outside realized that They had nothing to gain by going along with this.
And they all I mean, all these guys were Communist Party members, but they all just started reinventing themselves as nationalists and campaigning for sovereignty and independence and everything else.
And you look at these politicians and Republican politicians and the demographics are such that, yeah, Texas is going to go blue sooner rather than later and all these things.
But you do wonder how many of how many moderates and maybe even some white Democrats If you ever did get to that point where the system doesn't work anymore, just the idea of the dollar of the reserve currency or the mountain of debt that this whole thing is premised upon, I see no reason it's going to come to an end anytime soon.
The dollar is actually stronger now than it's ever been.
It's crushing the euro, for example.
But things that can't go on forever don't.
And I mean, at some point, It may not be in the next five years or 10 years, but at some point, like these things do stop working.
You can't just have most of your budget going to pay off interest on a national debt.
And at a certain point again, like the French revolution, they're just one of the reasons Napoleon was able to get away with what he did is because the government immediately preceding him just repudiated a huge chunk of the debt and just said, yeah, we're just not going to pay this.
And then they, Basically, we're able to set up on a new footing.
And I kind of wonder if that will be what ultimately does it because from the English Revolution to the French Revolution to not the American, but most of these cases, it's usually some sort of a fiscal crisis where the nation is asked to cough up more money and the resources just are no longer there.
And I think certainly with America now, as you referred to patriotism, the social capital certainly is not there.
And I think increasingly the financial capital is not going to be there because we've just burnt up so much of it for no return during this whole COVID thing.
Yeah, we also have a financial system that was built for an era that's long gone.
I mean, that's a big part of what's going on with this whole thing with Russia and China.
I've written about Russia.
You know, I obviously have a bit of a bias towards Russia because I know more about it than most of my own country, but it's that There's a post 20th century world that America is still locked into.
And our financial system is a big part of it.
This control of the dollar allows us to, for example, the Chinese are holding $3.3 trillion of cash.
And why are they doing this?
Well, because all these excess dollars flowing into China would create all kinds of problems for their economy.
So basically, they just buy them up and warehouse them.
Well, that also prevents inflation from washing into our shore, but that's changing.
The energy being bought in rubles is having an enormous impact on this process.
Right, right.
And so, you know, this ability to just basically use the dollar as a weapon against everybody else is starting to come to an end.
And that's going to change a lot about how our economy runs.
You know, we're facing really right now inflation, to use the old metrics from the 70s.
Because you can go to Shadow Stats and they use all the old metrics.
They'll say, well, this is how we measured in the 90s and the 80s and 70s and so forth.
Our inflation is like 15, 16%.
And I mean, you know this.
I mean, your household budget has become constrained now.
And that's not going to get better anytime soon.
And you know, it's these psychological things.
You know, like you said, the economic crisis.
If you look at these economic crises, they usually trigger what happened.
They're really not that bad.
It's just the final straw.
You know, it's the last thing, you know?
Yeah.
Really, the thing that the dollar has going for it is just everybody else is in a worse situation.
I mean, Turkey, I think inflation is running at 80% now.
Russia, of course, you know, they are paying a cost.
China has its own problems.
I think a lot of the Chinese economy is just fake in terms of the statistics they put out.
I mean, during COVID, they were running factories producing nothing.
There was that one stock, Luckin Coffee or something like that, that was supposed to be a Starbucks competitor.
And then, like, the stock instantly collapsed when it was sort of like Enron or something, where it's like, wait a minute, like, no, this is actually real.
But at the end of the day, I mean, things like food and energy and commodities, like these are actual things.
I mean, it's not just moving numbers around on a on a spreadsheet somewhere.
And I think the thing that I think the thing that could really shift and is really been surprising to me, and I think it's very surprising considering the tone a lot of the pro-EU people have been taking toward this whole thing.
It's just the willingness of the EU to just bend over for the global American empire with regards to this because I don't understand what the point of the European Union even is if they're just going to operate as basically a colony.
It's humiliating.
I don't understand how they put up with it.
The crazy part about that whole thing is that And what was the point of Brexit?
Yeah, exactly.
The whole point of this enterprise, initially, was to kind of get some independence away from the American hegemon.
Yeah, strategic autonomy.
Wasn't that like what Macron was all about?
And like, oh, the Jupiterian president, and he's going to be the EU guy, and he's going to lead the way from D.C.?
And it's just like, I mean, this is the most slavish thing I've ever seen.
I mean, the Germans and the French could have gone to both Zelensky and, and they actually tried this.
And there was a deal.
Boris Johnson, there was a deal and Boris Johnson destroyed it.
Yeah, exactly.
I mean, it's like, why is Germany doing this to itself?
I have a friend who's in Germany right now.
$10 a gallon for gasoline.
A beer was $10.
I mean, he's like, it's crazy how expensive stuff is.
And he says that everybody's Just furious, you know, everyone's in a horrible mood.
And they don't, they don't vote, but they don't vote for anybody different.
I mean, Germany, at least.
Yeah.
I mean, you really don't have a choice there.
Germany's Germany's like the most Germany is a conquered country is the thing.
I mean, and it's, it's been embedded in them.
And I think that, you know, that's, that's a whole nother question that they basically I mean, I guess you could say that's true of all of us, is because one of the big things, and this is also very important coming into this conflict now, is R.R.
Reno wrote a book, Return of the Strong Gods, and of course he ended it, you know, what's the solution?
He just kind of throws up its hands and says like a vague Christian religiosity, which is no solution at all.
And he calls white identity perverse, which is just like, OK, dude, yeah, fine.
You got to publish your book and, you know, whatever.
But he's right in the sense that World War Two has essentially been retconned as almost a war against the racism within ourselves and that every nation post-World War Two is essentially an anti-fascist state.
And like that's the governing ideology of it.
And so it's Germany, of course, is the worst, but it's it's Actually, in some ways, it's worse in England than it is in, say, Italy.
And the one country that that's not really true of, even though they always talk about it as anti-fascist, and even though they're framing this current conflict as fighting the Nazis and everything else, and even though there are some Ukrainian units who do see themselves in the Baltics, too, and not, you know, considering what was going on in those countries during World War Two.
I mean, They weren't fighting in the SS because, like, they were fighting for Germany so much as because they were trying to kick out the Reds and were raping their way across Eastern Europe.
But the only victorious power that doesn't have a sense of guilt is Russia.
It's the Great Patriotic War.
And I was in Donetsk in 2015 after the ceasefire.
And you still heard the Small Arms Fire and all.
And I remember I was, and I know this, this came to mind because where they're doing this referendum, they were showing this monument in that city.
And this is one of the places I went.
And there's this, uh, they had these old tanks.
One, there was an empty spot where they actually had refitted a T-34 and sent it to the front, which is kind of hilarious.
And you fight a civil war in America and you like go to the VFW to grab like the world war one, like field artillery piece.
Like now we've got them.
But there was this girl and she was the only one who spoke enough English that I had like a rapport with and she was talking about the Great Patriotic War and how all the different peoples fought together and saved the world and you know how they were refighting the exact same struggle that their grandfathers had and everything else and she was she was actually like crying talking about it and it was a propaganda tour.
I didn't buy any of it.
I'm not like a Russian shill.
I have I have a certain It's hard to say where my sympathies lie.
I would say, I guess, at the beginning of this, my sympathies were most directly with the people in Donetsk and the people in the breakaway regions, because those are the people I saw.
And for them, the war has been going on for a decade.
It didn't start in February.
Tens of thousands of people have died in their lives.
I mean, millions now are lives.
Right.
And this is something that, you know, Americans are just not Understanding, but you know, obviously if I was in Western Ukraine, I would feel very, very different.
And I get, and I get that, but, and I also understand the like, you know, pan European case for it and all the rest of it.
But the fact remains that the, these people really believe it and they don't feel shame about it and they're not tearing themselves up about it.
And so in a weird way, you've got this kind of backwards thing where The people who are putting Wehrmacht symbols on their tanks, maybe not them, but the people who are paying for all that, are fighting the World War II of basically invading their own countries, you know, to bring, to spread the culture of anti-European white guilt.
And you've got the Russians who are not pro-white, certainly, but don't have a sense of guilt about Russia and have Some pretense of a ideology of Eurasian ism that they're trying to put forward They certainly have no sense of guilt about what they're doing and they certainly don't hate themselves with the exception of
Frankly, of the white liberals in Moscow and St.
Petersburg who want to come to the West and become basically, you know, self-hating white people like we have in New York or something.
Yeah, I mean, it's a funny thing with the whole Russia business.
That's always, that's always been true of Russian liberals though.
Russian liberals have never, they've never been pro-Russia.
They've always, always, always been ashamed of being Russian.
That's just been true for centuries for them.
Yeah, and that is a real revolution, a cultural revolution that's going on in Russia, is this sense that, hey, you know, I wrote a post on this months ago or so about, you know, bookending and not comparing Putin with Peter the Great, but this is a bookend.
One man began this long relationship between the Russian people and Europe that was unrequited.
The Russians never were accepted as European people.
Yeah, he's from St.
Petersburg.
I mean, he was like the liberal.
Yeah, and Putin is probably the dog.
People do not understand that if he's assassinated or something happens to him, that whoever takes over is going to be just like some psychopath lunatic who is like ready to push.
Not just, you know, Putin says, I'll push the button and I'm not bluffing.
Whoever would replace him unless it's just a straight up color revolution coup where like the elites get together and you know America essentially bribes them and says, you know, we'll take care of you if you take get rid of this guy, but if if somebody else steps up.
It's going to be way more militant than Putin.
He's the most selfish of the group.
And there's a lot of criticism.
All the criticism.
Yeah.
All the criticism is coming from the more militant guys.
The biggest party other than United Russia, of course, is the Communist Party.
But the Communist Party is not the Communist Party you see in America.
It's the guys who really want to do the great patriotic war.
And they were screaming for not partial mobilization, but Basically, you know, the beginning of Enemy at the Gates, where you just start throwing people and giving them rifles and shooting them if they protest.
Yeah, I mean, it's, you know, and there's partial mobilization, I believe, was probably forced on Putin.
Oh, I'm sure he didn't even want to do it.
Yeah.
And, you know, it's, I mean, it's a funny way, but I think in a way, see, I have this theory that what's going on in Russia and in Eastern Europe in general, this sort of civilizationalism, this understanding that,
you know what, we're not France and we're not going to be. That doesn't mean we hate France, it just
means we're different than France. We have our own sensibility. It's taken a long time, you know,
since Peter the Great for the Russians to figure it out. Look, there was a lot of humiliation after
the end of the Cold War, too. A lot of corruption, crime problems. Yeah, the 90s were pretty unspeakable.
I mean, gangs ran the cities in St.
Petersburg and Moscow, you know, I mean, so there's a lot of going on there, but I kind of reminds us of here.
Yeah, but I think to some respects, we're going to have to go through the same thing.
And that is, we'll have to reinvent ourselves, our identity of who we are.
That's exactly right.
And to kind of, people always say like, you know, what is the, my ultimate goal?
You know, if I said the purpose of my life, if I achieve everything, like what, what do I want?
My goal would be a Western civilization state and I've bought very big into this whole civilization state idea Which is to talk about not just in regards to Russia, but also with India with China with Turkey interestingly enough and Turkey is obviously throwing its weight around in Azerbaijan and northern Syria and Erdogan despite the economic problems he's dealing with clearly I mean it's kind of funny given that modern Turkey was founded as basically by an atheist who thought Islam was stupid and The Ottoman Empire was a bunch of like weird old men.
I mean Erdogan is basically trying to bring it all back and he seems to have the the masses with him at least in the rural areas and I think that ultimately Europe and European America need to take the end.
Frankly, European South America need to start thinking in those terms too.
But what we need to understand, and this is what kind of breaks my heart, is that what we have now is, it's not Western civilization.
It's an anti-Western civilization.
I mean, it's, you have to think of yourself mentally as under occupation.
And, you know, I don't think that's that unusual because frankly, To some extent.
I'm not endorsing, uh, you know, the Russian invasion.
I think he kind of, I think we'd be talking about a much different situation if he had just gone into the separatist republics as opposed to going for Kiev, which kind of gave the lie to the idea that it was just for these two areas.
But of course now he's probably going to end up with more, but I think if you were a Russian under communism who, Was an orthodox christian who believed in the czar?
Uh, you would still fight for your country in world war ii and everything else, but you were still fundamentally Not being run by your own and you knew that and then eventually there came a day When that was no longer true What was the first thing they did is they rebuilt the old cathedrals and put up the old symbols and everything else?
and I think that When When we win Uh, it's going to be A revolution, but it's also going to be a restoration in many ways.
Yeah, I think that's true.
I mean, I've said this is the way I put it.
I say, look, we can't be nostalgic.
We can't think we're going to turn back the clock or anything like that.
But when we win, what we're going to do is we're going to use the past to help inform us to build a new civilization with the material we have.
And the past is only going to help us make decisions about what we're going to do for the future.
In other words, we're not going backwards.
We're not going to recreate things because the fact of the matter is, is that, look, you know, we, we win, we still are going to be a minority on the North American continent.
And in the world.
Yeah.
And we're going to have to accept that and say, well, how do we deal with that?
And we also have to have a framework for how do we deal with these people who are outside of our civilizational domain?
And also, how do we get along with people in our own movement?
I mean, look, the Christian, I am not a Christian.
I'm not actually, I think I'm probably one of the more, I intend to review Christian nationalism by Torba.
I think I'm probably friendlier toward it than a lot of people.
But, you know, at the end of the day, even if you were said like, okay, Let's say you even eliminate non-Christians from the picture, who gets to be a Christian?
I worked at WorldNet daily for years.
I mean, I don't think they consider Mormons to be Christian.
A lot of evangelicals don't.
I don't want to assign beliefs to the pharaohs, but I think just the majority of the readers.
Messianic Jews, for example, are they considered Christian?
Some Christians would consider them to be the truest Christians.
I mean, I went to Jonathan Kahn, Rabbi Jonathan Kahn's thing for a story once and saw how that stuff goes with the Israeli flags and blowing the chauffeurs and all that stuff.
It was the craziest thing I've ever seen, but like there are a lot of people who do this.
Roman Catholics, do they count?
I mean, a lot of people would have problems with that too.
So even if you had, I mean, this is why ultimately I think it does come back to race.
If not defining it as, you know, only whites allowed, and if you're, you know, this percentage white, non-white, we kick you out or something.
But there has to be the norm that this is an area for white people and Western civilization is ultimately white civilization.
And you can play around with the margins of that, but at the end of the day, that is just simply the truth.
And To me, it's more important than religion because religion is ultimately, the way a religion is understood by people is a reflection of its racial soul and its ethnic soul.
I mean, Catholicism, it's the same faith, but if you look at a Catholic in Haiti and you look at a Catholic monarchist in France, they speak the same language, they belong to the same denomination, but I can tell you they see God and understand the divine in two very different ways.
Oh yeah, absolutely.
Yeah, I think, yeah, I mean, I think that that's absolutely true.
You know, I mean, I, I guess, you know, one of the things that I think I'm not afraid to do is be slippery with the language, you know, so when I say civilizational, you know, it's, it's race.
I mean, there's no question about it.
You can't, you can't transport a civilizational sensibility because it's in our DNA.
Yeah, and I think race is also... Actually, Andrew Fraser, who wrote the WASP question, and he talks a lot, borrowing a lot of James Russell's ideas, too, about the Germanization of early medieval Christianity, which I'm sure you've heard me expound upon.
That was a big impact on me, and probably not in the way Dr. Russell intended, because I know he's a big Catholic, so...
Yeah, but when they think of traditional Christianity, when they think of the, you know, a lot of them think of knights and crusades and hierarchy and everything else.
And it's like, yeah, but that wasn't that wasn't that came from Europe that didn't come from.
The doctrine that was being taught at the beginning and even the christian doctrine that was being taught at the beginning That swept the roman empire.
That was very different than the essentially sect of judaism that was being taught which arguably the messianic jews today are the You know the people who have been the most faithful to that but even the messianic jews.
I mean if you go to jews and say it's interesting if As far as like identity and everything else and this is where we have to be.
I'll push back a little bit against you here.
It's not just race when we talk about civilization.
If we talk about Judaism, say you can be an atheist Jew, you can be a reformist Jew, you can be a conservative Jew, you can be an orthodox Jew, but you cannot be a messianic Jew.
A lot of Jews will be will say that messianic Jews are not really Jews.
And that's a divide within that community.
And I think that One of the big things for us, you know, you talked about Vermont being white nationalism.
It's like, okay, but if we win, does victory look like an all white Soho or something?
Because I mean, I wouldn't really feel at home in that, even though the property values might be nice.
You know what I mean?
Yeah.
I mean, we would have to kind of define, there is something to, there is a core, Ethic to a civilization and there's also it's not just But I think the core ethic is usually expressed through a particular people and The big thing is that white people we just have the boot on our neck and so like everything that we come up with now is just perverse and weird because we're not allowed to say what we think and so
Everything, everything is mediocre, you know what I mean?
Yeah, I mean, the way I've always put it is the great chain of causality, you know, you have biology, then culture, and then institutions, which include things like history, traditions, and then you get into things like political structures and economics, you know, that's all downstream stuff.
But, you know, there's a feedback loop for sure.
I mean, culture can have an impact on biology.
I mean, it's just basic evolutionary truth, but But the fact is, is that it's mostly one direction.
And you take a group of randomly selected white people from the United States and you stick them into Haiti and replace the Haitian population, you're going to end up with an entirely different place.
Right.
And we know this to be true.
So there, you know, we can see it on the island itself, the difference in San Domingo between the Spanish speakers and the French speakers.
Yeah.
But if you took a group of Frenchmen and put them in Maine, They're going to look like the Frenchmen who are in Maine.
There is going to be a difference.
Well, actually, there are a lot of Frenchmen in Maine.
Exactly.
Yeah.
Yeah.
That's I mean, you know, so you have this and there's a bunch of French guys that used to be a French colony in Florida.
I think it got wiped out or something.
Yeah.
Joseph Cotto wrote a book about it.
It was actually quite interesting.
Yeah, so, I mean, there is, you know, these cultural differences are there.
I mean, you know, if you, you know, it shows up in the law, it shows up in the habits of mind, it shows up in the language.
I mean, the language plays a big part of it, too, because, you know, how you learn and acquire language affects how you think for the rest of your life.
And, you know, this is something that, you know, they used to teach when I was in school, they used to teach this.
It was called the Worf-Sapir hypothesis.
And they don't teach it anymore because that has been replaced with blank slate-ism, but But all the evidence proves this being true.
And of course, you know, there's also this imprinting that happens to us.
We imprint on our cultural environment.
And when we start to develop sexually, you know, it's the reason why if you were a teenager in New Jersey, every time you go back to New Jersey, it'll feel like home, even though you might not have lived there for 30 years.
Right.
You know, so, you know, there is cultural stuff that goes along with it.
And my accent starts coming back.
Yeah, so I mean, you know, it's like those, uh, it's like those Russian dolls, you know, the one inside the other.
Yeah, right.
The big doll is biology and then culture, you know.
Well, that's, that's what's so perverse about this is that race, and again, this is going to sound crazy and maybe some people in the comments are going to accuse me of going soft, but it's not that race is this singular thing that encompasses everything and it's all we need to talk about, but it's in everything.
And if you just rip it out and you tell a group of people that they just, they aren't allowed to have a sense of this, you know, what a sense of race or, or a, uh, a people with race was, which was a term they would use.
You're, you're essentially ripping away, not just their identity, but really just a healthy psychology.
And, I think that's why now you see social problems and personal problems of a sort that I think are completely unprecedented in human history, and it's not just
Modernism or urbanism or whatever else?
I mean, it's something in the West at least it's something Psychological now obviously part of its modern life too because I mean talking about sex for example declining testosterone The problem is actually much worse in Asia than it is in America and you can't you know, there's no anti Japanese media in Japan for you know, I But the it's just something and the same problem you see in South Korea actually with birth rates and everything else So yeah modernism itself may have some things but I also think there are ways frankly you could work around that in terms of if you had if modern technology and you use that with Traditionalist values it would work and then in a very small scale you do see it working somewhat with Hungary Yeah, I mean, you know, it's one of those things that it's I
You know, we wouldn't maybe replace lots of things that we do, you know, our labor, because we wouldn't want to steal that from ourselves.
Right.
You know, you know, working with your hands and doing physical work and things like that.
Yeah, you could have a machine do it, but then why?
What's the point of living, you know, to just be, you know, in a custodial state where the robots take care of you?
Yeah, fully automated, fully automated space communism, I don't think would satisfy Human beings.
Yeah.
My grandfather always used to say, he said, look, if you don't have a reason to get up in the morning, you won't.
Yeah.
I mean, that was a pretty simple, you know, that's why a lot of old people die is, you know, that's like what they retire and then they kick the bucket.
Whereas guys who just keep working, just keep going.
And what he meant by it is that you had to have a meaning in your life.
You had to have something that you do, you reason that you get up and, and, uh, you know, and, and that's, I think that's true of a people too.
And we don't have that.
We don't have that reason.
Yeah, without vision, the people perish, as the Bible says.
Yeah, I mean, we're just, we're just a bunch of people at a giant mall.
Yeah.
And I think that, I mean, I know we've gone on for a while here, but this time I don't want to take up too much more of your time.
But I think sort of the solution, and people have always said, you know, Okay.
What's your ultimate goal?
And I said it and they said, well, how do you get there?
And I said, look, I mean, you really have to begin with tribe and that's okay.
Maybe that's not the right word to use for most people, but for most people, tribe would actually be church or a clan with a C in terms of a group of families where you do actually have to live together.
You do have to be somewhat in the same geographic area.
You actually do have to have something of a network.
And one of the most encouraging things that I've seen, Just over the past couple of years is how many businesses are springing up and how many people are doing this.
And it's just sort of happening.
Like nobody said from the top down, Hey, everybody, this is what we're going to do.
And, you know, I look at South Africa and I realized they have constitutional protections for Irania, but I don't see any reason why we can't have a thousand Iranians in the United States and whatever history throws our way, whether it's, The current system just grinding on or whether it's a massive crisis caused by a war getting out of control or the economy going to hell or whatever.
I mean, these are ultimately the things you're going to need to fall back on.
And even if nothing happens, it's like the way to still have a meaningful life.
You know, you have families and friends and people you care about.
Which is something that the average American just doesn't have anymore.
I mean, it's really shocking when you look at how few friends the average person has now.
Yeah.
At least according to data.
And it's tragic, really.
Especially for men.
You know, my father belonged to some social club.
I forget.
It was an animal.
I forget what it was called.
Moose, lions?
Something like that, yeah.
Bears or whatever.
And when I was a kid, we used to joke that it was the water buffaloes from the Flintstones.
But Friday night, he would come home on Friday, he would drop his paycheck off, and my mother ran the finances, and he would get some cash and go and have a few beers with his buddies.
That's what he did.
And it was a normal part of his life.
My mother didn't think it was weird.
You know, she had her social arrangements.
This stuff is gone.
And it's one of the things that I want to get back to stressing with people is that we, you know, before the COVID stuff, you were starting to see these sort of fraternal groups show up.
I went and spoke at some of them.
You know, maybe 10, 15 guys that just to get together once a month and they talk and it's a fraternity, you know, it's just, you know, recreating that idea of fraternity.
And you know, because if we had 50 Jerry Taylor clubs, you know, everyone in every state, we would have been in a vastly different position because that's real power.
That is actually real power.
That's people who are willing to trust one another.
Men who are willing to fight and trust one another is real power.
And that's what we really need to kind of get to, because that's basic stuff.
That's easy to do.
Hey, get together.
You have a few drinks, watch a ball game, whatever.
I don't know.
Workout, something like that.
Yeah.
I mean, anything active, active clubs are like one of the best things where you just, it starts off as a weightlifting club and then, you know, it just kind of goes from there.
Yeah.
I mean, you're, you're, Hey, you know, we, we get together once, uh, one Saturday a month and we clean up the park.
We volunteer to do that.
And we, you know, we, we, you know, tell jokes and have a good time with each other, you know, I mean, whatever, it doesn't have to be anything complicated.
I mean, this is the whole bowling alone thing from Robert Putnam, who, of course, also was the same guy who did the research, which pretty definitively showed that diversity not only reduces social trust between communities.
God, do I hate that when they say our communities.
We don't have a country.
We have communities.
It's like Lebanon or something where you have to have some guy like holding the gun down so you don't have a civil war.
It actually reduces social trust within one ethnic group, which to me is the scariest thing.
I mean, once you have a diverse society, essentially everybody disappears into their blue screens and that's it.
And it's really terrifying when you look at what's happened to these kids, even in areas where they have good schools, shall we say.
Right.
After COVID, I mean, they're learning, what, Zoom and, you know, The schools have gotten completely insane.
I mean, one of the nice things that's happening is homeschooling, which I think they were preparing to kill.
There was actually going to be a big conference about it at Harvard about how they should ban it because regressive political views.
Homeschooling has taken off, and that by its very nature forces people, especially women, To start forming groups, because you need to have co-ops, you need to find people to teach classes.
It takes a lot of time, and the only way you're going to be able to do it is to have a lot of people working together.
And it's also no longer just religious conservatives.
When I was doing conservative stuff, it was always the homeschool kids who were like the best political workers.
But it's not conservatives anymore.
It's actually a lot of liberals.
And interestingly enough, the biggest increase over the last couple years has actually been blacks, which That could be some interesting stuff in terms of what's being taught and the kind of racial consciousness that could be developing there, because I wouldn't be surprised if a lot of white families are deliberately homeschooling because they want to get away from political correctness and they don't want their kids to hate themselves.
I would not be surprised if a lot of blacks are teaching their kids a kind of curriculum Especially in regards to history, that's very different than what they'd be getting in the public schools.
I think a lot more black nationalists as opposed to we are helpless victims who need to be led by the hand by white liberals.
I'm all in favor of that, actually.
Yeah, me too.
Yeah, I think, yeah, I think that, you know, this, I mean, kind of maybe wrapped us up a little bit, I guess, what, two and a half hours.
Is there, is this, Yeah, I remember that.
sort of awakening that is going on and it shows up in little ways you talk
about the homeschooling thing I mean I was back when COVID started I was in a
grocery store and this woman we're you know we all had to do the stupid lines
where we're all eight feet apart and stuff yeah so nobody was doing it I mean
it was like this is stupid so lasted for about a day yeah I'm there and there's
like these three women who are a couple in front and couple in back and so we
start chit-chatting a little bit and the woman said I said something about the
She was, yeah, we're, we, you know, a couple of her friends, they started their own homeschool.
And, and, uh, she was working part time.
Yeah, it's not just history too.
day job, she says, I'm going to cut that back because we're going to do the homeschooling.
I go, well, is this just for COVID?
She goes, well, we thought that, but then we got to look at what was in the books and
all the mistakes and errors in there.
Yeah.
We're just, she's like, we don't want our kids to be stupid.
Yeah.
It's not just history too.
The biggest thing, and I remember this was a big thing about conservatives way back when,
but, uh, and liberals hear this too, is common core where they're just, they're just teaching
math wrong.
I mean, like they're teaching.
Yeah.
I mean, it's just, I mean, there's no debate to be had here.
Like they're just teaching kids to be stupid.
And I mean, either they're trying to do it on purpose or we're being run by morons and there's no third position here.
So.
Yeah.
I mean, so I think it's all these little green shoots are showing, but it's funny though, getting back to the, you know, the, the, the fraternity and the community stuff.
One of the things that I, you know, next February when it happens, you should try and go.
Cause I went to the APAC thing and it was very encouraging.
All these young guys, 20, I mean, it was all young guys, very young.
I felt very old, but sure I will.
But these kids were products of the worst possible education and cultural system.
And yet they still came out of it with their heads going straight.
Yeah.
They got, they got some kind of weird social skills cause they spend so much time online.
But we're old, so we're going to say that no matter what.
But it's funny, they are aware of this, too.
That's one of the best things that I look for in activists, is when people have a sense of self-awareness.
That always reassures me.
People who don't have self-awareness, that scare me.
Yeah, I mean, you have over a thousand of these guys, and they're looking at it like, you know what?
There's every reason to be hopeful and optimistic.
Yeah, absolutely.
And what they really need, it's like one of the things that should happen at Amran in future years is, hey, have a workshop on how to organize a local group.
You know, every time I bring this up, I guarantee there'll be comments on this post.
Working on my speech.
Yeah.
How do we get, you know, into, uh, you know, start a local group and get a local chapter and all the other stuff.
And, you know, there's just one of those things people just need to kind of sit down and say, you know, here's how you do it.
And it seems obvious when you say it, but I think people, you know, look, most of our guys are not organizers and that's not what they do.
You know, they have, they have lives.
Right.
And, uh, so, you know, a little training, cause the left does this all the time.
The left invests an enormous amount of time in helping their lunatics get together.
And, uh, You know, we need to do that kind of stuff because I got to tell you, I was with Jared in Oklahoma, Oklahoma, Oklahoma City.
Maybe it's Tulsa.
I don't know.
One of the cities in Oklahoma.
There was a group there, about 20 guys.
We went there and, uh, you know, I was invited and, and Jared was there.
He gave a little talk.
I gave a little talk and we went and spent about three or four hours at the local cowboy museum.
I had, I have no interest in Cowboys.
We had a blast.
It was so much fun, you know, cause it was young guys and they're all asking uncle Jared questions and then, you know, and then, you know, they're half my age too.
So they started asking me questions, you know, like, gee, uncle Z, what was it like in the eighties?
You know, but I mean, it was, but it was fun.
And I'm like, you know what, this is, this is what life should be all the time.
This is what we should be doing all the time.
Yeah.
And then, you know, COVID hit and I broke that up, but I mean, that really is the thing that needs to start happening because.
You know, the more of that happens, the more eyes open.
And it was one of those things that people are going to accept the politics of the guy they like hanging out with at the bar or the club or the gym or whatever it might be, you know, wherever that social event is, they'll accept that guy's politics.
I mean, you know, there's probably lots of stuff that you and I agree, disagree with or Greg Johnson.
Greg Johnson has some stuff that we completely disagree with, but we socialized enough.
We'll find a compromise, right?
Yeah, because that's just the way it is.
You know, we're all, you know, we're all decent people.
And so, you know, but you need to do that in person.
It doesn't work.
Yeah, it doesn't work online.
There's something online.
Also, the engagement is driven by conflict.
And so you have an institutional bias toward fighting even when it's not necessary.
Well, what happens is that you're sitting in your living room or your bedroom or whatever, or you're in the bathroom with your phone and someone intrudes into your privacy and says something you don't like.
What a jerk!
Well, right, really, but that's what it feels like.
It's like somebody opened your window and shouted at you that, you know, Hey, Joe Biden's the best president ever.
So, but, uh, yeah, but I, I think, I mean, I say, you know, kind of.
Finish my final, final thing I need to say is that I am very strongly optimistic because they, first of all, reality is on our side and it always helps, but.
I also think that, you know, we have lots of good people who are looking around saying, you know what, I don't want to leave this world the way it is.
I want to leave it better.
Right.
And that, I think, is what we need.
You know, it's not it's not a bunch of selfish jerks saying, hey, how can I profit from the moment we have?
We're overflowing with people who want to leave the world a better place.
And that's that I think is the basis of a great movement.
I agree.
Our mass constituency is bigger than ever.
And the number of activists who are out there doing stuff off the grid. It's bigger
than ever.
When do you think you're going to have your book done?
Well, I wrote the draft is done and then I read it and I was like, no, I hadn't went back and
putting a lot more in. But next AmRen, I'll...
Oh, I'll put myself on the line and say, uh, not this upcoming conference, but by the next conference it'll be done.
Well, you know what?
Out, out, out, you know, so I will, uh, I will, I will say, I will make the same promise.
I have about three quarters of the way through.
I'm about like 80,000 words.
And then, you know, life happened and I had to put it all aside because of day job stuff and all that.
And then getting back to it, it's tough.
Uh, that, that's, uh, that's hard.
So.
So I, you know, I have, I'm almost there, but I will, I will commit to the next Amran.
All right.
We'll keep each other honest then.
We've put ourselves on the line for everybody.
So we'll, we'll end it with that.
Zemat, thank you very much.
This was really good.
And obviously I share your optimism and I want to tell everybody out there, like we are going to win.
And I know I have a reputation for being a short-term pessimist, but I'm also, Not just long-term optimist at this point, but medium-term optimist, and I think we're going to win, and I think we're going to see it.
And so, there's no reason to ever consider defeatism or thinking that things are just going to hell.
Things are actually going exactly the way we need to.